International Relations
Sedigheh Azin; Mehdi Hedayati Shahidani; Ahmad Jansiz
Abstract
The fourth industrial revolution and the growth of new technologies such as artificial intelligence the competition of great powers. Systems based on artificial intelligence have features that make the countries that own technology (America and China) gain more network power by benefiting from these ...
Read More
The fourth industrial revolution and the growth of new technologies such as artificial intelligence the competition of great powers. Systems based on artificial intelligence have features that make the countries that own technology (America and China) gain more network power by benefiting from these and can play a role in the global future derived from big data. Thus, conceptualizing network competition in the 21st century raises the question of what kind of geopolitical competition the United States and China are engaged in for centrality in the key networks of the 21st century? The hypothesis is that, the US and China have engaged in geopolitical competition in technological networks in the digital and financial spheres that reflect their broader views of strategic stability as well as a structural context tinged with mistrust and rivalry. Their discourses fuel a cycle of misperceptions that can be addressed through technological trust-building measures, but a competitive cycle unlikely to be ameliorated by the ongoing network tensions of the 21st century. This article based on the descriptive-analytical approach using the method of process research and sample research, which have been used in collecting information from documentary-library sources and authentic cyberspace website.
International Relations
Soroush Shabani Khatibani; Ali Alizadeh
Abstract
The security arrangements in the South Caucasus have consistently failed to establish stability and resolve disputes. While various reasons are offered for this failure, this research focuses on the most significant intra-regional factors affecting these arrangements. A descriptive and qualitative document ...
Read More
The security arrangements in the South Caucasus have consistently failed to establish stability and resolve disputes. While various reasons are offered for this failure, this research focuses on the most significant intra-regional factors affecting these arrangements. A descriptive and qualitative document analysis method has been used in this inductive research. Furthermore, it is based on neoclassical realism theory and library data collection methods. The study identifies three main factors and six indicators. The findings reveal that within the "regional power structure factor" (comprising "power distribution" and "polarization" indicators), there's an uneven power distribution and a lack of benign internal or external power within the regional republics' polarization. In the "economic factor" (with "economic interdependence (trade)" and "participation in energy transit routes" indicators), there's minimal economic dependency and a policy of excluding rivals from energy transit lines. Finally, within the "military-security factor" (including "territorial disputes" and "ethnic tensions"), unresolved territorial disputes and unique characteristics of ethnic tensions, fostering external distrust, are highlighted. The research's novelty lies in its exclusive focus on intra-regional factors. Due to these factors, independent of external factors, the security arrangements in the region are not effective in establishing stability.
International Relations
Mojtaba Abdkhodaei
Abstract
This analysis examines global unpreparedness in managing the Covid-19 pandemic through micro and macro levels.The micro-level highlights weak state governance during human crises. At the macro level, structural flaws in the international system—rooted in the Westphalian state-centric order and liberal-capitalist ...
Read More
This analysis examines global unpreparedness in managing the Covid-19 pandemic through micro and macro levels.The micro-level highlights weak state governance during human crises. At the macro level, structural flaws in the international system—rooted in the Westphalian state-centric order and liberal-capitalist paradigms—led to three key challenges: distrust, discrimination/injustice, and irresponsible great-power conduct. These issues question the system’s capacity to prioritize humanity in crisis management, as its foundations (secularism, materialism, and power-balancing) prioritize state and capitalist interests over collective welfare.
The study posits that the current order, shaped by secular modernity and profit-driven egotism, inherently neglects ethical criteria like public security and justice. Using an analytical-explanatory approach and selective theoretical frameworks, it argues that the international system’s material, institutional, and ideological structures sustain great-power dominance, rendering it ill-equipped to address pervasive crises equitably.
Findings stress that effective management of global crises demands transformative shifts in political and security paradigms, moving beyond state-centric power dynamics. Just, cooperative international structures must be institutionalized, emphasizing human-centered priorities over geopolitical competition. This necessitates reimagining governance to foster equity and collective responsibility, challenging entrenched hierarchies.
