Political Sociology
Akbar Zolfaghari; Taha Ashayeri; Tahereh Jahanparvar
Abstract
IntroductionIn today’s world, women’s political participation holds significant importance, serving as the foundation of sustainable development. Political development has transcended gender segregation, and achieving balance in this area requires the simultaneous, synchronized, and balanced ...
Read More
IntroductionIn today’s world, women’s political participation holds significant importance, serving as the foundation of sustainable development. Political development has transcended gender segregation, and achieving balance in this area requires the simultaneous, synchronized, and balanced presence of both men and women. In Iran, despite the Iranian Islamic Revolution and the expansion of opportunities for women’s free participation in political affairs, multiple obstacles still hinder their full engagement. Given the importance of political participation and its growing trend in Iran, numerous studies have been conducted on this issue over the past decades. However, research on this topic often yields inconsistent results. Using a meta-synthesis approach, the current study aimed to identify, categorize, and propose solutions to obstacles to women’s political participation in Iran. The primary objective was to synthesize findings from both qualitative and quantitative research on obstacles to women’s political participation in Iran, providing a comprehensive and cohesive analysis of existing studies.Literature ReviewOver the last century, as public awareness has increased, the concept of participation (musharekat in Persian) has gained momentum. The term musharekat derives from the infinitive mufa'ala (Shafi'i Motahar, 2003), which literally means to cooperate and participate (Lutz & Caldecott, 1996; Wily, 1997). In an idiomatic sense, it refers to the collective engagement of individuals in development programs (Khoshfar et al, 2018). Political participation is a key form of participation and a fundamental aspect of any political system (Zolfaghari et al., 2022). It signifies the conscious decision of individuals to take part in determining their own destiny, to move in the path of societal progress and development (Niazi et al., 2018). Political participation refers to the voluntary political activities of people in electing rulers (Pourrahim, 2011), exercising sovereignty in elections, influencing decision-making, and contributing to governance (Ghafari & Al-Ghafoor, 2018). It encompasses both direct participation and indirect involvement in shaping policies (Firhi, 1997, p. 44; McClosky, 1968; Milbreth & Goel, 2006). Additionally, political participation serves as a tool for political development (Åberg & Sandberg, 2017; Boutilier, 2017; Welzel et al., 2018), fosters relationships, enhances social cohesion and trust, and facilitates interactions between citizens and the government (La Due Lake & Huckfeldt, 1998). Political participation also refers to both legitimate and illegitimate methods used to influence the selection of leaders, the formulation of policies, and the overall administration of government (Milbrath, 1981). It is a crucial aspect of a nation’s political life and leadership (Ashtrian & Amirzadeh, 2012) and serves as a means of shaping government policies and influencing the selection of government officials (Effing et al, 2011).Materials and MethodsThis research employed a meta-synthesis approach to analyze both quantitative and qualitative studies published between 2007 and 2021. A non-probability purposive sampling method was used, resulting in a final sample of 23 research documents. These documents were selected based on their reliability, validity, research quality, adherence to scientific criteria, and relevance to the obstacles to women’s political participation. The data collection and analysis was carried out in several stages. First, the keywords participation, women, women’s political participation, and obstacles to women's political participation were searched across various databases, including Noormags, Iranian journals and magazines, Scientific Information Database (SID), and IranDoc. From an initial pool of 56 documents, 23 were chosen for analysis. The selected documents were then examined based on five main categories: 1) general characteristics, 2) research objectives and questions, 3) research methodology, 4) investigated variables, and 5) findings and results analysis.Results and DiscussionThe research results indicate that the main obstacles to women’s political participation in Iran can be categorized into six categories: social, cultural, political, economic, psychological, and demographic. Social obstacles include the male-dominated atmosphere of society, social discrimination, and gendered job opportunities. Cultural obstacles stem from traditional and cultural norms, the educational system, and tribal–patriarchal models. Political obstacles involve political obstruction, prevailing political beliefs, male political dominance, and a low political culture. Economic obstacles include economic inequality, economic anomie, and financial dependence. Psychological obstacles are linked to low self-confidence, psychological beliefs, and a sense of psychological anomie. Demographic factors encompass climate, location, family, and physiological factors. The research findings suggest that the main obstacles to women’s political participation in Iran can be categorized into six categories: social, cultural, political, economic, psychological, and demographic. Social obstacles are linked to factors such as education, socialization, gender stereotypes, levels of literacy and awareness, economic power, and access to communication means. Cultural obstacles stem from deeply ingrained beliefs and convictions among people. Political obstacles are largely influenced by the structure and nature of the political system. Finally, economic obstacles are shaped by prevailing economic conditions.ConclusionThe political participation of women, who make up a significant portion of the country’s population, can contribute to improved decision-making, a better understanding of sociopolitical life, the creation of new political values and attitudes, the reduction of sociopolitical inequalities, and, ultimately, sociopolitical development.
Developments in the Middle East
Ali akbar Asadi; Mohammd Orf
Abstract
IntroductionOver the past three decades, significant transformations in the global landscape have profoundly influenced power dynamics, national security paradigms, and international political structures. Key developments include the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the rise of multinational actors, ...
