Political Sociology
Nourallah Nourani; Mohammad Hadi Ghani Yeganeh; Hadi Ghaemi
Abstract
IntroductionIn today’s world, participation is widely recognized as a key factor in driving the growth and progress of society. Broad and inclusive social participation generates a powerful force—one that originates from within the community and is characterized by its voluntary nature—which ...
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IntroductionIn today’s world, participation is widely recognized as a key factor in driving the growth and progress of society. Broad and inclusive social participation generates a powerful force—one that originates from within the community and is characterized by its voluntary nature—which can play a crucial role in achieving societal goals and progress. As a result, many societies engage in strategic planning to create opportunities for voluntary participation in various fields, aiming to activate and harness this influential social force. In this context, participation can be understood as a process rooted in the principle of equality. It fosters collective thinking and cooperation within society, ultimately enhancing qualitative and quantitative aspects of human life across social, economic, and political dimensions. Considering the declining trend in the political participation of the citizens of Tehran province in terms of participation in the elections, maybe this downward trend will continue in the future. It is likely that the declining trend in political participation among the citizens of Tehran Province—particularly in election turnout—will continue in the future. It is thus essential to examine and identify the underlying causes of this political behavior. In fact, meaningful recommendations and planning can only be achieved when the phenomenon is scientifically understood, which requires a detailed description followed by an analysis of its root causes. In this respect, the present study aimed to identify the key factors influencing political participation among the citizens of Tehran Province, using a meta-analysis of all relevant research conducted over the past ten years. The objective was to establish a solid scientific foundation for developing informed solutions.Literature ReviewThe review focused on the studies that concerned political participation within Iranian society, as well as aimed at identifying the factors influencing this political action. A body of relevant literature was compiled and considered as primary studies in the meta-analysis. None of these studies were meta-analyses, and no individual study was found that specifically conducted a meta-analysis on the key factors influencing political participation. Therefore, the present research represents an innovative and original contribution in designing and conducting the analysis.Materials and MethodsAs a quantitative and explanatory inquiry, the current study followed an inductive approach to examine the factors influencing political participation. The statistical population of this study included all theses, journal articles, and research studies published between 2017 and 2018 and related to the factors influencing political participation in Tehran. A meta-analysis worksheet designed by the researcher was used to collect and synthesize the data. The worksheet included the following information: 1) name(s) of the researcher(s), 2) year of publication, 3) statistical population, 4) sample size, 5) data analysis method, and 6) statistical values and significance levels. For data analysis, the meta-analysis employed descriptive statistics, effect size statistics, heterogeneity tests, fixed and random effects models, and assessments of publication bias. Comprehensive Meta-Analysis (CMA) software was used to perform the data analysis.Results and DiscussionAmong the influential factors, cultural factors had the highest combined effect size at 0.374. According to Cohen’s criterion, this represents a moderate effect, indicating that cultural factors were the most significant contributors to political participation among Tehrani citizens over the past ten years. Among the influential factors, cultural factors had the highest combined effect size at 0.374. According to Cohen’s criterion, this represents a moderate effect, indicating that cultural factors were the most significant contributors to political participation among Tehran’s citizens in the ten-year period. Within this category, religiosity shows the strongest positive influence with a Fisher’s Z value of 0.612, while religious flexibility has the strongest negative influence with a Fisher’s Z value of -0.236. Following cultural factors, political factors rank second with a combined effect size of 0.334, suggesting that political factors played a major role in shaping political participation in Tehran. Among these, the variable political family has the most positive influence (Fisher’s Z = 0.608), while the feeling of powerlessness shows the most negative influence (Fisher’s Z = -0.409) on citizens’ political participation in Tehran. Technological factors rank third, with an effect size of 0.318, indicating a moderate impact on the political participation of Tehrani citizens during the ten years. Among the technological variables, the use of radio and television news for obtaining political information has the most positive influence, with a Fisher’s Z value of 0.675. In contrast, the variable the amount of use of virtual space has the most negative influence, with a Fisher’s Z value of 0.238, suggesting that increased reliance on virtual platforms may be associated with reduced political participation among Tehrani citizens. Social factors rank fourth in terms of influence. According to the findings of the meta-analysis, social factors—with an effect size of 0.264—had a low impact on the political participation of Tehrani citizens in the analyzed period. Among the social variables, trust in social media shows the most positive influence, with a Fisher’s Z value of 0.633, while the variable diversity in socializing and friendships had the most negative influence, with a Fisher’s Z value of -0.430, on political participation in Tehran. Economic factors rank fifth, with an effect size of 0.214. According to Cohen’s criterion, this represents a low effect, suggesting that economic factors had the least impact on political participation among Tehrani citizens. ConclusionThe analysis revealed that cultural factors (effect size = 0.374), political factors (0.334), technological factors (0.318), social factors (0.264), and economic factors (0.217) had the greatest impact on the political participation of Tehrani citizens. According to the meta-analysis of research on political participation in Iranian society, all these categories—political, social, economic, technological, and cultural—show a significant relationship with political participation among Tehrani citizens. However, none of the effect sizes exceed 0.5. Among these, cultural factors had the highest combined effect size of 0.374, which, according to Cohen’s criterion, represents a moderate effect. Therefore, cultural factors can be considered the most influential in shaping political participation in Tehran during 0the ten-year period analyzed in this study. Within this category, religiosity had the strongest positive influence with a Fisher’s Z value of 0.612, while religious flexibility had the strongest negative influence, with a Fisher’s Z value of -0.236.
Iranian Domestic Policy
abouzar khoshbayan; Parviz Amini; Javad Haydari
Abstract
Introduction
Protest and the pursuit of change are integral aspects of political systems, including modern democratic regimes. Protests can arise from a wide range of causes and manifest in various forms—an understanding of which is crucial for responding to them effectively. The current study ...
