Political Sociology
Seyed Shamseddin Sadeghi; Javad Biglari; Masoud Akhavan Kazemi
Abstract
Introduction
Today, with the rapid advancement of information and communication technologies, we are witnessing the widespread presence of social networks and media in various aspects of sociopolitical life. One of the most important features that distinguishes social networks from traditional media ...
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Introduction
Today, with the rapid advancement of information and communication technologies, we are witnessing the widespread presence of social networks and media in various aspects of sociopolitical life. One of the most important features that distinguishes social networks from traditional media is their multimedia nature and free accessibility, allowing users to share their daily lives, preferences, thoughts, and beliefs. In doing so, they present themselves in ways that can influence others, seek recognition, and gain fame. In today’s highly-mediated societies, individuals who succeed in attracting large numbers of followers in virtual space and social networks are recognized as celebrities or public figures. While celebrity literally means fame and reputation, a broader definition includes individuals who become widely-known figures thanks to platforms such as social networks, television, or cinema. These individuals attract followers to their thoughts, ideas, and behaviors. In Iran, this phenomenon has been particularly noticeable since the mid-2000s, with the introduction of the country’s first social network, called Orkut, followed by platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and Telegram. These networks have made it easier for prominent figures in sports, the arts, and other fields to share their opinions, express their views, and communicate their ideas and concepts directly to citizens. The emergence and growing influence of celebrities in political, social, cultural, and economic spheres is highly significant and should be examined as an emerging social issue.
With the decline of citizens’ political trust in governments and the widening gap between the two, celebrities increasingly gain influence within society. People often look to these figures as benchmarks to evaluate their own behavior and adopt new social patterns. As a result, the widespread influence and acceptance of celebrities make their actions and behaviors a standard for judgment among social actors. Because of their prominence in the public imagination, many celebrities extend their influence into areas outside their expertise (e.g., politics, social sciences, etc.) where they often express non-expert opinions. In particular, the close association between politics and celebrity has given rise to what is known as celebritization of politics. A key factor driving this phenomenon is the increasing mediatization of societies. Today, celebrities play a crucial role in setting political agendas, giving political clues, and guiding or redirecting public opinion through social networks. As the celebritization of politics continues, celebrities’ involvement in political affairs will become even more prominent. Through their persuasive power and influence, they can capture the attention of the media, organizations, institutions, and the wider public, thereby reshaping the priorities in the evaluative process. In this process, rational choices are often replaced by superficial and emotional ones. The current study aimed to examine the challenges to political development in Iran posed by the involvement of celebrities in politics. The central question is: What obstacles have celebrities created in the path of political development in Iran through their involvement in politics? The study is based on the hypothesis that by reflecting the superficial and often false needs of society and citizens, celebrities create significant barriers to political development and to the realization of maximum democracy. Focusing on the period 2019–2023, the paper argues that celebrities, in their pursuit of greater popularity, exert a broad influence on political trends by shaping public opinion, particularly through extensive self-promotion and advertising on platforms such as Instagram.
Literature Review
Several studies have explored the challenges of political development in the Islamic Republic, as well as the role of celebrities therein. For example, their article titled “Social Pathology of Iranian Microcelebrities on Instagram,” Shariati-Shiri and Naqibzadeh (2023) examined the rise and influence of microcelebrities on Instagram using a qualitative approach and network analysis. Their findings indicate that microcelebrities can have numerous negative effects on society, including altering reference groups, isolating elites, and increasing verbal violence. In an earlier study titled “Challenges of Democracy in the Age of Celebritization of Politics,” Naqibzadeh and Shariati-Shiri (2022) used a descriptive–analytical method to address the growing involvement of celebrities in politics. The research suggests that the challenges facing democracy in the age of celebritized politics can be understood in three stages: 1) the setting of political agendas and distraction tactics, 2) the dramatization of politics and degradation of democratic processes through scandals, and 3) the weakening of the party system and the final decline of political development. Moreover, in “Acceptance of Celebrities in Political Participation From the Point of View of Social Media Audiences,” Esmaili et al. (2023) studied selected Iranian celebrities on Instagram using a qualitative approach. Their analysis concluded that the public generally does not view celebrities as acceptable actors in political or social activities.
Materials and Methods
This research used a descriptive–analytical approach to examine the role of celebrities in the political development of the Islamic Republic of Iran during 2019–2023. It relied on library research to collect the data form various sources. Using Ferdinand de Saussure’s semiotic method, the study analyzed the Instagram posts of six celebrities published during 2019–2023.
Results and Discussion
The analysis yielded several findings. The influence of celebrities has contributed to the polarization of society, interference in policymaking and decision-making processes, and the dramatization of politics. Additionally, celebrities have played a role in the replacement of the monarchy with the Islamic Republic, the diversion of social movements, and the violation of citizens’ rights by encouraging Western countries to impose double sanctions on Iran. Due to their widespread impact on public opinion, celebrities have attempted to intervene in various spheres of society, significantly affecting the processes of democratization and political development. However, as celebrities increasingly seek fame and public attention, their actions have transformed politics into a form of showmanship and turned democracy into a culture of fame.
Conclusion
Celebrities have gained a prominent position due to the appeal of their personal lives, their ideas, and their ability to connect with members of society. At the same time, the gap between the government and the public, along with citizens’ lack of political trust in officials, has created an opportunity for their influence. As a result, celebrities often seek to increase their fame by interfering in political and social affairs, turning political development into a form of showmanship.
Political Sociology
Mehdi Mirkiaei
Abstract
Introduction
Exploring the political life of the masses has received relatively little attention. The few existing studies on the political behavior of ordinary people have largely focused on moments of rebellion and violent confrontation with governments. This has created the impression that the masses ...