Read More
IntroductionOver the past three decades, significant transformations in the global landscape have profoundly influenced power dynamics, national security paradigms, and international political structures. Key developments include the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the rise of multinational actors, the rapid globalization, global terrorism, and the pervasive influence of the Internet. This epoch has introduced new conceptualizations in the fields of power, national security, and international politics, with the concept of soft power standing out as a particularly influential paradigm. Unlike hard power, which relies on military instruments to safeguard interests and security, soft power leverages intangible mechanisms that depend on the psychological perceptions and understanding of individuals. Key instruments of soft power include public diplomacy and nation branding, both aimed at fostering positive and favorable perceptions among audiences. As a microstate defined by its unique conditions, Qatar stands out as a prominent example of efforts aimed at strengthening soft power, advancing nation branding initiatives, and cultivating a positive image on both regional and international platforms. Despite having limited capacities in economic, political, and military-security spheres, Qatar capitalizes on its vast energy reserves—ranking third globally in natural gas reserves, after Russia and Iran—to create significant economic opportunities and enhance its leadership position. Notable actions in this respect include the establishment and management of the Al Jazeera TV network, as well as the successful bid to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup. These initiatives collectively highlight Qatar’s commitment to cultivating a positive international image, despite inherent limitations in traditional power domains.Literature ReviewIn his article titled “The Role of Qatar’s Foreign Policy in Creating a National Brand and a Positive Image of the Country,” Sayahi (2020) examined Qatar’s national objectives, power, foreign policy, and tools such as public diplomacy, tracing their evolution over time. It specifically focused on Qatar’s foreign policy as a microstate. Another study titled “Analyzing Al Jazeera’s Role in Strengthening Qatar’s Soft Power” (Zakarian & Emadi, 2015) explored the strategies employed by Al Jazeera to enhance Qatar’s soft power, global influence, and legitimacy. However, this study focused solely on media as a component of Qatar’s soft power, without addressing other relevant factors, which are separately analyzed in the present research. Ranjkesh et al. (2013), in “Branding in Qatar’s Niche Diplomacy,” proposed a theoretical framework for niche diplomacy, examining Qatar’s branding efforts from a specific perspective. There are also articles on Qatar’s foreign policy, primarily focusing on specific events and strategic responses. In his article “Qatar’s Foreign Policy and Arab Transformations: Foundations and Components,” Asadi (2011) examined Qatar’s stance towards the Arab uprisings. Similarly, Adami (2011), in “Qatar’s Foreign Policy Priorities in Relation to the European Union,” focused exclusively on Qatar–EU relations and policies. Moreover, the research titled “The Soft Power-Soft Disempowerment Nexus: The Case of Qatar” (Brannagan & Giulianotti, 2018) examined the factors that strengthen or weaken soft power, with a particular focus on media and sports as key components of Qatar’s influence. The present study seeks to establish a link between branding, foreign policy, and a distinct diplomatic approach.Materials and MethodsThis study adopted a descriptive–explanatory qualitative methodology, utilizing Anholt’s six-dimensional conceptual model to analyze Qatar’s nation branding strategies across politics, media, economy, culture, sports, and tourism. A case study approach was employed to explore Qatar’s distinct geopolitical context and its branding efforts aimed at enhancing soft power and national security. The data was gathered through library research, policy documents, speeches, and media reports. The method of content analysis was used to identify key themes. Furthermore, historical and comparative analysis was applied to contextualize Qatar’s strategies in relation to those of other Gulf states.Result and DiscussionLocated on the southern edge of the Persian Gulf, Qatar faces unique vulnerabilities, including limited land area, a small population, and constrained military capabilities, which are further compounded by its proximity to regional powerhouses. The perception of threats, especially highlighted during the 2017 blockade imposed by Saudi Arabia, has driven Qatar’s leaders to strategically leverage the country’s resources to counter these challenges. They have embraced innovative strategies, particularly by prioritizing nation branding within the National Vision 2030, to cultivate a positive international image, strengthen soft power, and enhance national security. Qatar’s success in nation branding is driven by its economic prowess, particularly in the energy sector, alongside strategic investments in education, culture, and sports diplomacy. These achievements have not only helped address shortcomings in traditional power and security but have also established Qatar as a prominent global player. Qatar’s use of media platforms, such as the Al Jazeera network, further enhances its international image, showcasing its adept application of soft power to navigate regional challenges and conflicts. The successful bid to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup stands out as a defining moment, which symbolizes Qatar’s multifaceted approach to nation branding and its effective use of resources to enhance its geopolitical position.ConclusionCountries have traditionally responded to threats by strengthening their own power. Historically, the focus has been on military equipment, territorial size, and the number of active military personnel, all of which contribute to creating a powerful national image. However, in today’s world, shaping perceptions of soft power has emerged as a crucial issue. Qatar is a nation that proves to be traditionally unable to bolster its hard power. While it has made efforts in this respect, the success has been limited. Qatar’s achievements in nation branding are underscored by its economic prowess, particularly in the energy sector, as well as its strategic investments in education, culture, and sports diplomacy. Filling the gaps in the traditional conception of power and security, these achievements have helped Qatar position itself as a significant global player. Qatar relies on a number of soft power components, including media outlets (e.g., Al Jazeera), to navigate regional challenges and conflicts. The successful bid to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup is another instance that highlights Qatar’s approach to nation branding and strategic policies.
International Relations
Vahid Afrasiaban; Seyed Jalal Dehghani Firouzabadi
Abstract
Introduction The Middle East is a region of strategic importance, rich in natural resources such as oil and gas. Its cultural heritage and diverse population have historically attracted the influence of major global powers. In recent years, however, the region has become a competitive arena for emerging ...