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Introduction
Protest and the pursuit of change are integral aspects of political systems, including modern democratic regimes. Protests can arise from a wide range of causes and manifest in various forms—an understanding of which is crucial for responding to them effectively. The current study aimed to examine the nature of the protests that took place in Iran during 2022–2023, following the death of Mahsa Amini. These events had profound and lasting consequences for the country, continuing for several months. Notably, the 2023 protests shared similarities with the protests of 2017 and 2019, and had significant negative impacts on national cohesion, security, and authority. Among the social protests of the past half-decade, the 2023 demonstrations stand out in terms of their social, political, and security implications—making them particularly significant for the future trajectory of the Islamic Revolution. Achieving a clear and accurate understanding of the nature and causes of these events is essential for anticipating future protest movements in Iran. Such a critical reflection can help prevent the recurrence of such costly upheavals in the country.
Literature Review
Public protests—ranging from riots to social movements and revolutions—play a significant role in the transformation of political power and structures. The topic is a recurring theme in the related literature. Notable studies include: “Examining the Protests of 2016–2021 Based on the Theory of Relative Deprivation” (Suri, ), “The Relationship Between Poverty and Political Violence in the Islamic Republic Of Iran: The Study of Economic Protests (2013–2019)” (Lotfi-Miri, 2021), “Analysis of 2019 Economic Protests in Iran Based on the Grounded Theory Method” (Ashrafi-Dehkordi, ), “Investigation of the Causes and the Formation of the Aban 2019 Movement” (Dehghan, ), and “Unemployment and Political Protests in Iran (2005–2013)” (Rezaei, ). These works are valuable contributions to the field, addressing the connections between political protests and factors such as religion, political stability, and the constitution. While they enrich the theoretical literature on political protests in Iran, none of them attempt to explore future scenarios or offer alternative political futures for the country.
Materials and Methods
This study employed the grounded theory methodology. The data was collected through semi-structured interviews with twenty-six experts in politics selected via purposive sampling. In line with the grounded theory approach, the analysis followed three stages: open coding, axial coding, and selective coding.
Results and Discussion
In contemporary societies where the political system is based on some form of democracy, protest has become an inseparable aspect of social life. The direct expression of public opinion—whether through street demonstrations or cyberspace protest—has emerged as a key method for citizens to voice their demands. We are now witnessing the rise of a protest society or a social movement society in which people seek rapid responses to their demands through protest. In such contexts, political solutions often become less effective. This trend has also affected the Islamic Republic of Iran, where the political system is based on a model of religious democracy. In recent years, protests in Iran have increased, reflecting broader shifts in the nature and role of protest in modern societies. During 2022–2023 in Iran, protests suddenly evolved into a form of social movement. Contemporary approaches in the study of social movements—particularly the social constructivist approach—highlight the importance of meaning-making, identity, emotions, and motivation in driving protest.
The 2023 protests centered around new interpretations of femininity, clothing, the hijab, and lifestyle. Individuals who experienced identity conflicts and dissonance with the dominant cultural order were emotionally moved by the death of a young woman, which catalyzed their motivation to take to the streets. However, for various reasons—including the involvement of foreign and anti-government factors, as well as the influence of foreign Persian-language media—the protests did not fully develop into a coherent social movement. Instead, they shifted toward rebellion and subversion. In the social constructivist approach, anti-cultural groups are seen as identity-based groups that play a significant role in protests.
During the 2023 protests, women, girls, and especially teenagers were notably active participants. These teenagers often acted collectively, forming groups based on peer relationships and familiar communities. In fact, a new sense of solidarity emerged among the younger generation, rooted in a newly formed cultural identity. This approach also views forms of protest as ideological and identity-driven, often reflecting alternative lifestyles.
In the 2023 protests, before being overtaken by interventionist forces and their rebellious nature, the movement was initially grounded in a specific cultural identity aimed at achieving a lifestyle aligned with Western ideals. In essence, a Westernized identity and culture were being reproduced among the youth, who expressed their aspirations through protest. However, as the focus of the protests shifted—from achieving certain normative demands to advocating for a change in the political system—the direction of the movement also changed. At this stage, the overriding rebellious element, instead of a social movement, played an influential role in shaping the continued trajectory of the protests.
Conclusion
This research aimed to develop a deeper understanding of the protests that occurred following the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022. Using the grounded theory methodology, the study found that the main phenomenon and category of these protests can be described as a desire for change. This desire manifested as a rebellion, fueled by an outburst of anger. Several causal conditions influenced the main phenomenon, including widespread dissatisfaction with the current economic, political, and cultural situation; the accumulation of past protests; and a lack of hope or clear prospects for the future. In addition, factors such as the absence of political engagement in the public sphere, the lack of media with broad authority, and the suspension of Article 27 of the Law also contributed to the protests. The findings also revealed intervening conditions, namely the efforts of enemies in laying the foundations through economic pressure and sanctions, as well as cultural invasion, media exploitation, and governmental pressure. The actions and interactions leading up to the protests began early in 2022, with the liberalization of prices followed by the death of Mahsa Amini. These events created the conditions necessary for a segment of society to express their dissent through rebellion. The most significant consequence of this phenomenon has been the spread and intensification of social radicalism in Iran. Finally, the research concludes that the 2023 protests constitute a form of social rebellion, and unless the underlying issues are addressed, similar riots are likely to occur in Iranian society in the future.
Developments in the Middle East
Ardeshir Nourian; Amir Ghiyasi
Abstract
Introduction
In recent decades, there has been an increasing integration between Israel and Arab states. This process stands in sharp contrast to the less successful and often unstable efforts at integration elsewhere in the Middle East. Unlike these inconsistent attempts, the integration between Israel ...
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Introduction
In recent decades, there has been an increasing integration between Israel and Arab states. This process stands in sharp contrast to the less successful and often unstable efforts at integration elsewhere in the Middle East. Unlike these inconsistent attempts, the integration between Israel and the Arabs has shown a steady and progressive trajectory, with no clear signs of instability. This development raises several important questions: What factors have facilitated the Israel–Arab integration? How has the integration process unfolded between the parties? And what are its security implications for Iran? Addressing these questions could help resolve various regional challenges, remove obstacles to integration efforts, and potentially offer a new model for fostering future cooperation in the Middle East.