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Introduction
Exploring the political life of the masses has received relatively little attention. The few existing studies on the political behavior of ordinary people have largely focused on moments of rebellion and violent confrontation with governments. This has created the impression that the masses lacked political action during other periods, particularly in times of apparent calm between the government and the public. Yet, a closer look at popular political culture reveals that the people were in constant, if less visible, conflict with various dimensions of government actions. One notable example is the creation and circulation of political jokes. This form of popular culture cannot be confined to a particular historical moment but has persisted throughout different regimes. This raises important questions: What function do these jokes have in the masses’ confrontation with the ruling elites? And through the act of narrating such jokes, which strategies of power are the people attempting to undermine in order to resist domination? Applying the theory of hidden transcripts, the present study sought to identify the general forms of resistance employed by subaltern groups against ruling elites. Establishing connections between political jokes and the elements of this theory can help construct a more nuanced picture of the political behavior of the masses as reflected in these jokes.
Literature Review
Several studies have previously analyzed political jokes, including “Wit and Politics: An Essay on Laughter and Power” (Speier, 1998), “Social Dimensions of Stalinist Rule: Humor and Terror in the USSR, 1935–1941” (Thurston, 1991), “Jokes as the Truth About Soviet Socialism” (Christie, 2010), “The Life and Times of Ceausescu Jokes” (Galvan, 2019), and “Political Humor in a Dictatorial State: The Case of Spain (Pi-Sunyer, 1977). However, to date, no research has examined political jokes across different countries through the lens of hidden transcripts theory.
Materials and Methods
This research used a descriptive–explanatory method. The data included political jokes collected from different countries. The analysis and interpretation of these jokes were conducted through the perspectives of theorists such as James C. Scott, Mikhail Bakhtin, and Sigmund Freud. Specifically, Scott’s theory of hidden transcripts formed the core of analytical framework.
Results and Discussion
The research used Scott’s theory of hidden transcripts as the main theoretical framework. Scott, renowned for his studies on the political behavior of subalterns, emphasizes the often non-violent forms of resistance employed by the masses, particularly in periods of apparent calm between the ruling and the ruled. His theory explains the structured ways in which subordinates respond—both openly and covertly, through words and actions—to dominant groups. In addition to Scott’s perspective, the analysis drew on Sigmund Freud’s insights in Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious and Mikhail Bakhtin’s views on the role of humor in popular culture. According to the findings, the diversity and abundance of these jokes demonstrate that they serve multiple purposes. By circulating them, the masses attempt, first, to neutralize the efforts of those in power to exert domination in three domains: material, dignitary, and ideological. Second, they try to challenge various aspects of the government’s official narrative. Political jokes seek to undermine the ruling groups’ strategies (e.g., concealment) in constructing this official tableau and narrative. In some cases, the jokes even appear to affirm the government’s main slogans, but they ultimately ridicule and subvert these slogans through the use of double themes and meanings. Some jokes tend to employ the theme of feigned ignorance before the rulers, a strategy often adopted by the masses in societies dominated by military occupation or overt violence. This tactic not only limits exploitation but also creates opportunities for symbolic revenge for insults. Political jokes also function as a system of care and blame, through which subaltern groups monitor their peers to discourage collaboration with ruling elites or acquiescence to tyranny. Beyond resistance, many jokes also give expression to people’s hopes and dreams, offering glimpses of their vision for an ideal society.
Conclusion
The persistence of people in sustaining this form of popular culture and secretly sharing these jokes, even during the most violent periods of authoritarian rule, highlights its significance as a form of political action, suggesting that its impact extends beyond mere psychological consequences.
Political Psychology
Yalda Nikpour; Reza Khalili; Mirshahram Safari
Abstract
Introduction
Despite the significance of political awareness and its measurement among students as one of the most important social groups, unfortunately, most existing studies have not provided a detailed and comprehensive explanation of the subject. In particular, they have rarely employed the approach ...
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Introduction
Despite the significance of political awareness and its measurement among students as one of the most important social groups, unfortunately, most existing studies have not provided a detailed and comprehensive explanation of the subject. In particular, they have rarely employed the approach of political neuroscience to analyze and explain this issue. Accordingly, the present research aimed to investigate and measure political awareness, as well as the degree to which political knowledge indicators have become institutionalized among students. Focused on students at Tehran universities, the research comparatively examined and measured the level of political awareness among students in technical fields and those in the humanities. The main question is, what are the differences and similarities between technical students and humanities students of Tehran universities in terms of political awareness? The study is based on the hypothesis that the level of political awareness among technical students differs from that of humanities students, due to their distinct psychological and cognitive characteristics.
Literature Review
Despite the quantitative growth in the student population and the significance of political awareness and its measurement among students as one of the most important social groups, most studies in Iran have examined political awareness in relation to issues such as political legitimacy (Massoudnia et al., 2009), political participation (Sakhamehr & Sedaghatifard, 2015; Seyyedemami, 2007; Shahriari, 2014a), and international issues (Bagheri-Dolatabadi, 2016).
Others have focused on the impact of factors such as social networks on political awareness (Kabiri et al., 2019) or on political orientation (Shahriari, 2014b), typically adopting sociological or psychological approaches. Even outside Iran, research on political awareness has largely followed this framework (Bolsen, 2009; Lesson, 2018), and to date, the political neuroscience approach has not been applied to analyze and explain the issue. A review of the aforementioned studies shows that the dominant approaches (i.e., sociology and political psychology) primarily examine the social or psychological contexts shaping political awareness.
By contrast, the political neuroscience approach, which represents the distinctive and innovative contribution of this article, investigates political awareness from the perspective of cognitive science and the brain’s neural structures—an approach that has not yet been applied in Iran to the study of political awareness among students.