Read More
Introduction The Middle East is a region of strategic importance, rich in natural resources such as oil and gas. Its cultural heritage and diverse population have historically attracted the influence of major global powers. In recent years, however, the region has become a competitive arena for emerging players like China and Russia, who are actively expanding their influence through economic, military, and diplomatic initiatives—despite facing considerable challenges. Moreover, decades of conflict—including wars, revolutions, and coups—have profoundly undermined the region's security and stability. Moreover, decades of conflict marked by wars, revolutions, and coups have profoundly undermined the region’s security and stability. In this context, regional integration has emerged as a strategic approach, advocating for greater collaboration among Middle Eastern nations to strengthen collective security against external threats, while advancing their shared interests and goals. With China’s increasing demand for the region’s oil and gas resources and its strong economic ties to the Middle East, the convergence between China and the Middle East is expected to create a mutually beneficial dynamic while diminishing Russia’s role. Key measures to foster this shift include enhancing international cooperation, strengthening trade exchanges, attracting joint investments, and expanding security collaborations, all of which are anticipated to counter Russia’s influence. At the same time, cooperation with China is expected to open new economic and cultural opportunities for Middle Eastern nations. The present study aimed to explore the complex dynamics between China, Russia, and the Middle East, with a particular focus on China’s strategic engagement as a counterbalance to Russian influence. It focused on the interactions between China and Russia in the Middle East and the role of regional convergence in shifting the balance of power towards China. The research rests upon the hypothesis that convergence based on shared economic, security, and cultural interests can limit Russia’s influence and shift the balance of power in favor of China. The main research question is as follows: How can the convergence between China and Middle Eastern countries reduce Russia’s influence and tilt the balance of power in favor of China?Literature ReviewDrawing on game theory and a wide range of secondary sources, Fulton and Sim (2022) analyzed the political, economic, and security roles of China and Russia in the region and the challenges these pose to U.S. interests. The edited volume The Routledge Guide to Middle East–China Relations (Fulton, 2022) delved into the historical, political, and diplomatic dimensions of China’s relations with Middle Eastern countries, emphasizing its significant impact on regional developments. Moreover, Chen (2021) highlighted China’s principle of non-interference, demonstrating how its growing economic interests are pursued through a non-intrusive approach designed to mitigate Russian influence while fostering stable relations with regional states. Additionally, Eron (2017) provided valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities China faces in the Middle East, particularly regarding the Israeli–Palestinian peace process, the Syrian conflict, and cooperation with Iran. It also addressed the limitations imposed by resource constraints and the influence of other international actors.Materials and MethodsChina–Russia interactions have significant impacts on security, economic, political, and cultural dimensions at regional and global levels. It is thus essential to understand this dynamic and its underlying factors. The strategy of regional convergence is proposed as an innovative approach to addressing these challenges, underscoring the need for cooperation among regional countries to strengthen their collective power and security. This research employed a combination of quantitative methods and case studies to analyze the impact and roles of China and Russia in the region and to identify the challenges facing China. Additionally, game theory was used to examine the China–Middle East relations, and to assess the impact of this cooperation on Russia’s relations and the overall shift in the balance of power.Results and DiscussionThis study examined regional convergence between China and Middle Eastern countries as a strategy to moderate and balance power in response to Russian influence. The competition between China and Russia for influence in the Middle East, along with China’s goal of creating balance in the region, supports the hypothesis that convergence based on shared economic, security, and cultural interests can reduce Russia’s influence in the region. Notably, China’s primary goal is not to counter Russia, but rather to establish regional balance and cooperation. China’s active international influence is strengthened by forming strong economic, political, and security relations with Middle Eastern countries, which can help mitigate Russia’s power. Using a quantitative approach, the study showed that regional convergence between China and Middle Eastern countries is expanding, serving as a balancing factor against Russia’s influence and significantly reducing its impact. Cooperation and competition between China and Russia in the Middle East depend on regional and global conditions. Therefore, regional convergence between China and Middle Eastern countries acts as a strategy to balance Russia’s influence and promote shared interests in the region. This study also presented a model to analyze regional convergence using game theory, while acknowledging its limitations in capturing real-world complexities and uncertainties.ConclusionRecent findings highlight the ongoing competition between China and Russia for influence in the Middle East. According to the results of this study, China’s power-balancing strategy in the region has led to a growing convergence with Middle Eastern countries, driven by shared economic, security, and cultural interests. This trend raises concerns that such convergence might diminish Russia's traditional role in the Middle East and shift the regional balance of power. The results confirmed that the strengthening ties between China and Middle Eastern nations have significant implications, potentially acting as a counterbalance to Russia’s influence. Overall, the evolving relationships between China and these countries could reshape the region’s geopolitical landscape. For stakeholders, it is essential to closely monitor these developments and assess their potential impact on regional stability and global dynamics.
International Relations
Mohammad Hadi Raji; Asghar Eftekhari
Abstract
Introduction The concept of hybrid warfare is a framework for studying the various components of Western pressure and conflict against the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this respect, examining strategies to confront hybrid warfare can provide both theoretical and practical insights for relevant elites ...