Literature Review
A number of studies have examined the causes of peace and the development of Israel–Arab relations, as well as its implications for Iran, such as “Saudi Arabia’s Alignment With Israel From the Perspective of International Relations Theories” (Haji-Yousfi & Nemati, 2019) and “The Road to Normalization: The Importance of the United Arab Emirates’ Neoliberal Foreign Policy in the Normalization With Israel: 2004–2020” (Traub et al., 2022). However, none of these studies explored the process of integration in a way that clearly defines the nature and characteristics of the integration model between Israel and the Arabs states.
Materials and Methods
The current research adopted a descriptive–explanatory approach, drawing on the qualitative principles of trend analysis. To collect the data, it relied on a library research method, using objective facts related to integration and an analysis of the historical relations between the parties. Moreover, neofunctionalism was used as the theoretical framework. Neofunctionalism, a branch of regional integration theory, emphasizes several key components: integration as a process, the initiation of integration through technical and functional areas, the potential to extend into political domains, and the significant roles played by state actors and non-governmental elites. These components align closely with many characteristics of the current state and process of integration between Israel and the Arab states. Therefore, neofunctionalism serves as an effective framework for analyzing this integration, offering a valuable theoretical tool for explaining the emerging pattern of Israel–Arab integration.
Results and Discussion
The findings indicated that several factors have contributed to the integration and the strengthening of ties between Israel and the Arab states. These factors can be analyzed across three dimensions. The first is Israel’s strategic limitations, which include a lack of strategic depth, weak regional communication, and isolation. The second dimension concerns the motivations of the Arab countries, which include the need to manage crises, end conflicts, establish stability and security, gain the support of global powers, consider different perspectives of new leaders, empower younger generations of leaders, and respond to generational changes. The third dimension involves common interests between Israel and the Arab states, such as addressing environmental and energy challenges, enhancing intelligence and security cooperation, dealing with political changes in the Middle East, navigating regionalism and globalization, and responding to the influence of major powers. Moreover, the process of integration between Israel and the Arab states has been gradual and multifaceted. It began with non-sensitive, non-security areas and expanded into more sensitive and security-related domains as trust developed over time. The resulting integration is both multi-layered and multi-level, encompassing individual–national, non-governmental, and governmental aspects. What began as covert and informal integration has evolved into open and official integration. This growing integration has several security implications for Iran. These include the weakening of the resistance front traditionally led by Iran, increased regional encirclement and pressure on Iran, and a redefinition of the Middle East’s security architecture alongside the diminishing influence of Iran.
Conclusion
Given the absence of a shared identity, incongruent social and political structures, conflicts, and political complexities that have historically hindered integration in the Middle East, the establishment of sustained and multidimensional integration between Israel and the Arab states holds significant importance. First, this integration has advanced mutual interests and deepened interdependence between the parties. Second, it has fostered alliance and unity in the face of common threats. Third, it has increased political and security pressure on Iran, presenting new challenges to its position in the region In addition, analyzing the development of integration between Israel and the Arab states serves several critical functions. It underscores the importance of recognizing integration trends in the Middle East as a foundation for strategic policymaking and management, as well as a guide for shaping appropriate foreign policy. This analysis highlights the profound effect of integration and interdependence in promoting peace and removing barriers to common goals. Finally, it illustrates how regionalism and globalization influence the integration process, offering valuable insights for foreign policy decision-makers. By understanding these forces, policymakers can better leverage the integration mechanism in ways that align with their strategic environment and help achieve national interests.
Developments in the Middle East
Mohsen Bagheri; Enayatollah Yazdani; Mohammad ali Basiri
Abstract
Introduction
In the post-Cold War era, regions have assumed a significantly greater role in shaping global polarity and the international order. Among these, the Middle East stands out as one of the most crisis-prone regions in the world. During this period, the Middle East has drawn considerable attention ...
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Introduction
In the post-Cold War era, regions have assumed a significantly greater role in shaping global polarity and the international order. Among these, the Middle East stands out as one of the most crisis-prone regions in the world. During this period, the Middle East has drawn considerable attention from analysts due to the unique nature of its conflicts—distinct from those in other parts of the world. These conflicts often go beyond the interstate level, involving not only state actors but also non-state actors, as well as regional and extra-regional powers. A notable dimension of these conflicts is the prominent role of identity and ideological components in both their emergence and persistence. One such crisis exemplifying these characteristics is the rise of ISIS in Iraq and Syria. This non-state actor has posed significant threats to regional order and security, as well as to the national security and interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, every security challenge also presents potential opportunities, depending on an actor’s capacity to turn threats into opportunities. The rise of ISIS and other Salafi-Takfiri terrorist groups in Southwest Asia—particularly near Iran’s borders—undoubtedly created serious threats to Iran and its allies, both in terms of identity and physical security. Nonetheless, through the implementation of a specific regional strategy, Iran managed to deal with this anti-security phenomenon and turn the threats into opportunities that advanced its national and regional interests. This was largely the result of the specific security strategy adopted by the Islamic Republic of Iran to deal with the ISIS threat. Therefore, it is of considerable importance to analyze Iran’s strategy against ISIS and its consequences for the country’s national security and interests.
Materials and Methods
The present study employed a descriptive–analytical method, and relied on library and documentary sources. Framed within the strategic depth approach and the balance of power theory, this research used the views and directives of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran to analyze Iran’s regional security strategy and policy in response to the threat posed by ISIS.
Results and Discussion
Based on the views of the Supreme Leader regarding the Islamic Republic of Iran’s regional foreign and security policy, the analysis revealed several key elements of Iran’s regional strategy against the ISIS threat. These include proactive cross-border action and defense to counter threats within Iran’s regional strategic depth, the development of a regional network of allies, and the formation of a military alliance with Russia to preserve Syria and its political system. By adopting a defensive–offensive strategy and taking active measures against ISIS—with a focus on maintaining and expanding its regional strategic depth—Iran was able to transform the ISIS threat into a range of strategic opportunities. These opportunities, as consequences of Iran’s regional strategy, significantly influenced the country’s national security and power. The most notable consequences include the expansion of Iran’s influence and strategic depth, an enhanced regional role and power, the preservation and strengthening of the Axis of Resistance, increased strategic cooperation with Russia and China, and resistance against Western influence and American hegemony in the region. The security threats posed by ISIS were so immediate and extensive for Iran that any kind of inaction could have resulted in serious and long-lasting risks to the military, political, and territorial integrity of Iran and its allies. However, through a strategic approach, Iran was able to manage the situation and transform the threats into opportunities. This raises the central question: Within what framework can Iran’s security policy in response to the ISIS threat be evaluated? The central assumption of the study is that Iran’s security policy towards ISIS can be understood within the framework of maintaining and expanding the regional strategic depth. The significance of ISIS as a threat lay not only in its challenge to Iran’s physical and national security—particularly its political and military dimensions—but also in its threat to the identity and ontological security of the Islamic Republic. As a result, responding to this threat became an urgent necessity; any delay or inaction could have jeopardized Iran’s territorial security for years to come.