Materials and Methods
The statistical population of this study consisted of all students in technical and humanities fields at Tehran universities. A questionnaire was distributed publicly online, and 256 students from technical-engineering, basic sciences, medical sciences, and humanities disciplines responded. According to the results of the G*Power software (with a medium effect size of 0.5, an alpha level of 0.05, and statistical power of 0.8), a sample of 120–130 participants was required. Accordingly, the responses of 124 students (57 from technical fields and 67 from the humanities) were included in the final analysis. Following the study procedure, participants first completed the questionnaire. To control for fatigue effects, the order of the scales was randomized.
The data from the two groups (technical and humanities students) were then separated for analysis, which was conducted through SPSS software. An independent statistical t-test was employed to compare the mean scores of the two groups, while the Pearson correlation test was used to examine the relationships between the research variables.
Results and Discussion
The independent t-test was conducted on two groups across five variables: the economic axis of the political compass (left–right), the social axis of the political compass (authoritarian–libertarian), the idealism subscale of the standard moral ideology classification questionnaire, the relativity subscale of the same questionnaire, and the beneficence questionnaire. The results indicated a significant difference between the groups on the social axis of the political compass, considering t(122) = 2.16 and p < 0.05. Specifically, humanities students (-2.92±1.77) scored significantly lower than technical students (-2.22±1.82). The Pearson correlation analysis, conducted with an equal number of participants (n = 67), revealed a significant negative correlation between the social axis of the political compass and the relativity subscale of the standard moral ideology classification questionnaire (r = –0.27 and p < 0.05). In addition, a significant positive correlation was found between the relativity subscale of the standard moral ideology classification questionnaire and the beneficence questionnaire (r = 0.38 and p < 0.01).
Conclusion
The final results indicated a significant difference between technical and humanities students on the social axis of the political compass.Humanities students scored more negatively than technical students, suggesting a stronger tendency toward libertarian beliefs. By contrast, technical students demonstrated a greater inclination toward authoritarian beliefs. Furthermore, a significant negative correlation was observed between the social axis of the political compass and the relativity subscale of the standard moral ideology classification questionnaire. A significant positive correlation was also found between the relativity subscale and the beneficence questionnaire. Previous studies demonstrated a relationship between brain structure and political tendencies. Specifically, individuals with libertarian tendencies tend to have a larger anterior cingulate cortex, while more conservative individuals with authoritarian tendencies tend to have a larger right amygdala. In light of these findings, the results of the present study suggest the possibility of differences in brain structure between students in the humanities and those in technical fields. In other words, there appears to be a meaningful relationship between educational background, cognitive brain function, and political orientation.
Acknowledgments
This article is derived from. Yalda Nikpour’s master’s thesis, conducted at the Department of Political Science at Kharazmi University under the supervision of Dr. Reza Khalili, with the collaboration and guidance of Dr. Mirshahram Safari, faculty member of the Neuroscience Research Center at Shahid Beheshti University of Medical Sciences. The authors sincerely thank both institutions for their support and for providing the opportunity to carry out this research.
Political economy
Ahmadreza Bordbar; Hoda Yousefi Najafaabaadi
Abstract
Introduction
During the transition from the Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic, a central revolutionary value was the struggle against economic corruption, class disparity, and the concentration of national capital in the hands of a ruling minority. These conditions had fostered a deep and widespread ...
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Introduction
During the transition from the Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic, a central revolutionary value was the struggle against economic corruption, class disparity, and the concentration of national capital in the hands of a ruling minority. These conditions had fostered a deep and widespread sense of deprivation among the population over many years. Efforts to address this issue seemed feasible through the devaluation of wealth and the promotion of values such as equality and social justice. The present study aimed to examine the transformation of the concept of wealth in Iran after the Islamic Revolution.
Literature Review
Numerous studies have explored the changes across various domains following the Islamic Revolution, including economics, culture, and value systems. For instance, the Persian-language book titled Iran’s Economy Before and After the Islamic Revolution (Dadgar, 2012) offered a critical analysis of Iran’s economic performance before and after the Revolution, shedding light on social welfare levels and factors influencing human development. Dadgar’s work elucidates the path taken by post-Revolutionary economic policymakers and the underlying values that guided them. In the Persian-language monograph titled Revolution and Values: A Study on the Evolution of Values in the Light of the Islamic Revolution, Zoelm (2009) contends that the Revolution’s leaders characterized it as a revolution of values. Relying on a field study, he concludes that while the Revolution’s goals were largely realized in its early years, subsequent developments led to a decline in these original values and a rise in public discontent. Moreover, Aryan’s M.A. thesis titled The Effects of the Islamic Revolution and the Gulf War on Iran’s Economy (1989) examined the impact of factors such as the Iran–Iraq War, modernization trends, and oil on Islamic economic theories. Aryan argues that underdeveloped infrastructure, among other factors, hindered the realization of many of the goals and values established in the Revolution’s early years. The novelty of the present research lies in its focus on the transformation process itself, closely examining how factors such as popular culture and the discourse of development have played pivotal roles in the erosion of the Revolution’s original values and in shaping the current situation.
Materials and Methods
The present research employed a combination of documentary and descriptive–analytical methods. The documentary method was used to gain insight into the goals and values articulated during the early years following the Islamic Revolution. In addition, a descriptive-analytical approach was adopted to thoroughly examine the unfolding processes and provide a comprehensive overview of the situation. The study also used Ted Robert Gurr’s theory of relative deprivation as its theoretical framework. According to this theory, a sense of deprivation and discontent arises when there is a growing gap between value expectations (what people believe they are entitled to) and value capabilities (what they perceive they can achieve).