Read More
Introduction The concept of hybrid warfare is a framework for studying the various components of Western pressure and conflict against the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this respect, examining strategies to confront hybrid warfare can provide both theoretical and practical insights for relevant elites and officials. This research aimed to answer the question: What are the strategies to counter the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran? The significance of this study lies in two main aspects: first, its approach and theoretical framework, which emphasizes the integration of countermeasures, and second, its operational relevance, which offers practical guidance for officials.Literature ReviewIn Hybrid Wars, McCulloh and Johnson (2013) provided a comprehensive description of the literature and dimensions of hybrid warfare, addressing the deficiencies in the definition and application of hybrid conflict theory. In the Persian-language book titled Cognitive Warfare: The Fifth Dimension of War, Mohammadi-Najm (2015) explored evolutionary theories related to the future of warfare, with a particular focus on the human mind. In The Tragedy of Fourth-Generation Warfare, Ghorbani-Zavareh (2017) examined the nature of hybrid warfare within the context of fourth-generation warfare. The article “Examining and Understanding Hybrid Threats From the Perspective of Modern Warfare” (Koochaki-Badelani, 2010) discussed hybrid threats as the primary strategy employed by the West in conflicts and political-security struggles in the Middle East. In “Complex Irregular Warfare: The Next Revolution in Military Affairs,” Hoffman (2006) criticized America’s classical approach to warfare, emphasizing the transformation of warfare patterns. Concerning the Iranian context, Raji’s Ph.D. dissertation titled Western Hybrid Warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran: Dimensions and Methods (2023) used the hybrid warfare framework to analyze the Western warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. In “Components of Saudi Arabia’s Hybrid Warfare Against the Islamic Republic of Iran (2015–2017),” Pourhasan (2017) examined Saudi Arabia’s measures and policies against the Islamic Republic of Iran, using the hybrid warfare framework. Moreover, “The Complexity Theory and Foreign Policy: Iran’s Strategies in West Asia” (Qasemi & Faraji, 2018) explored Iran’s strategies in the region by using complexity theory. Most of the works discussed above are subject to two main criticisms. First, many of the mentioned works do not focus on the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Second, the studies that do address this subject predominantly describe the application of this form of warfare, with less attention given to strategies for countering it. Therefore, the innovation of the present research lies in two aspects: first, it is directly concerned with the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and second, it addresses strategies for countering the hybrid warfare.Materials and MethodsThis study is considered a qualitative, exploratory inquiry with both developmental and applied aspects, as it tried to address hybrid warfare from two perspectives: first, from a theoretical and conceptual standpoint, focusing on the development of frameworks for understanding hybrid warfare, and second, from a practical standpoint, examining strategies for countering the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a result, the findings of this study are valuable for two groups: researchers in the field of hybrid warfare and practitioners facing hybrid warfare in operational settings. The data was collected through documentary and qualitative methods, and a descriptive–analytical approach was used to analyze the data.Results and DiscussionThis research highlighted the interconnected and systemic nature of strategies designed to counter the Western hybrid war against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which can be referred to as the strategy for countering hybrid warfare. The strategies for countering the Western hybrid warfare were analyzed through three frameworks: situational, methodological, and approach-based. It is crucial to consider the interdependence of these three frameworks when designing macro, semi-macro, and micro strategies. In macro strategies, the primary focus is on restoring Iran’s role in the new world order. This process arises from the synergistic integration of two key geopolitical and geoeconomic components, emphasizing the significance of the Iranian idea and narrative on the world’s transition. In semi-macro strategies, the focus shifts to an institutional review of Iran’s governance structures and efforts to promote good governance grounded in local contexts. In micro strategies, the emphasis is on the government’s ability to act in the gray area, guiding the components of a gray network in a purposeful manner.ConclusionAdopting a systemic and complex perspective on hybrid warfare, while avoiding a non-systemic and linear approach, is crucial for effectively countering the Western hybrid warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran.
International Relations
Seyed Rouhollah Hadj Zargarbashi; Reza Zabihi
Abstract
IntroductionSince the early 1990s, when China became a major importer of energy, the country’s focus on the Persian Gulf region has intensified. This is because the Persian Gulf holds approximately two-thirds of the world’s proven oil reserves and one-third of its proven natural gas reserves. ...
Read More
IntroductionSince the early 1990s, when China became a major importer of energy, the country’s focus on the Persian Gulf region has intensified. This is because the Persian Gulf holds approximately two-thirds of the world’s proven oil reserves and one-third of its proven natural gas reserves. China is currently the world’s largest importer of oil, and by 2023, its dependence on imported oil had risen to 72%. More than 50% of China’s oil imports, and just over a third of its total oil consumption, come from the Persian Gulf countries. As a result, Beijing has used various means to strengthen its foothold in the economy and energy fields of the Persian Gulf countries. Although bilateral relations between Iran and China have been growing, China has expanded ties with nations such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates—along with actions like supporting the UAE’s position on the three disputed Iranian islands. This dynamic raises the question: What are the consequences of China’s presence and role in the Persian Gulf region for Iran’s regional security?Literature ReviewSaleh and Yazdanshenas (2023) argued that the primary motivation behind the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Iran is their shared opposition to American hegemony, particularly from Tehran’s perspective. They suggest that this dynamic is reshaping the security structure of the Middle East. In an analysis of Saudi perspectives on the growing Iran–China relations, Houghton (2022) stated that balancing relations with regional rivals and maintaining ties beyond security conflicts among regional actors is a consistent pattern in China’s approach to the Persian Gulf and the broader Middle East. According to Azimifar et al. (2021), China’s foreign policy in the Persian Gulf region is shaped by its political and economic ambitions to counter American hegemony. This alignment has led China to support Iran’s national security interests in response to regional developments and to acknowledge Iran’s security concerns.Materials and MethodsThe present study adopted an analytical–explanatory approach and a qualitative method. The data was collected through library research. The security theory proposed by the Copenhagen School was employed as the theoretical framework. Unlike mainstream approaches, the Copenhagen’s theory offers a broader perspective on security, considering dimensions beyond the military. It is also better suited to explaining the topic of this research due to its focus on regional-level analysis.Results and Discussion The study categorized and analyzed the reasons for China’s involvement in the Persian Gulf region across four dimensions: energy security, regional order, global transit control, and legitimization of restrictive policies against Chinese Muslims. It then examined the impact of China’s role on Iran’s regional security in three areas: military, economic, and political. The research findings indicated that if China’s presence in the Persian Gulf region is primarily related to political or economic factors, it could enhance Iran’s regional security in these dimensions. However, if China’s presence is military in nature, it could pose a threat to Iran’s regional security.ConclusionConsidering the findings, Iran’s regional policy approach should focus on the limited military presence of China in areas close to its borders, similar to the approach adopted to deal with the U.S. presence in the region. These efforts will only be effective if Iran actively works to resolve security conflicts with Persian Gulf countries and is able to encourage, convince, or persuade regional nations to establish an independent security system, regardless of the presence of great powers. While China’s increasing presence in the region could bring economic benefits to Iran, it is essential to create balanced and multidimensional opportunities for cooperation. Interaction with other extra-regional powers, such as Russia, European countries, and India, should also remain a key consideration for Iran’s foreign policy decision-makers.