Iran accurately assessed the severity of the ISIS threat and responded with urgency through a variety of ways and means of national power. Iran’s regional strategy against ISIS was aligned with its regional and even extra-regional security macro-strategy—one that aims to maintain and enhance trans-border strategic depth. This was achieved through a combination of active defense and offensive strategy, such as mobilizing the forces, building coalitions, and forming alliances both inside and outside of Iran’s borders. Drawing on decades of investment in regional alliances—specifically through its network known as the Axis of Resistance—Iran was able to mount an effective response to the ISIS threat. This initiative allowed Iran and its allies to expand their strategic, defense-security, and ideological depth and influence across the region—from Iraq and Syria to Lebanon, occupied Palestine, and Yemen. The successful confrontation of ISIS by Iran and its allies significantly deepened Iran’s strategic relations with the Iraqi government, particularly through its connections with the Shia allies in Iraq. Confronting the threat of ISIS simultaneously increased Iran’s regional influence and power of deterrence, including that of its non-state allies such as Hezbollah. This, in turn, deterred potential military attacks on Iran by the U.S. and Israel. Additionally, the situation elevated the status of Iran and the so-called Axis of Resistance as stabilizing forces in the region, contributing to regional security and the fight against Salafi-Takfiri terrorism. As a result, the Axis of Resistance was preserved and strengthened, and Iran expanded its network of both state and non-state allies. This expansion included closer cooperation with Russia and China, leading to the formation and growth of a strategic alliance with Russia on the international stage. Furthermore, by reinforcing the military power of its allies, Iran was able to counter the Western and Israeli hegemony in the region. These developments collectively deepened Iran’s strategic depth in West Asia.
Conclusion
Iran’s strategy in addressing the ISIS threat centered on implementing and pursuing a security policy aimed at maintaining and deepening its strategic depth while countering cross-border threats at the regional level. In this way, Tehran managed to confront the anti-security force of ISIS by employing the strategy of regional strategic depth and expanding its network of allies. This not only helped deal with the immediate threat but also transformed it into an opportunity to strengthen and advance the Axis of Resistance, safeguard national interests and security, boost regional power, and enhance its power of deterrence in West Asia. Iran could also deepen strategic relations with Russia and China, positioning itself to more effectively resist foreign influence and Western hegemony. Ultimately, these efforts contributed to a shift in the regional balance of power in favor of Iran and its allies—particularly in opposition to the U.S., Israel, and their regional and extra-regional allies. This shift has become increasingly evident in the context of the Gaza war, its regional consequences, and its broader international implications—as reflected in the measures taken by Iran and its allies.
International Relations
Zakeyeh Aftabi; Morad Kaviani Rad; Shirkhan Anwari
Abstract
Introduction
Water is fundamental to human development, as every society and political entity strives to improve both the quantity and quality of its water resources. Research shows that a sustainable and thriving human society cannot exist without reliable access to water. As a result, securing sustainable ...
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Introduction
Water is fundamental to human development, as every society and political entity strives to improve both the quantity and quality of its water resources. Research shows that a sustainable and thriving human society cannot exist without reliable access to water. As a result, securing sustainable water resources has long been a strategic priority, shaping the decisions and actions of policymakers and leaders. Afghanistan, a predominantly mountainous country, is the source of several major rivers in South Asia that flow into neighboring countries. Among these, the Hirmand and Harirud rivers originate in Afghanistan and are vital to water security in eastern Iran. In recent decades, the construction of numerous dams on these rivers within Afghan territory has significantly reduced and disrupted the water flow into Iran. In response, Iranian negotiators have repeatedly sought to engage with Afghan counterparts to ensure water delivery, invoking the 1973 Hirmand Treaty and offering various incentives. Despite these efforts, negotiations have achieved limited success and encountered many challenges. Multiple factors influence the hydropolitical relationship between Iran and Afghanistan. The present study aimed to examine the role of Afghan actors as a key variable shaping the evolution of hydropolitical relations between the two countries.
Literature Review
There has been no serious research specifically addressing the role of Afghan actors in hydropolitical relations with Iran. The review identified existing research related to the hydropolitical dynamics between the two countries, which is closely connected to the topic of the current study. In the article “The Geopolitical Overlay of the Hydropolitics of the Harirud River Basin,” Nagheeby and Warner (2018) argue that Afghanistan’s control and management of water is not solely aimed at economic development. Instead, it serves broader strategic interests and reflects the concerns of both internal and external parties, particularly countries like the United States and India. From the Afghan perspective, dam construction is viewed not only as a symbol of nation-building but also as a means to assert national authority and power. In a later study titled “The 150-Year Itch: Afghanistan–Iran Hydropolitics Over the Helmand/Hirmand River,” Nagheeby and Warner (2022) examine the evolution of Afghanistan’s hydropolitical relations with Iran. They note that during the period of Western intervention and civil war, the water dispute between the two countries was often overshadowed by other pressing priorities, such as security, economic issues, and reconstruction. Their research emphasizes the importance of stability in Afghanistan. Moreover, in “Identifying the Effective Factors and the Importance of the Harirud Watershed in Afghanistan and Its Impact on Iran,” Yar et al. (2023) identified key factors influencing the Harirud watershed’s significance in Afghanistan and its implications for Iran. By analyzing 68 indicators, they concluded that the Harirud River plays a strategic role in national security, water resource management, and the implementation of Afghanistan’s economic development programs.