Results and Discussion
In post-Revolutionary Iran, values such as justice and equality were promoted, aligning with the public’s mental framework and religious beliefs. However, subsequent shifts in practice challenged these expectations, creating conditions conducive to a sense of relative deprivation. Deeply shaped by religious beliefs, the pursuit of equality and social justice has long been a central aspect of Iranian culture. When this pursuit aligned with the principles championed by the architects of the Islamic Revolution, it set in motion a profound societal transformation. The principle of equality became a powerful catalyst for the Revolution, and the people’s unwavering belief in the establishment of revolutionary values fostered high expectations. However, since its inception, the ruling system of the Islamic Republic has undertaken a long and complex journey to achieve its objectives. The process of devaluing wealth and realizing justice has been gradual rather than immediate. The slow progress in meeting these goals gave rise to a new sense of deprivation within the collective consciousness. When the anticipated achievements diverged sharply from what was attainable, a sense of relative deprivation emerged as the primary repercussion experienced by the public.
Conclusion
The current inquiry focused on the performance of post-Revolutionary governments, the actions of self-serving individuals in positions of authority, and the influence of both domestic and foreign factors. It concludes that in the early years of the Islamic Revolution, some justice-oriented objectives showed signs of progress. However, various challenges—including the imposed Iran–Iraq War and subsequent economic imperatives such as modernization and development—acted as impediments, delaying the realization of the cherished ideal of social justice. For a populace that had envisioned a society free from inequality and had passionately worked toward its realization, this outcome fostered a collective sense of relative deprivation. Although the process of wealth devaluation should be understood as a long-term endeavor, recent deviations from the core path of social justice—caused by the inadequate performance of certain state officials—highlight the need for fundamental reforms. Achieving the ideal socio-economic model, grounded in the teachings of Islam, depends on overcoming these obstacles and returning to the authentic values of the Islamic Revolution.
Developments in the Islamic world
Fatemeh Soury; Gholam reza khajehsarvi
Abstract
Introduction
The concept of resistance, as a fundamental political and social phenomenon, has long been central to analyses in international relations, particularly within critical and postcolonial studies. Western academic literature typically explains resistance through secular frameworks, emphasizing ...
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Introduction
The concept of resistance, as a fundamental political and social phenomenon, has long been central to analyses in international relations, particularly within critical and postcolonial studies. Western academic literature typically explains resistance through secular frameworks, emphasizing either cultural and discursive dimensions (as in the works of Said and Bhabha) or material struggles (as in Fanon). A defining limitation of these approaches is their neglect of religion and spirituality as genuine driving forces.
This methodological bias has led to the systematic marginalization of religion and spirituality in accounts of liberation movements. As a result, understandings of resistance movements in societies where religion is central to identity formation and social mobilization remain incomplete and, at times, distorted.
The present study argues that the 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran was not merely a regional political event, but a paradigmatic turning point that, by introducing a novel and distinctly different model of resistance, challenged the foundational assumptions of existing theories.
The central problem lies in the fact that prevailing analytical frameworks, shaped by institutionalized secularism, are incapable of fully explaining the nature, objectives, and dynamics of this new model of resistance.
Unlike other major revolutions—such as the French Revolution, rooted in Enlightenment ideals, or the Russian and Chinese revolutions, shaped by Marxist and secular beliefs—the Iranian Revolution was profoundly religious, placing Islamic identity, norms, and values at its very core. In this respect, the current research aimed to describe and analyze the profound conceptual transformation that the Islamic Revolution introduced to the notion of resistance. It also sought to identify, differentiate, and articulate the core and foundational components of the discourse of Islamic resistance. Building on these insights, the study further developed and presented a new conceptual framework, termed transcendental resistance, as an analytical tool for understanding this phenomenon and for examining similar cases in other contexts.
Materials and Methods
This research employed a qualitative, descriptive–analytical approach. It relied on documentary analysis to examine the foundational texts of the Islamic Revolution’s discourse, including the Holy Quran, hadiths, and statements by the Revolution’s leaders. The aim was to extract the key principles and components of Islamic resistance. These components were then analyzed within a comparative framework alongside conventional secular models, highlighting the distinctions and theoretical novelty of the transcendental resistance model.
Literature Review
Previous research on Islamic resistance has often focused on specific dimensions such as its geopolitical impacts through the "Axis of Resistance" (e.g., Ghasemi, 1397), its jurisprudential and theoretical foundations within Shi'a theology (e.g., Maleki, 1402), or its civilizational and cultural aspects (e.g., Lezgi & Ghiasi Fathabadi, 1402). However, a significant gap exists in providing a comprehensive and integrated conceptual model that synthesizes these elements. Furthermore, dominant postcolonial theories, influenced by secular-Marxist perspectives, have historically marginalized the role of religion, framing it as a secondary factor rather than the central logic of struggle (Young, 2001: 338). This study addresses this gap by moving beyond a compartmentalized analysis and proposing a holistic framework that positions spirituality and transcendental goals as the core of the resistance model, thereby challenging the secular assumptions prevalent in the existing literature.
Result and Discussion
According to the findings, the model of resistance emerging from the Islamic Revolution distinguishes itself from secular models through three fundamental conceptual transformations.
First, it redefines resistance through a religious essence. Unlike secular approaches that treat religion as one tool among many, the proposed model considers Islam as the core and essence of resistance. Resistance is elevated from a purely political act to the sacred struggle (or jihad), deriving its legitimacy and motivation directly from religious faith. By presenting an ideological Third Way, this model positions itself as independent of both Western liberalism and Eastern socialism. Consequently, the goal of resistance transcends mere political independence to encompass the defense of Islamic identity and values, as well as the pursuit of social justice in opposition to global hegemony.
Second, the model transforms the horizon of liberation. While some Western critical theories adopt a cautious or even pessimistic view regarding the possibility of complete liberation due to entrenched structures of domination, the discourse of Islamic resistance is rooted in strategic and definitive optimism.