Political Sociology
Hojjat Kazemi; Mahdi Mosa Kazemi
Abstract
IntroductionThe significance of war as a key factor in the formation of modern states is acknowledged by certain scholars, particularly Neo-Weberian historical sociologists. In the 1970s, the Neo-Weberian historical sociology paradigm emerged as a critique of reducing the origins of the state to non-political ...
Read More
IntroductionThe significance of war as a key factor in the formation of modern states is acknowledged by certain scholars, particularly Neo-Weberian historical sociologists. In the 1970s, the Neo-Weberian historical sociology paradigm emerged as a critique of reducing the origins of the state to non-political factors. Aiming to revitalize the conception of state as an influential and autonomous institution, the Neo-Weberians explored the impact of wars on political transformations, viewing war as a key variable in shaping state structures and strengthening their authority. These studies highlight the argument that the requisites of military conflicts play a significant role in the development of Western states, enhancing their power and extending their societal reach. The current research aimed to examine the mechanisms through which war positively impacts state power, with a focus on the work of sociologists such as Weber, Tilly, Giddens, and Mann. Furthermore, it analyzed the applicability of these theories to historical experiences of non-Western societies, challenging the widely accepted conclusion among sociologists that war has a positive effect on state power. Instead, its central hypothesis argues that the relationship between war and state-building is not always positive and that military conflicts often undermine state authority in many societies.Literature ReviewThe existing literature presents a variety of perspectives on the question at hand. Generally, the Neo-Weberian approach remains a key reference for numerous researchers and historians, with military conflicts recognized as one of the primary drivers of political transformations in societies (MacMillan, 2023). In the context of non-Western societies, the relevance of these theories is a topic of special interest. For example, Hodgson (1974) argued that the invasions of the Mongols and the Crusaders significantly influenced the civilizational developments, geopolitical formations, and advancements in military and political structures of major Islamic empires. In contrast, Luchmann (2021) challenged the effectiveness of applying the military model of state-building. He highlighted historical evidence on the lack of cohesion within European state armies, their exploitative relationships, and their failure to raise financial resources to support their objectives. Recent research has also criticized the narrow perspective of Neo-Weberians, particularly Charles Tilly, regarding the causal relationship between war and the state. These studies present alternative theories to explain state formation in both Western and non-Western contexts. Adopting a broader view, some scholars reject the Neo-Weberian approach, arguing that war is not a necessary condition for the development of political institutions. Instead, they focus on other influential variables in the development of states in both Western and non-Western settings (see Kaspersen & Strandsbjerg, 2017). Some scholars specifically contend that applying Neo-Weberian theories to third-world societies is not feasible (Charlotte Ng, 2008; Sorensen, 2011). Among Iranian researchers, with the exception of a few review articles, no specific studies have been conducted to assess the generalizability of Neo-Weberian historical sociology theories.Materials and MethodsAs a descriptive inquiry, the current research employed a qualitative research method to address the topic. Relying on a library research, it reviewed the theoretical literature and relevant studies to collect the data from various resources and documents.Results and DiscussionWhile the analysis acknowledged the value of the historical sociological approach in understanding the political history of societies, it highlighted a tendency among proponents of the Neo-Weberian perspective to make unconditional generalizations of their theories. Although wars have had a positive impact on state consolidation in certain cases, they have often resulted in political and social erosion, as well as a decline in state capabilities. The findings suggest that the relationship between war and state-building, whether positive or negative, should be explained by considering additional variables, such as the nature of the war, foreign forces, and the economic and social conditions of the societies involved in conflict. Factors such as demographics, economics, technology, the type of war (domestic or foreign), the method of war financing (rent or taxation), social structure (ethnic group cohesion or lack thereof), and the strategies employed by leaders all influence the impact of military conflicts on state power. In light of these additional variables, the widely accepted conclusion of Neo-Weberian historical sociologists is not universally valid.ConclusionWhile Neo-Weberian theories emphasize war as a primary factor in state-building, a review of more recent scholarship reveals a more complex relationship than these theories initially proposed. This suggests a need to refine and revise the core tenets of the Neo-Weberian framework. In other words, while recognizing the value of a militaristic perspective in understanding state-building, the findings of this study align with critical scholarship that challenges the limitations of the Neo-Weberian perspective. Therefore, future research may explore the relationship between war and state-building through more rigorous case studies.
Political economy
Malek Avarideh; Ali Mokhtari; Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi
Abstract
Introduction Sanctions have been used as a foreign policy tool since ancient Greece. Over time, various ...