Materials and Methods
As an applied inquiry, the present research adopted a descriptive–survey approach. The data was collected and analyzed through both library research and field survey methods. The statistical population consisted of Afghan activists working in the field of water resources. The data collection methods included surveys, interviews, and questionnaires. Moreover, MICMAC (Matrix of Cross-Impact Multiplications Applied to a Classification) software was employed to analyze the data and identify key variables.
Results and Discussion
Three distinct phases can be identified in the hydropolitical relations between Afghan actors and Iran. During the Shahi period, Afghan actors viewed Iran’s control over the Hirmand and Harirud rivers as legitimate. It was during this time that the 1973 Hirmand Treat between Iran and Afghanistan was finalized. In the Republic period, Afghan actors rejected Iran's water rights in the Hirmand and Harirud river basins, considering them internal rivers belonging solely to Afghanistan. Advocates of this stance argued that Iran should defer to Afghanistan’s needs when it came to water allocation. Under the Islamic Emirate, the Taliban acknowledged Iran’s claims and expressed a willingness to negotiate over the Hirmand and Harirud rivers. However, despite several years of Taliban rule, Iran has yet to secure any formal water rights. Experts have identified several key variables influencing hydropolitical relations between the two countries, including Afghanistan’s growing need for water resources for development, Iran’s politicization of water issues (as in the A20 case), recurring droughts, and the broader importance of water for the Afghan population. The hydropolitical relations between Iran and Afghanistan serve as a clear example of transboundary water conflict and cooperation between neighboring countries. As the downstream country, Iran seeks collaboration to secure access to drinking water, support agriculture, and protect the environment in its eastern provinces. In contrast, Afghanistan, as the upstream country, has shown reluctance to engage in negotiations concerning Iran’s water needs. Consequently, the intense competition between Iran and Afghanistan is accompanied by political disputes over the allocation and utilization of the Hirmand and Harirud rivers, underscoring the significance of water as a political concern for both nations. This dynamic has led to intense competition and political disputes over the allocation and use of the Hirmand and Harirud rivers, underscoring the significance of water as a political concern for both nations. Given the strategic importance of these rivers and Afghanistan’s upstream position, the role of Afghan actors in shaping hydropolitical relations with Iran has emerged as a key factor. The trend analysis of Afghan actors’ perspectives revealed that the hydropolitical relationship between the two countries ranges from cooperation to conflict. Evidence of cooperation includes diplomatic exchanges, expressions of verbal support, and the oral communication of policies. On the other hand, conflict manifests in statements that reflect a lack of coordination and even verbal hostility directed at Iran. These findings are consistent with observations by Nagheeby and Warner (2022), who note that international media often portray water relations between Afghanistan and Iran as deteriorating and indicative of an emerging conflict. This alarming rhetoric are driven by factors including regional water scarcity, political instability in Afghanistan, Iran’s dependence on shared water resources, and the lack of effective bilateral cooperation. Despite these tensions, historical evidence suggests that water disputes between Iran and Afghanistan are unlikely to escalate into open warfare.
Conclusion
From the perspective of Afghan actors, several key factors shape the hydropolitical relationship between Iran and Afghanistan. These include Afghanistan’s pressing need for water resources to support development, Iran’s politicization of water issues, recurring droughts, and the cultural significance of water for the Afghan population.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank kharazmi university for providing the conditions for conducting this research.
International Relations
Azita Salehi; Nozar Shafiee; Shahrooz Ebrahimi; Saeed Vosoughi
Abstract
Introduction
The Islamic Republic of Iran and China are key players in their respective regions. The strategic position of Lebanon and Iraq has prompted the leadership in Tehran and Beijing to strengthen their influence and credibility in both countries. Over the past few decades, various international ...
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Introduction
The Islamic Republic of Iran and China are key players in their respective regions. The strategic position of Lebanon and Iraq has prompted the leadership in Tehran and Beijing to strengthen their influence and credibility in both countries. Over the past few decades, various international actors have employed different methods to improve their global image, given the increasing role of soft power in elevating a country’s status. One such method is public diplomacy, which displays a more peaceful side of politics. In this context, both Tehran and Beijing are seeking to bolster their credibility in Lebanon and Iraq through public diplomacy initiatives. However, an analysis of their efforts reveals a stark contrast: while China has been relatively successful in projecting a favorable image, Iran has not only failed to achieve the same goal but has also contributed to the rise of anti-Iranian sentiment—often referred to as Iranophobia—both regionally and globally. Adopting a comparative perspective, the current study aimed to explore the differences and reasons underlying public diplomacy initiatives of China and Iran. The research questions are as follows: 1) what are the differences and similarities in the public diplomacy of Iran and China, and 2) how do these differences impact Iranian and Chinese influence in Iraq and Lebanon?
Literature Review
The review of the literature is divided into four sections. The first section provides a definition of public diplomacy, discussing key definitions, characteristics, and its role in international relations. The second examines Iran’s public diplomacy efforts, focusing on its ideological strategies and the challenges it faces in fostering relationships with Lebanon and Iraq. The third analyzes China’s approach to public diplomacy, highlighting the influence of Confucian principles and the emphasis on economic cooperation. Finally, the fourth section presents a comparative analysis of the public diplomacy strategies employed by the Islamic Republic of Iran and China within the strategic contexts of Lebanon and Iraq.
Materials and Methods
The study employed a qualitative analysis, drawing on a range of journal articles, statistical data, and archival resources. This approach enables a multifaceted discussion of public diplomacy efforts by Iran and China.
Results and Discussion
The analysis showed that both China and Iran recognize the importance of public diplomacy and its role in building trust with the people and governments of Lebanon and Iraq. However, their approaches differ significantly. China emphasizes respect for national sovereignty and non-interference in domestic affairs, thereby cultivating a positive and friendly image. In contrast, Iran’s efforts to export its Islamic principles have not only hindered its progress but also diminished its credibility and influence among the populations of Iraq and Lebanon. Iran needs to revisit its public diplomacy strategies, as it faces considerable challenges in the realm of international relations. According to the findings, China has achieved notable success through public diplomacy and economic cooperation. Iran must place greater emphasis on addressing the social and cultural needs of Lebanon and Iraq. Adapting its policies to local contexts would significantly enhance the effectiveness of Iran’s diplomatic efforts. By examining China’s success in this domain, Iranian state officials can better align their strategies with national interests.