This optimism stems from a profound belief in the certainty of the divine promise for the final victory of truth and justice. Such a perspective shifts the struggle from a human act with uncertain outcomes to a meaningful participation in an inevitable divine conclusion, endowing resistance with psychological power and resilience in the face of setbacks.
Third, this model conceptualizes resistance as a form of transcendentalism, defining it as a perfection-seeking process operating on both individual (micro) and collective (macro) levels. At the individual level, struggle and steadfastness serve as tools for self-cultivation, spiritual purification, and the development of moral virtues such as patience, courage, and self-esteem.
This view frames resistance as a path toward personal spiritual perfection. At the macro level, resistance transcends mere defensive reactions, becoming a proactive and long-term strategy aimed at realizing an ultimate civilizational goal: the establishment of a new Islamic civilization. Within this framework, resistance functions as the engine driving a civilization-building project designed to establish a just global order grounded in Islamic values.
Conclusion
Iran’s Islamic Revolution articulated and operationalized the coherent and compelling model of transcendental resistance, bringing about a profound transformation in both the theory and practice of resistance.
The model demonstrates that any comprehensive analysis of contemporary political dynamics remains incomplete, reductionist, and ineffective if it fails to account for the central role of religion and spiritual worldviews. The primary implication of this research is the pressing need to reassess the predominantly secular foundations of postcolonial studies and international relations.
The model presented offers a valuable analytical tool for understanding other resistance movements with a religious dimension worldwide, thus providing a foundation for future research in this field. Recognizing and engaging with these models of resistance is no longer merely an academic exercise but the undeniable necessity for accurately analyzing the complex geopolitical landscape of our time.
Political Sociology
Reza Sehhat Manesh
Abstract
Introduction
With the fall of Isfahan to the Afghans and the subsequent rise of the Afshars, new models of gaining power began to emerge. During this period, new contenders and figures rose to challenge the Safavids. The most significant among them were the Afghans, Fath-Ali Khan Qajar, Malik Mahmoud ...
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Introduction
With the fall of Isfahan to the Afghans and the subsequent rise of the Afshars, new models of gaining power began to emerge. During this period, new contenders and figures rose to challenge the Safavids. The most significant among them were the Afghans, Fath-Ali Khan Qajar, Malik Mahmoud Sistani, and Nader Qoli Afshar. Meanwhile, Tahmasb II relied on the legitimate right of Safavid succession. Among these contenders, it was Nader Afshar who ultimately seized the throne. The present study sought to answer the follwing question: What model did Nader Afshar use to gain power and establish the foundations of his legitimacy?
Literature Review
The related literature has given relatively little attention to Nader Shah’s efforts to establish legitimacy. In “The Army of Nader Shah,” Axworthy (2007) examined Nader’s army, arguing that the formation of his military after the Safavid period constituted a revolution in weaponry, training, discipline, and morale. In the article titled “Nader Shah, Social Legitimacy, and Riots (1726–1740),” Faridi et al. (2017) concluded that Nader sought political and religious legitimacy through a policy of religious tolerance; however, his efforts ultimately failed due to internal uprisings and Ottoman hostility. They also argued that Nader’s attempts to construct a lineage clashed with the public’s belief in farr-e izadi (divine glory).
In “The Legitimacy of the Safavids and the Reign of Nader,” Abdollahi and Kajbaf (2013) interpreted Nader’s pursuit of legitimacy as tied to the Safavids and highlighted the process of his delegitimization, noting that the transfer of power from the Safavids to the Afsharids occurred in a relatively soft manner.
Mousavi-Dalini (2018) analyzed Nader’s economic policies as centered on wealth, power, and security, suggesting that he prioritized economics and approached politics through an economic lens. The present study, however, aimed to examine Nader’s efforts to revive Timurid and Turkmen traditions, to re-establish traditional legitimacy, and to purge society of Safavid legacies. Particular attention is also given to Nader’s army and his military strategies as foundations of his legitimacy.
Materials and Methods
This study used an analytical method, drawing on primary sources from the Afsharid and Timurid periods. The sources included both domestic and foreign historiographical works, with particular emphasis on European travelogues and accounts from Nader’s era. An attempt was made to extract the data as comprehensively as possible through full induction and then compare it with data from the Timurid period.
Result and Discussion
There are many similarities between Nader and Timur. Both were Turks from the northeast of Iran, both began their careers as soldiers, and both rose to join the ranks of royal families. It is noteworthy that both generals emerged during periods that were strikingly similar. In the post-Ilkhanid era, Nizam al-Din Shami writes that sedition and chaos spread, and distress and anxiety entered the state of the kingdoms, while the subjects, who were the burdens of glory, fell into the grip of oppression (Shami, 1937, p. 16). Similarly, following the decline of the Safavid dynasty, chaos and disruptions entered the state of Iran; the inhabitants of the provinces began opposing authority in every corner, and the path of intemperance emerged. Consequently, general disturbances affected both religious and governmental rules (Marvi, 1990, p. 5).
The core of the army during both the Timurid and Turkmen eras consisted of a unified force of Jaghtai Turks and Turkmens. In Travels to Tana and Persia, Zeno (1873) writes that Uzun Hassan was a ruler whose mercy rests in the hearts of the soldiers. He gathered chosen riders and believed he could easily make himself the ruler of Iran, provided that his loyal supporters remained steadfast. Many of Timur’s military successes can be attributed to the devotion of his troops, who regarded themselves as invincible under his leadership and revered him as the god of war. They interpreted the victories of the Tatar emir over his enemies as the will of destiny (Mirjafari, 1996). Following the example of earlier Turkmen sultans, Nader began forming a loyal army, building its core from Turkmens and supplementing it with Sunni Afghans.