Read More
Introduction Sanctions have been used as a foreign policy tool since ancient Greece. Over time, various countries have employed them to exert pressure. The United States is among the most frequent users of sanctions in its foreign policy, with Iran being one of its primary targets. Iran–U.S. relations became strained after the 1979 Revolution, ultimately leading Washington to sever diplomatic ties with Tehran. Since then, successive U.S. administrations have imposed severe sanctions on Iran. One of the most intense sanction periods occurred during the Trump administration, encompassing financial, banking, insurance, transportation, shipping, and other sectors under what was termed the Maximum Pressure Campaign. This raises a crucial question: What effects have U.S. sanctions had on social and political capital in Iran? The present study argues that sanctions contribute to the decline of social and political capital in the countries they target.Literature ReviewResearch on the impact of sanctions on Iranian society faces two major shortcomings. First, there is a lack of studies specifically addressing U.S. sanctions imposed during Donald Trump’s presidency. Second, most existing research focuses primarily on the economic consequences of sanctions—particularly their effects on domestic and foreign trade—while giving less attention to their political and social ramifications. To address this gap, the present study aimed to examine how U.S. sanctions during the Trump administration influenced social and political values in Iran, particularly in relation to political development and social capital.Materials and MethodsThis research employed a case study approach to conduct an in-depth examination of sanctions and their effects across economic, political, and social dimensions. The objective was to achieve a comprehensive and multidimensional understanding of the issue. The selection of indicators was based on face validity (logical validity), assessed by experts and specialists in political science. According to their judgment, the chosen indicators effectively measure the concepts under study within the frameworks of social and political capital. Moreover, the collected data was analyzed within a designed conceptual framework using descriptive–analytical methods.Results and DiscussionAn analysis of the effects of sanctions on Iran revealed that their impact extends beyond the economic sphere, influencing social values and social capital as well. This finding is significant because sanctioning entities often claim that sanctions are intended to pressure governments rather than affect the lives of ordinary citizens. However, in reality, the general population bears the brunt of these measures, experiencing greater hardship than politicians and government officials. Moreover, applying pressure on citizens does not necessarily lead officials to retreat from their political decisions.The effects of sanctions on the Iranian economy can be evaluated using several key indicators, including economic growth, economic stability, foreign investment, the Gini coefficient, and poverty. Among these, economic growth is a particularly important measure when assessing the effects of sanctions on the economy. Before the imposition of sanctions, Iran’s economic growth showed positive figures. However, after the sanctions were implemented, the figures indicated negative economic growth. Another crucial factor is economic stability, including price stability in the country. Statistics indicate that before the imposition of sanctions, Iran’s highest recorded inflation rate was around 9.98%. However, following the sanctions, prices have continuously risen, leading to a persistent increase in inflation. Furthermore, studies reveal that the onset of sanctions triggered economic instability, characterized by rising inflation and surging exchange rates. This instability became a major concern for investors in Iran, making them hesitant to invest their capital in the country. Additionally, many existing investors began planning for capital flight. Regarding the poverty index, surveys by the Statistical Center of Iran indicate that income and wealth inequality increased by 4.9% following the imposition of sanctions.Beyond the economy, sanctions also impact on political values. This section evaluated indicators such as political participation, social protests, and order and law compliance as measures of political capital. Regarding political participation, after the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA and the imposition of sanctions, Iranian society faced significant fluctuations and economic hardships. In the short term, economic concerns became a primary focus for the public, reducing the importance of political engagement. Therefore, political participation declined, with Iranian society showing less willingness to engage in political activities—an effect that was evident in the low turnout for the 2021 presidential election. Regarding the second indicator (i.e., social protests), evidence suggests that street protests and unrest intensified during periods of heightened sanctions. The scope of these protests has expanded in terms of duration, number of participants, number of cities involved, and their financial and human consequences. Moreover, in terms of order and law compliance, incidents of theft, street violence, and both labor and political protests increased during the sanctions period. In indicators of social capital, such as crime and felony rates, theft, divorce rates, migration, suicide, and voluntary social participation—including charitable organizations, NGOs, and cultural or artistic programs—significant differences were observed between the periods before and after the sanctions.ConclusionContrary to the prevailing view among proponents of sanctions—who argue that sanctions can promote political liberalization and facilitate the transition to democracy by exerting pressure on leaders—sanctions actually weaken both the material and non-material (social and political) capital of society. This marginalizes democracy, weakens the public sphere, and strengthens authoritarian processes aimed at securing basic livelihoods. If this situation persists and economic problems in Iran continue to expand, it could darken the future of political and social values, potentially leading to the collapse of existing social and political capital. Therefore, decision-makers and policymakers must develop well-defined, realistic programs, seriously address the root causes of the weakening political and social order, and take decisive action to counter these trends. Failure to do so could lead to a range of dangerous consequences, including the escalation of popular protests, increased internal tensions, irreparable social problems, mass migration, a sharp decline in educational attainment, and, ultimately, a widening gap between the people and the ruling authorities. This would pose a serious threat to the future stability of the political system.
International Relations
Gholamali Chegnizadeh; Ali Esmaeili Ardakani; Omid Mohammadian Pahlavan
Abstract
IntroductionGermany and France, as two national actors, engage in processes of security convergence at both regional and extra-regional levels. However, the prevailing structural approach to analyzing security behaviors has proven insufficient and only partially explanatory. Germany and France’s ...