Conclusion
Relying on the conceptual framework of public diplomacy, this study analyzed the roles of China and Iran in Lebanon and Iraq, with a focus on the similarities and differences in how they employ public diplomacy. Both countries recognize public diplomacy as a vital tool in international relations, which requires a deeper understanding of the social, cultural, and political contexts of the target nations. China has emphasized Confucian principles and leveraged its economic capabilities, while Iran has centered its efforts on promoting Islamic principles. Both nations believe that adherence to their respective value systems can contribute to fostering a safer and more peaceful global society. China’s public diplomacy has been largely successful, enhancing its soft power both in the region and in the world. In contrast, Iran’s approach—rooted heavily in its ideals and principles—appears to have neglected the everyday realities of local populations. This has led to a decline in its influence among the Lebanese and Iraqi people. Iran could benefit from the experiences of Chinese public diplomacy strategies to adjust its own approach and increase its influence. It is recommended that Iranian policymakers shift their focus from ideological principles to the actual necessities and conditions of the local communities, thereby increasing their diplomatic effectiveness.
International Relations
hossein fattahi ardakani
Abstract
Introduction
The events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S. military interventions in Iraq ...
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Introduction
The events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S. military interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan prompted significant shifts in the strategic approaches of countries in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia, which has long relied on U.S. security guarantees to safeguard its oil exports to the West, began to revisit its regional strategy and diversify its security resources in the wake of these developments. After years of conflict with Iran, Saudi Arabia resumed relations with Iran, facilitated by China’s mediation. This strategic shift reflects the new Saudi leadership’s recognition of a shifting global balance of power—from the West to the East. In fact, the rise of emerging powers like China—along with growing political, economic, and security interdependence between these powers and Middle Eastern states—has contributed to the global transition from a unipolar to a multipolar world order. According to the proposed hypothesis, three major factors have driven Saudi Arabia’s strategic shift: the decline of the unipolar world and the diminishing U.S. protection, Russia’s efforts to reclaim its extra-regional power, and the rise of China as a global superpower. The central research question is: What are the reasons behind the shift in Saudi Arabia’s regional strategy?
Literature Review
In the article “Saudi Arabia and the Iran Dilemma: A Probable Scenario in the 2030 Horizon,” Farhadi and Motaghi (2024) argue that a new chapter has begun in the relationship between the two countries, characterized by a reduction in tensions and conflict. According to this scenario, over the next seven years, Saudi Arabia and Iran will continue to act as primary rivals rather than enemies—provided that destabilizing drivers, particularly those driven by the Zionist regime and the U.S., do not prevail. In their article “Look West in China’s Foreign Policy: The Case of Saudi Arabia,” Seifi and Delavar (2024) argued that the current distribution of power in the international system—along with emerging opportunities in areas such as energy demand, countering U.S. influence, and initiatives like the New Silk Road—have reinforced the importance of the Look West strategy in China’s strategic behavior. Within this strategy, Saudi Arabia holds a
pivotal role. Alemahu (2023), in the article titled “Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 and Its Regional Implication,” stated that Saudi Arabia adopted Vision 2030 to promote more diverse and sustainable economic development, as well as to reinforce its position as the center of the Arab and Islamic world. This vision is built on three key pillars: an ambitious nation, a thriving economy, and a dynamic society. Alemahu (2023), in the article titled “Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 and Its Regional Implication,” stated that Saudi Arabia adopted Vision 2030 to promote more diverse and sustainable economic development, as well as to reinforce its position as the center of the Arab and Islamic world. This vision is built on three key pillars: “an ambitious nation, a thriving economy, and a dynamic society” (Alemahu, 2023, p. 79). To achieve these goals, the first priority is to create “an intelligent, creative, & industriousness society” (Alemahu, 2023, p. 79). The second is developing investment tools to create new economic sectors and diversify the economy. The third is to establish “a functional, accountable, and transparent government” (Alemahu, 2023, p. 79).
Materials and Methods
The current research, as a qualitative inquiry, adopted a descriptive–analytical approach. Library and documentary research methods were used to collect the data, primarily from books and scholarly articles. Moreover, the theoretical framework relied on Barry Buzan’s regional security complex and the Copenhagen School of security.
Results and Discussion
Three key factors were identified as central to Saudi Arabia’s recent strategic shift. The first is the decline of a unipolar world and the end of American patronage. The traditional relationship between Saudi Arabia and the U.S. has weakened over the past three U.S. presidential administrations. From Riyadh’s perspective, Washington has gradually withdrawn from its longstanding security commitments in the Middle East. Simultaneously, the international system has shifted toward multipolarity, with greater involvement of extra-regional powers such as China and Russia in the region’s affairs. This changing landscape has heightened Saudi Arabia’s sense of insecurity, prompting the Kingdom to seek alternative security guarantees and diversify its security resources. The second factor is Russia’s efforts to regain its extra-regional influence. In recent years, Russia has been forging a strategic alliance with China. This partnership is rooted in shared ideological perspectives and mutual pressure from the West—particularly the U.S.—which has helped to deepen their strategic cooperation. Two key factors have driven this rapprochement: a) both countries share common interests in confronting Western influence, and b) they are economically interdependent. The third factor is China’s rise as a global superpower. China has successfully established strong economic and trade relations with the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf. However, its growing involvement in the Middle East—given the strategic importance of the region in China’s global policy—raises concerns for some. China’s Look East strategy is central to advancing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which has already brought significant economic benefits. As a result, China has expanded its role and diplomatic efforts in the Middle East.