Nader and Timur both attempted to establish connections with royal families at the start of their careers. Timur was accompanied by Amir Hossein Qazghani. Qazghani, though considered deserving of rule (Hafiz-Abru, 2001), was ultimately defeated and killed by Timur. Even after this, Timur initially refused to assume power directly and instead placed a Mongol prince on the throne—named Sivarghtamesh whose lineage traced back seven generations to Genghis Khan (Hafiz-Abru, 2001). Similarly, Nader initially approached the royal family of Iran and began his career alongside Tahmasp Safavid.
This companionship provided Nader with an opportunity to introduce the real king to the people through concrete actions. Timur had already demonstrated in the post-Ilkhan era that religion could be used as a tool to achieve political goals (Mirjafari, 1996). By attracting Shia and declaring his friendship with Hazrat Ali (AS), he sought the support of the majority of Muslim community. A similar pattern can be seen in Nader’s religious policy during the post-Safavid era. He treated religion primarily as a means to political ends. In line with this, Nader Afshar favored Sunni sects, reflecting the religion of the majority of Turkmens. His policy sought to undermine Shia legitimacy and diminish or erase Safavid Imamism and their belief in the infallibility of Imams. Iranians were victims of militias during the eras of Timur and Nader. In fact, Nader weakened the Safavid supporters both within the army and across the country by simultaneously providing economic support to the military and pursuing a policy of de-Iranization in the army, which deprived Iranians of their wealth. Since Nader did not belong to Iran’s royal dynasties, it might have been difficult for the people to accept him; they were unlikely to be loyal even to his sons. He believed that no one should oppose his heirs. Because Nader’s army consisted largely of Uzbeks, Afghans, Afshars, and Qajars, and he had little reliance on Persians, he gradually removed the latter from the military (Tucker, 1994).
Conclusion
In order to establish the foundations of legitimacy, Nader modeled himself on Timur Gurkani. He made the army the central pillar of his power by regularizing it, after it had suffered greatly during the era of the Safavid rulers. Clergymen, state officials, Safavid survivors, and the general populace accepted his authority based on the strength of Nader’s troops. He appointed the Sunnis to the key military positions and simultaneously weakened the Iranians, who had been the main supporters of the Safavids. Civil affairs were taken from Iranians and placed under military control. Through continuous wars and successive victories, Nader ensured the permanent prominence of the army. In this process, whether intentionally or not, he combined the traditional model of legitimacy based on the divine right of the king with Turkmen traditions. According to this model, Nader, as a conquering general, assumed a position similar to that of Sultan Zafarmand among the Turkmen or Shah Farahmand in Iran. However, these rare fundamental measures were largely temporary solutions to the pressing problems of Iranian society. It seems that he was unable to leave power as a legitimate legacy for his successors, and his attempts to establish a lasting dynasty ultimately failed.
International Relations
Mohammad Tamim Haidari; Rza Simbar
Abstract
Introduction
The fate of Afghanistan, shaped by domestic conflicts, regional power rivalries, and ...
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Introduction
The fate of Afghanistan, shaped by domestic conflicts, regional power rivalries, and great power confrontations, has remained precarious. Even after the political agreements reached at the 2001 Bonn Conference and the fundamental changes that followed the U.S. military attacks, Afghanistan struggled to establish a stable and inclusive national government. Following the September 11 attacks and the subsequent American military intervention, some constructive steps were taken toward building a nation-state, and for the first time, Afghanistan experienced a relatively democratic system. However, the continuation of war, a fragile political situation, shaky legitimacy, the activities of extremist groups and drug mafias, the presence of foreign forces, and the competition among regional and international powers collectively undermined the governments formed under the Bonn Agreement. These factors hindered the establishment of security, political stability, and a genuinely representative national government. While the causes of Afghanistan’s crisis are numerous and complex, the present study focused on examining the domestic challenges and key influential factors that shape the country’s current situation.
Literature Review
In their article “Social Challenges of Modern State-Building in Afghanistan” Sardarnia and Hosseini (2013) used a sociological causal explanation method to examine the fragility of the state. They consider social obstacles and challenges as the most significant factors hindering state-building and the establishment of an inclusive and strong government in Afghanistan. In the Persian-language book titled American Nation-Building: Comparing Iraq and Afghanistan (2019), Balkhi focused on the efforts to build a nation-state in Afghanistan. He attributes the weakening and failure of these efforts to the intellectual conflicts and political attitudes particular of technocrats educated in the West, which clash with local values, elites, and politicians. In State Without a Nation: A Critique of the Structure of the Political System in Afghanistan, Badakhshani (2023) contends that the Afghan government has failed to establish a central and strong authority and has never been able to become an institution reflecting the country’s social composition. Contrary to the previous studies, the present research provides a general analysis and evaluation of domestic challenges and the relevant influential factors.
Materials and Methods
The current research employed a descriptive–analytical method and library research. The analysis included materials such scholarly articles, books, and authentic reports. Moreover, the study relied on the fragile state theory to identify the factors and components that contribute to the fragility and inefficiency of the Afghan government. Specifically, it highlighted how ethnic, identity, cultural, and political tensions—along with a weak economy, corruption, and fragile political legitimacy—had undermined the government’s capacity for nation-state building, security, policymaking, and engagement with the international community.
Results and Discussion
Although the course of events and developments of the past twenty years (2001-2021) held out some hope for the formation of a national and inclusive state in Afghanistan, the country has not been able to establish a stable and inclusive national state, despite the fundamental changes it has witnessed in recent years in the field of state-nation building, redefinition of political, economic, and institutional structures. Several domestic challenges are involved, such as ethnic fragmentation, religious divisions, ideological conflicts, widespread poverty and illiteracy, shaky political legitimacy, and ineffective foreign policy. These factors have fueled rivalries, animosities, reconciliation attempts, and unbalanced approaches centered on the power and interests of domestic actors—such as the republican regime, the Taliban, irresponsible armed groups, and mafia groups. There are even more key factors contributing to the failure of post-Bonn governments both domestically and internationally. These factors include political fragility; the republican regime’s weakness in managing and organizing state institutions, enforcing laws, overseeing elections, ensuring political participation, and curbing corruption and anarchy within judicial and executive bodies; and finally ethnic rivalries and antagonisms among the heads of governments.