Read More
IntroductionGermany and France, as two national actors, engage in processes of security convergence at both regional and extra-regional levels. However, the prevailing structural approach to analyzing security behaviors has proven insufficient and only partially explanatory. Germany and France’s joint membership and alliances within the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)—representing regional and extra-regional convergence, respectively—underscore the need for an analytical framework that integrates all three levels of analysis. The present research aimed to understand the rationale behind Germany and France’s divergent security behaviors despite their many commonalities. To achieve this, the study introduced the framework of strategic culture. This approach is either underutilized or largely absent in Persian academic literature. Strategic culture offers a multi-level analytical perspective that goes beyond traditional system-level analysis. One advantage of studying strategic culture is that it offers a comprehensive analytical framework capable of addressing unresolved questions about rational approaches, while explaining actors’ behaviors based on a new conception of rationality. Strategic culture explains behaviors by considering non-material factors and, unlike constructivism, is not limited to focusing solely on structural elements at the system-level analysis.To understand the underlying factors shaping the divergent security behaviors of Germany and France in responding to external security concerns, it is essential to develop a conceptual framework capable of capturing the complexity of their behaviors and the differences between the two allies. This research proposed the framework of strategic culture, incorporating variables from three key levels of analysis: domestic, regional, and extra-regional. This tri-level approach highlights one of the core strengths of the strategic culture framework—its capacity to reveal the nuanced behavioral differences between allied actors such as Germany and France. The main question is: Despite the many commonalities between Germany and France, what explains the differences in their behaviors and responses to similar issues? This question cannot be fully answered using a purely structural approach. Instead, the strategic culture of each country, analyzed at three main levels, provides context for behaviors that result in significant differences in their responses to similar issues. Literature ReviewThe literature analyzing governments’ security behaviors through the lens of strategic culture can be categorized into three major generations. The first generation asserts that strategic culture shapes behavior, which in turn influences its surrounding environment or strategic culture (Gray, 1999; Snyder, 1977). The second generation focuses on the causal effect of strategic culture on choices and behaviors, even if this influence is only apparent or instrumental (Klein, 1988; Lawrence, 1997). The third generation takes a more eclectic approach than its predecessors. While acknowledging various factors and resources that contribute to the formation of strategic culture, it avoids the tautological reasoning of the first generation. Instead, it adopts the second generation’s view that strategic culture serves as an external resource influencing strategic behaviors. In essence, the third generation seeks to establish a causal relationship between strategic culture and an actor’s strategic behaviors, while also recognizing the role of non-cultural variables in shaping such behaviors (Johnston, 1995).The concept of strategic culture introduces a new understanding of rationality, encompassing various methodological branches. It is preferable to leave variables such as the form of governance or the knowledge of the decision-making process to the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism and other competing schools (Glenn, 2009). Several variables can be used to examine strategic culture through documents from a specific period, ultimately extracting a set of priorities based on an actor’s security choices and preferences (Johnston, 1995). The comparison of German and French security behaviors within the analytical framework of strategic culture proves to be innovative, particularly with respect to three levels of analysis. In other words, the present study distinguishes itself from other research by employing a multi-level strategic culture approach, utilizing three main levels of analysis and five variables to simultaneously compare the security approaches of Germany and France.Materials and MethodsThe present study used a qualitative and comparative method to analyze the sources and components of the strategic culture of Germany and France. It first developed an analytical framework for strategic culture, which was then applied to explain the strategic culture components of both Germany and France. Finally, the security measures of these two countries were compared at both regional and international levels. Finally, the strategic culture priorities of Germany and France were identified.Results and Discussion The findings highlighted German and French security behaviors in relation to the EU and NATO. A key finding regarding the strategic cultures of both countries is their stance on NATO and the EU. Germany views the EU as a complementary component of NATO, aimed at ensuring European security. In contrast, France places greater emphasis on European security, opposes the division of labor between NATO and the EU, while advocating for a strong and independent EU. Germany’s approach to NATO and the EU has not prevented it from assigning specific security responsibilities to the EU at various levels or from pressuring measures to enhance its defense capabilities. In a manner similar to France, Germany is working to boost cooperation in defense industries, including aviation, intelligence, space, and drone manufacturing. The pursuit of European security in the case of German strategic culture is inextricably linked to its European identity, whereas in France, it is rooted in the ideology of de Gaulleism. The German strategic culture views threats as networked and pervasive, leading to the belief that military action is an appropriate means of maintaining stability and international order. In contrast, the French elite perceive the country’s geopolitical position in distant regions and the African continent in a way that military action—even if unilateral—becomes a priority in the French strategic culture. The findings also helped explain not only France’s seemingly contradictory behaviors in NATO but also why Germany adopted certain military approaches in response to Iran’s seizure of the British oil tanker Stena Impero, diverging from its traditionally non-military stance.ConclusionStrategic culture essentially provides the non-material and intellectual foundations for understanding a government’s security behaviors. It shapes perceptions and judgments about external developments, thereby limiting or prioritizing the available options to achieve an actor’s goals in line with their unique vision. The analysis made clear the strategic priorities of Germany and France by comparing their strategic cultures. The results shed light on the meaningful differences between them and better clarified the behavioral nuances in their security approaches
International Relations
Zahra Akbari; Gholam Reza Haddad
Abstract
IntroductionChina’s significant economic progress in recent decades, which has also spurred military advancements, has challenged the U.S. unilateralism and its unrivaled power on the international stage. In recent years, there has been an increasing competition between the two powers, with economic ...