Conclusion
Iran and Saudi Arabia have reached a common understanding that regional peace and security depend on their cooperation and participation. From the perspective of Saudi Arabia’s new leadership, the U.S. has not adequately fulfilled its role in ensuring the Kingdom’s security. In response, Saudi leaders have reoriented their regional strategy, emphasizing the diversification of alliances and resources of security. Within this new strategy, Russia and China have assumed increasingly significant roles. By helping to resolve the disputes between Iran and Saudi Arabia, China has managed to strengthen its position in the region. This diplomatic success not only enhances China’s influence but also helps ensure energy security to support its growing economy. Moreover, it opens up a large market for Chinese goods and facilitates the advancement of its key initiative (i.e., the One Belt, One Road). Notably, Saudi Arabia’s shift in regional strategy—given its role as a major player in the Middle East—appears to aim at restoring balance and equilibrium in the face of both internal and external threats. At the same time, the declining influence of the U.S. and the growing presence of Russia and China reflect a new security landscape in the Middle East. Regional and external actors alike are adjusting their strategies in pursuit of their national interests and objectives. The involvement of these two extra-regional powers has provided Saudi Arabia and other regional actors with greater flexibility in forming new alliances and coalitions. This shift is evident in Saudi Arabia’s expanding relations with other countries in the region.
Political Science
Maziyar Khademi; Alimohammad Fallahzadeh
Abstract
Introduction
The moral significance of war is not a recent concern. Throughout history, there have been efforts to moralize and potentially control the resort to war. These efforts often appeal to the branch of ethics concerned with strict obligations—namely, justice. Since the time of Aristotle, ...
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Introduction
The moral significance of war is not a recent concern. Throughout history, there have been efforts to moralize and potentially control the resort to war. These efforts often appeal to the branch of ethics concerned with strict obligations—namely, justice. Since the time of Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Saint Augustine, and Aquinas, this inquiry took a serious shape in what came to be known as just war theory. However, the theory truly flourished in the 16th and 17th centuries, thanks to the contributions of thinkers like Vitoria, Suárez, and Grotius. In the centuries that followed, as international law increasingly focused on formulating practical legal rules, the theoretical tradition of just war was largely neglected. It was not until the second half of the 20th century—especially after the Cold War and the two Gulf Wars—that interest in just war theory was renewed and intensified. Amid this revival, Michael Walzer’s influential book Just and Unjust Wars (1977) sought to provide a philosophical account of a perspective with deep historical roots—one that has also been expressed in the form of codified laws governing military conflict. Walzer’s point of departure is a critique of the realist perspective and a defense of the existence of war ethics. He grounds this morality in the shared understanding and lived experiences of governments and soldiers—the primary actors in war—as well as in the literature that reflects their perspectives. For Walzer, the ethics—or more precisely, the justice—of war appears to be a conventional and contextual concept, rather than a strictly normative and universal one. This raises a critical question: Can customary morality serve as the foundation for determining the requirements of the justice of war? This question demands serious consideration. The present research aimed to explore the relationship between the ethics and the law of war. The study focused on the modern theory of just war, particularly through Walzer’s interpretation, which stands as the most recent, influential, and significant contribution in this field. The research question is as follows: How does Walzer’s modern theory of just war conceptualize the relationship between morality and the law of war? First, the study addresses the historical development of just war theory, providing the conceptual background for the analysis. It then examines the interplay between ethics, law, and war, while offering a critical assessment of Walzer’s theory.
Literature Review
Among the Persian-language literature, there is no specific case that directly addresses the subject of this research. The topic can be found in English-language sources, which are cited in this study.
Materials and Methods
This research employed a descriptive–analytical method and relied on library resources to examine the topic. Michael Walzer is the key theorist within the intellectual tradition of just war theory. He seeks to offer a philosophical account that is both grounded in the shared historical experience of humanity and formulated in the framework of the laws of armed conflicts.
Results and Discussion
War is a persistent reality that has shaped human history. It is therefore unsurprising that humanity has long sought to justify it. Within this context, just war theory—conceived as a normative theory—aims both to legitimize and to regulate the phenomenon of war. In contemporary discourse, Michael Walzer stands out as one of the most influential theorists of just war, offering a philosophical account grounded in shared historical experiences and established rules governing armed conflicts. This raises a central question: What is the relationship between morality and the law of war in Walzer’s theory of just war? Walzer draws on a historical methodology and a common understanding of just war ethics based on Hegelian assumptions, striving to provide a realistic justification for both war itself and the rules that govern it.
Modern theories of just war are essentially Hegelian in nature. This concise statement encapsulates the central argument of the present research, that the modern theory of just war is ethically flawed and legally positivistic. The norms governing warfare can be divided into two categories: the laws of war and the rights in war—where, in moral discourse, justice replaces the notion of rights. In most modern theories of just war, legal and moral dimensions are deeply intertwined, often without a clear distinction between the two. Discussions tend to occur within a normative framework, without clearly separating the laws of war from ethics of war. This issue is not merely a matter of conceptual oversight; rather, it stems from the methodological foundations and assumptions underlying the modern theory of just war. These theories are state-centered in both subject and origin, customary in their normative orientation, and historical in methodology—all of which can be traced back to Hegelian thought. This Hegelian influence is the primary reason for the two flaws identified earlier: ethical inadequacy and legal positivism. Despite its emphasis on the Westphalian order, the modern theory of just war excludes everything outside formal treaties and agreements. Ultimately, the modern theory of just war is not able to provide a genuine moral justification—in the strict sense of morality rather than the conventional one—for the laws of war, a shortcoming which stems from its concretely positivist nature.
Conclusion
Adopting a descriptive–analytical approach, the current research argued that the modern theory of just war—shaped by its Hegelian foundations in both assumptions and methodology—is ethically flawed and legally positivistic. To support this argument, the research offered a historical overview that established the conceptual background of the discussion, followed by a critical examination of its Hegelian assumptions and methodological underpinnings. The study specifically argued that Walzer’s version of the modern theory of just war, while attempting to offer a philosophical and moral justification rooted in historical human experience and formalized practice, is nothing more than a tautology.
Political Science
Ahamad Azizkhani; Mahdi Jalalvand
Abstract
Introduction
The establishment of democratic order in the West has relied on a robust theoretical and philosophical foundation that enabled the development and expansion of democratic thought. Thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau played a crucial role in this process ...