Conclusion
During the two decades between 2001 and 2021, Afghanistan was unable to take advantage of the opportunities created by the 2001 Bonn Conference to establish a system based on the will and aspirations of its people. Despite international support and cooperation from some regional countries, Afghanistan has not succeeded in establishing a truly national and inclusive government capable of addressing the needs of Afghanistan’s heterogonous society, weak economy, fragmented social fabric, and tense geopolitical conditions. The findings further indicate that Afghanistan has faced numerous and complex challenges; however, the most critical domestic challenges to building a national government are ethnic and religious divisions, ideological conflicts, shaky political legitimacy, cultural and economic poverty, and ineffective foreign policy. Driven by actors such as the republican regime, the Taliban, irresponsible armed groups, and drug mafia, these challenges have undermined Afghanistan’s efforts in nation-building, security, policymaking, and relations with the international community.
Political economy
Majidreza Momeni; Fatemeh Damirchi
Abstract
Introduction
In recent decades, globalization has emerged as a broad framework that has profoundly influenced economic, social, and environmental policymaking. Among these areas, environmental sustainability and the development of green economy capacities have become central pillars of both national ...
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Introduction
In recent decades, globalization has emerged as a broad framework that has profoundly influenced economic, social, and environmental policymaking. Among these areas, environmental sustainability and the development of green economy capacities have become central pillars of both national and international policymaking. Global trends increasingly indicate that economic growth can no longer be pursued independently of environmental considerations. In response, the concept of green economy has emerged as a new model for sustainable economic development, aiming to optimize the use of natural resources, reduce dependence on fossil fuels, and promote environmentally-oriented technologies. In this respect, the current study aimed to examine the impact of globalization on the evolution and direction of green economy policymaking in Saudi Arabia and the UAE between 2015 and 2024. The key question is, how has globalization influenced the green economy policymaking process in Saudi Arabia and the UAE during 2015–2024? The study is based on the hypothesis that globalization, by facilitating integration into the global economy, has created opportunities for investment in renewable energy and the development of green infrastructure, thereby promoting compliance with environmental agreements and advancing the transition toward a green economy. To test the hypothesis, the study used a mixed methods research design combined with process-tracing techniques. The analysis included document analysis, secondary quantitative data, and trends in policy changes to explain the causal mechanisms through which globalization has shaped green economy policymaking in Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
Literature Review
The research background on the topic can be examined through three key dimensions. First, concerning the impact of globalization on green growth, existing studies suggest that financial globalization has a positive effect on green growth, whereas trade globalization and financial development may sometimes pose challenges. In addition, indicators associated with the green and blue economies (e.g., renewable energy adoption and maritime trade) play a significant role in promoting sustainable growth in the Arab states of the Persian Gulf.
The second dimension concerns the role of financial innovations in supporting the green economy. Research indicates that financial innovation and green financing have helped reduce carbon emissions and expand renewable energy initiatives. The UAE, in particular, has implemented sustainable policies and invested heavily in green technologies, establishing itself as a model for sustainable economic development. The third dimension deals with energy transition and green projects for sustainable development. Both Saudi Arabia and the UAE have made significant investments in energy transition and green economy infrastructure. While studies demonstrate notable progress toward sustainability on the part of the two countries, they also highlight the need for more effective policies to achieve broader success. The novelty of the present study lies in its comprehensive analysis of the impact of globalization on green economy policymaking in these two countries, in contrast to previous research that has either focused exclusively on the economic aspects of globalization or examined the outcomes of green policies in isolation.
Materials and Methods
This study employed a mixed methods research design to examine the impact of globalization on green economy policymaking in Saudi Arabia and the UAE. In the qualitative phase, the economic and environmental policies and relevant documents were analyzed, while the quantitative phase relied on secondary data and international reports to examine trends and changes in policies and indicators related to the green economy. To assess the impact of globalization on green economy policymaking, the study also applied the process-tracing method, focusing on causal mechanism analysis. Moreover, the analysis drew on the conceptual framework of green economy and it application in data analysis.
Results and Discussion
Foreign investment in renewable energy projects, particularly in Middle Eastern countries such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE, has played a vital role in advancing sustainable development and reducing dependence on fossil fuels. Globalization has facilitated the flow of information, technology, and capital, thus opening new markets for clean energy and contributing to the growth of this sector. Since 2015, Saudi Arabia has revised its environmental policies. Under Vision 2030, it has prioritized the development of solar, wind, and hydrogen energy. Projects such as the Sakaka Solar Power Plant and the Dumat Al Jandal Wind Farm exemplify this transition, while collaborations with Chinese companies highlight the country’s ambition to become an exporter of renewable technologies. The UAE has also adopted ambitious plans for renewable energy development, aiming to source 50% of its electricity from clean energy by 2050. It is the first country in the Middle East to commit to achieving net-zero carbon emissions by 2050. In addition to operating the Barakah Nuclear Power Plant (i.e., its first nuclear facility with a capacity of 5,600 MW), the UAE has invested $5 billion in advancing green hydrogen development, advancing sustainable energy technologies at the international level. These developments indicate that the green economy policies of Saudi Arabia and the UAE cannot be understood solely as the outcome of domestic decisions. Rather, they are significantly shaped by globalization processes and international interactions. Globalization has influenced policymaking not only through diplomatic pressures and expectations from allies and trade partners, but also by enabling green investment and the transfer of clean technologies.