Read More
IntroductionChina’s significant economic progress in recent decades, which has also spurred military advancements, has challenged the U.S. unilateralism and its unrivaled power on the international stage. In recent years, there has been an increasing competition between the two powers, with economic rivalry being the most prominent aspect. The Islamic Republic of Iran, located in West Asia—an important region due to its rich energy resources—holds considerable strategic importance for both countries. In fact, the Sino-American competition and the shift away from unilateral enforcement of power present an opportunity for nations like Iran to develop new strategies. By doing so, they can maximize their advantages while avoiding direct involvement in potential future conflicts. It is thus essential to formulate strategies that capitalize on the current situation and mitigate the associated threats. The present research sought to answer the following question: What are the appropriate strategies for the Islamic Republic of Iran, considering the components of smart power, to take advantage of the competitive environment between China and the U.S.?Literature ReviewThere are many studies on smart power and its definition in general, including the report by Joseph Nye and Richard Armitage titled CSIS Commission on Smart Power: A Smarter, More Secure America (Armitage & Nye, 2007). As officials at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, they outlined the concept of smart power in their report, listing the components of America’s smart power. Another area of focus in the literature is the competition between China and the U.S. In the article “Managing China and America’s Energy Competition in West Asia” Leverett and Flynt (2005) highlighted China’s growing need for resources from West Asia, which has led the country to become an influential competitor in the region. In the article “Is a New Cold War Inevitable? A Chinese Perspective on US–China Strategic Competition,” Zhao (2019) presents a Chinese perspective on the strategic rivalry between China and the U.S. Iran Between the US and China (Forough, 2021) is the research report published by the Center for Iranian Studies (IRAM) in Ankara. It examined Iran’s position amid the competition between China and the U.S. By analyzing the rivalry between America’s military and geopolitical power and China’s geo-economic influence, Forough (2021) aimed to shed light on Iran’s relationship with both powers within this competitive context. It should be noted, however, that the aforementioned studies do not cover all aspects of Sino–American competition, nor do they address the strategies that the Islamic Republic of Iran could adopt to navigate the competitive dynamics between these two powers. Specifically, they overlook how Iran might leverage its own concept of smart power, based on indigenous components, to capitalize on this geopolitical competition.Materials and MethodsTo answer the research question, it is essential to employ a comprehensive model that simultaneously considers domestic resources and limitations, while also examining international conditions, opportunities, and challenges. Such a holistic approach will provide a clear framework for operational strategies. Therefore, the study used the SWOT model to examine the topic. This method analyzes four key components (i.e., strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats), organizing them in a matrix-like table. Since the model considers two internal and two external components, it results in four distinct strategies: offensive strategy at the intersection of strengths and opportunities; conservative strategy at the intersection of weaknesses and opportunities; defensive strategy at the intersection of strengths and threats; and competitive strategy at the intersection of weaknesses and threats. The research also employed a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods to analyze the data. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with several professors and officials in the fields of foreign policy, smart power, and the Sino–American competition. Concerning the conceptual framework, the study relied on the concept of smart power, which refers to the strategic combination of both soft and hard components of power. Historically, power has been measured through components such as population, territory, natural resources, economic strength, military forces, and social stability. However, hard power alone is insufficient. Smart power is neither purely hard nor soft; rather, it is an astute integration of both. Smart power involves developing a comprehensive strategy that leverages available resources and tools to secure national interests and achieve goals (Nye & Armitage, 2007).Results and DiscussionThis research sought to answer the question: What are the appropriate strategies for the Islamic Republic of Iran, considering the components of smart power, to take advantage of the competitive environment between China and the U.S.? The study first examined the hard and soft power components of Iran’s smart power, identifying its strengths and weaknesses in each dimension of power. Then, considering the threats and opportunities arising from the competition between China and the U.S., a SWOT analysis was conducted, leading to the development of four strategic categories, as follows. The main offensive strategies include placing double emphasis on naval policies and strategies, as well as fostering cooperation with naval powers; promoting cultural exchanges based on the shared cultural affinities between Islam and Confucianism; and signing medicine production contracts with China, including the production of radiopharmaceuticals, cancer treatments, vaccines, and herbal medicines. The primary conservative strategies are as follows: utilizing China’s new capital and technology for oil exploration and extraction; actively participating in international organizations to leverage global resources and facilitate commercial and financial exchanges, as well as attracting capital and tourists; and conducting joint military exercises with China to impart modern military technologies to Iranian military forces. The main competitive strategies include establishing joint ventures with China and other countries to prevent economic and security dependence; creating jobs through the development of industries and joint economic projects with China—which would improve the economic situation and reduce domestic dissatisfaction; and advancing the nuclear industry by continuing independent research in this field without attracting international attention, in order to avoid potential disruptions. The most important defensive strategies include: diversifying the production and export portfolio to reduce vulnerability to oil sanctions and dependence solely on oil revenues; establishing robust trade relations with other countries in both Asia and Europe alongside China to avoid over-reliance on a single partner; and simultaneously utilizing communication technologies from China, Europe, and the U.S. while striving to reduce dependency on foreign communication technology products.ConclusionTo develop effective strategies, the SWOT model proves to be highly efficient. The Sino–American competition presents both opportunities and threats to Iran. Economic competition has garnered more attention due to its large scale and significant impact on the trade relations of other countries, compared to other areas of competition. However, other fields, such as the military, have also seen significant developments, including issues related to Taiwan and the U.S. military agreements with China’s neighboring countries to limit its power. In addition, by analyzing the factors that contribute to Iran’s smart power, the SWOT model helped identify Iran’s strengths and weaknesses. The four components—strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats—led to the formulation of four strategic categories: offensive, conservative, competitive, and defensive.