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Introduction
The establishment of democratic order in the West has relied on a robust theoretical and philosophical foundation that enabled the development and expansion of democratic thought. Thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau played a crucial role in this process by addressing key themes such as the contractual basis of government, freedom of speech and belief, and the principle of citizen consent. Through their work, they laid the theoretical and philosophical foundations for democratic order in Western societies. Thomas Hobbes, emphasizing the constitutive nature of the state, argued that the state is formed when individuals collectively agree to transfer their right of representation to a single ruler or governing assembly. Similarly, Jean-Jacques Rousseau highlighted the constitutive nature of government and approached the issue from an anthropological perspective. He maintained that the only legitimate source of power and righteous governance lies in contracts based on the free consent of individuals. John Locke, for his part, asserted that all human beings possess equal legal power and authority, with no one inherently superior or subordinate to another. These Western political philosophers articulated the philosophical foundations of an anti-authoritarian political order and laid robust groundwork for democratic models—an endeavor that has received less attention from Muslim thinkers in Islamic societies. Allameh Tabataba'i stands out as one of the few Muslim scholars who seriously engaged with this issue, a point he explicitly acknowledged himself (Tabataba'i, 1983). In this respect, the present study sought to answer the following question: How do Allameh Tabataba'i’s philosophical ideas contribute to the establishment of an anti-authoritarian political order in Islamic societies?
Literature Review
In the article “The Function of Theory of Constructional Perceptions in Allameh Tabataba'i’s Socio-Political Thought,” Hasanifar (2017) examined Allameh Tabataba'i’s works in order to demonstrate that one of the functions of the theory of constructional perceptions is to articulate an ideal political system. It argues that the human inclination toward social life and its necessary conditions can be explained through the principle of mutual utilization and innate human nature (Fitrat). According to Hasanifar, Allameh regarded true democracy as a reflection of human nature’s adaptability in the face of essential societal changes and evolving social needs. The article also noted Allameh’s view that governance emerges from civil society or social dominion, presenting this as a philosophical perspective consistent with the sacred Islamic law and the Quran. While Hasanifar’s analysis briefly touches upon relevant themes, it fails to develop a coherent philosophical framework based on Allameh Tabataba'i’s thought that could underpin a democratic political order. Another relevant article is “Religious Democracy in Light of Allameh Tabataba'i’s Theory of Constructional Perceptions” (Yazdani-Moqaddam, 2009). This article recognizes certain paradoxes in Allameh’s views on democracy, yet attempts to explore the philosophical underpinnings of his thought. It argues that, from Allameh’s perspective, an Islamic government constitutes a religious–social system in which governance belongs to the community rather than to individuals. As these studies suggest, while Allameh Tabataba'i’s theory of constructional perceptions has been used to highlight the democratic aspects of religious governance, there has been no attempt to derive a democratic political order from his political philosophical. The literature thus lacks a systematic and independent study that traces Allameh Tabataba'i’s philosophical trajectory in relation to democratic political order.
Materials and Methods
This study employed a library research method for data collection. It relied on content analysis and qualitative methods for data analysis. First, the works of Allameh Tabataba'i were read and examined to collect the relevant data. The data was then categorized and prioritized to test the central hypothesis that Allameh Tabataba'i’s philosophical trajectory aligns with a human-cum-Islamic model of democratic order. The research process unfolded in three stages: 1) identifying and selecting relevant data from Allameh’s works, 2) categorizing and prioritizing the data to test the hypothesis, and 3) interpreting the data to define the contours of Allameh’s model of democratic order. Throughout the process, note-taking technique was employed to categorize and organize the information.
Results and Discussion
The analysis focused on the very theoretical framework Allameh Tabataba'i used to philosophically establish an anti-authoritarian political order. According to the findings, Allameh Tabataba'i emphasized innate human characteristics such as natural servitude, utilitarianism, and the pursuit of perfection. Building on his theory of constructional perceptions grounded in human nature, he arrived at the concept of the constitutive state as the cornerstone of democratic society. Allameh Tabataba'i categorized human perceptions into two types: real and constructional (or constructive). Constructional perceptions, unlike real ones, have no external referents and are human-made constructs developed to meet specific needs. From this perspective, human beings, driven by their innate and natural traits, seek to utilize others for personal benefit. However, because this trait is universal, no individual is willing to be subjugated unless others reciprocate. Thus, the concept of mutual utilization, rooted in a universal construct or contract, emerges from this innate drive. Human societies, therefore, are formed through collective agreements aimed at mutual benefit—what Tabataba'i refers to as the construct of utilization. This construct not only explains the democratic genesis of human societies but also works in tandem with other key constructs—such as cooperation, justice, dominion, and consultation—to ensure their democratic continuity and stability. The realism underpinning Allameh Tabataba'i’s philosophical thought, coupled with his commitment to improving the sociopolitical fabric of Islamic societies, contributed to the formulation of a democratic yet perfectionist framework. Despite being a theologian and eminent exegete, he addressed sociopolitical issues with courageous realism and a concern for justice, thereby laying the groundwork for an indigenous, anti-authoritarian model. It is therefore recommended that Allameh Tabataba'i’s intellectual project in democratizing politics be further explored as a basis for developing new models of democratic political order grounded in Islamic teachings and the indigenous culture. Such a model could significantly reinforce the pillars of the Islamic Republic as a democratic system. A second recommendation is for scholars engaged in sociopolitical research to critically re-examine the intellectual legacy of Muslim thinkers—drawing inspiration from Allameh Tabataba'i’s innovative contributions—in order to construct a model compatible with both indigenous and universal values.
Conclusion
Allameh Tabataba'i embarked on a distinct philosophical trajectory, beginning with the articulation of his anthropological foundations. From these foundations, he developed a theory on the formation of human societies, which ultimately led to the exploration of the possibility of a democratic political order. Much like the role of the constitutive state in the West in laying the foundation for democratic political models, Allameh Tabataba'i’s theoretical contributions hold the potential to produce comparable outcomes within Islamic contexts. Specifically, his innovative interpretations of constructs such as cooperation, justice, dominion, and consultation can significantly support the establishment of an anti-authoritarian society in Islamic communities.