The transition of Saudi Arabia and the UAE toward a green economy is thus best seen as a product of both domestic priorities and the broader context of global change and international commitments. The shift toward a green economy cannot be attributed solely to domestic policies or governments’ pursuit of sustainable development; rather, it has unfolded within the broader context of globalization, shaped by economic interactions and international commitments.
Conclusion
Environmental policymaking in Saudi Arabia and the UAE can be examined within the conceptual framework of green economy and in the context of globalization. Leveraging their financial, infrastructural, and technological capacities, both countries have initiated a transition toward a sustainable, knowledge-based, and low-carbon economy. Their strategic emphasis on renewable energy, technological innovation, and circular economy practices reflects a deliberate effort to enhance efficiency and reduce dependence on unsustainable resources. Achieving these goals requires institutional empowerment, targeted investment in research and development, and the advancement of human capital. Moreover, addressing emerging climate and geopolitical challenges demands flexible approaches, scenario-based analysis, and multi-level governance. Accordingly, policy measures such as deepening multilateral climate diplomacy, establishing regional institutions, strategically engaging with international environmental regimes, promoting public diplomacy focused on green governance, and developing green power indicators in foreign policy can help consolidate these countries’ positions in the emerging climate order while enhancing their soft power and political influence in international affairs.
International Relations
Mostafa Kaka; Mokhtar Salehi
Abstract
Introduction
Artificial intelligence (AI) can be considered one of the key indicators and outcomes of the Fifth Industrial Revolution. This transformation has led many countries to consider adopting appropriate strategies to manage its consequences. The present study aimed to answer the following question: ...
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Introduction
Artificial intelligence (AI) can be considered one of the key indicators and outcomes of the Fifth Industrial Revolution. This transformation has led many countries to consider adopting appropriate strategies to manage its consequences. The present study aimed to answer the following question: Why has the European Union (EU) pursued policymaking in the field of artificial intelligence? The study is based on the hypothesis that the EU seeks to establish appropriate and sustainable laws and policies for AI in order to manage its consequences, while also creating conditions to achieve reliable and trustworthy AI in line with its strategic autonomy.
Literature Review
Previous studies have addressed various aspects of AI and its impact on security and governance. For example, in the report titled Artificial Intelligence and Life in 2030, Stone et al. (2016) emphasized the role of artificial intelligence in enhancing strategic autonomy and its applications across sectors such as defense, agriculture, and healthcare. Furthermore, the 2022 report by the Centre for European Economic Policy (CEEP) analyzed the EU’s strategies in the field of AI and its impact on global competitiveness. Building on these studies, the present research employed existing theoretical frameworks and new data to provide a more detailed examination of the topic.
Materials and Methods
The current study focused on analyzing and identifying the main themes within relevant texts. The data was collected through both library and online sources, including official European Union documents, research papers, and reports related to AI and public policy. The method of thematic analysis method was used to analyze the data.
Results and Discussion
The thematic analysis was applied to examine European Union documents, policies, and regulations related to AI. This resulted in the identification of key themes that reflect the EU’s strategy toward achieving strategic autonomy and developing trustworthy AI. The findings indicate that the EU aims to strengthen its digital sovereignty by emphasizing factors such as reducing dependency on global actors, ensuring independent decision-making in critical areas, implementing comprehensive regulations, and protecting citizens’ data and privacy. The identified themes were organized into seven major categories: 1) strategic autonomy, 2) AI governance, 3) data transparency and security, 4) risk management and technological ethics, 5) public trust, 6) human oversight, and 7) security and military applications of AI. Each of theme was supported by various open codes, reflecting the EU’s focus on balancing technological innovation with human rights principles. Moreover, the EU tends to classify AI systems according to risk levels and impose strict requirements on high-risk technologies, thus seeking to establish a legal, ethical, and accountable framework that ensures both societal security and public acceptance of AI. In addition, relying on comprehensive policies on transparency, accountability, and system explainability, the EU is actively working to strengthen public trust in this technology. According to the findings, in response to technological transformations and the rise of AI, the EU has assumed a proactive role in regulation and policymaking. Leveraging its legal and institutional capacities, the EU seeks to establish a framework for the safe, ethical, and trustworthy use of AI—one that addresses internal concerns related to human rights, security, and public trust, while also serving as a viable model for other countries. The analysis also focused on the concept of good AI, which translates the EU’s core values into the digital domain. By emphasizing principles such as transparency, human oversight, privacy, and accountability, the EU seeks to align technological development with human dignity and democratic values. This approach, in contrast to purely technocratic views, demonstrates that the future of AI depends not only on technical progress but also heavily on governance and policy choices. Moreover, the thematic analysis indicated that the EU, as a normative power, seeks to extend its influence in the global technology market by implementing strict regulations, thereby encouraging other international actors to align with these standards. This approach strengthens the EU’s regulatory power on the global stage and gradually positions it as a global authority in the governance of emerging technologies such as AI. Overall, the current analysis demonstrated that the EU’s AI policy is not only designed to prevent potential threats but also to embody a forward-looking and normative approach that integrates innovation with ethics, and security with fundamental human freedoms. While this path comes with challenges, it can serve as a model for responsible governance in the digital transformation era.
Conclusion
The results underscored the EU’s commitment to establishing a regulatory framework that balances technological advancement with ethical considerations and public safety. By focusing on transparency, data protection, and human oversight, the EU is setting a global example for AI governance that aligns with democratic values and human rights. However, challenges remain, particularly in the rapid evolution of AI technologies, international competition, and the need for cross-border collaboration to address global AI challenges. Future research should explore the effectiveness of the EU’s regulatory policies in practice, assess their impact on innovation, and examine how these policies can adapt to emerging technological developments.