Political Sociology
Alireza samiee esfahani; َNafisseh Alahdadi; Reza Rezaei; reza dehbanipour
Abstract
The main goal of this article, following the tradition of critical discourse, as well as the framework of the interpretive model, is to reveal the verbal violence hidden in the discursive structure of various intellectual tendencies and the impact that verbal abuse has on its victims. The present article ...
Read More
The main goal of this article, following the tradition of critical discourse, as well as the framework of the interpretive model, is to reveal the verbal violence hidden in the discursive structure of various intellectual tendencies and the impact that verbal abuse has on its victims. The present article seeks to answer the main question: "How can linguistic violence be identified and analyzed in the speech and words of various intellectual discourses in the Constitutional Era?" To answer this question, a descriptive-analytical method with the theoretical framework of critical discourse analysis by Ruth Wedak and also the theory of verbal violence by Patricia Evans is used to examine the strategies of verbal violence in the discourses of rival intellectuals such as Mirza Malik, Talibov (Western/modernist discourse) and Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri and Ayatollah Na'ini (religious discourse). The findings of the research show that first; verbal violence existed in this period in the confrontation between the two groups of enlightened thinkers and scholars, both in their writings, i.e. newspapers, books and treatises, and their oral positions, and second; the verbal violence of Western intellectuals was more and more explicit than that of scholars.
mohsen Azizinia; Ali morshedizad; parviz amini
Abstract
after the victory of the revolution and establishment of the ruling system of the islamic republic of institutions and organizations in the field of government , there were some organizations that their were the development and good governance .but today over the past four decades , most analysts and ...
Read More
after the victory of the revolution and establishment of the ruling system of the islamic republic of institutions and organizations in the field of government , there were some organizations that their were the development and good governance .but today over the past four decades , most analysts and elite believe that the system of governance is facing with many damages in the political , social , economic and cultural areas and the transition from this situation , structural - institutional reform and attention to the necessity of institutionalization of quality and good governance is necessary . now the question is : what are the necessity of institutional transition and good governance in the islamic republic ?
therefore , the present study investigates the concept of new institutionalism , especially Douglas north and documentary analysis and library resources tools .
the findings indicate that the weakness in the quality and function of institutions indicates a system of limited access in the islamic republic. therefore , necessity of change , modification , establishment and revision of governance structures to improve and reinforce the institutional system should occur within the framework of successful transition limited access system of the islamic republic .
Public policy
Matin Anjomrooz; Mohammad Khezri
Abstract
This study examines the process of shifting approaches to policy issues in policymaking and identifies the factors and mechanisms influencing it. Given the increasing complexities of the policymaking environment and emerging challenges, the aim of this research is to analyze the reasons and mechanisms ...
Read More
This study examines the process of shifting approaches to policy issues in policymaking and identifies the factors and mechanisms influencing it. Given the increasing complexities of the policymaking environment and emerging challenges, the aim of this research is to analyze the reasons and mechanisms behind policy shifts and the drivers of these changes. The research methodology includes qualitative methods and case studies, utilizing Hall's policy shift theory, institutionalism, and discourse analysis to explore the driving factors in Iran's refugee crisis. Data were collected through the analysis of documents and international reports. The findings indicate that policy shifts are influenced by global crises, technological advancements, social changes, and international pressures. The refugee crisis in Iran has led to fundamental changes in migration, security, economic, and social policies. Policy shifts are complex and multifaceted phenomena that require a deep understanding of the interplay of various factors and mechanisms of change. Policymakers must respond to environmental changes with a comprehensive and flexible approach, leveraging the opportunities arising from these changes to improve policies.
International Relations
Fereshteh Bahramipour; Mohammad Bagher Mokaramipour; Azita Salehi
Abstract
This study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of Iran and Turkey in the South Caucasus, seeking to identify the strategic differences between the two actors and examine the geopolitical implications of their approaches for the regional security structure.The central research ...
Read More
This study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of Iran and Turkey in the South Caucasus, seeking to identify the strategic differences between the two actors and examine the geopolitical implications of their approaches for the regional security structure.The central research question is: What goals and strategies have Iran and Turkey pursued in the South Caucasus, and how have their policies impacted the structure of the regional security complex? In response to this question, the article draws on the theory of regional security complexes to comparatively analyze the two countries’ policies across military, geoeconomic, identity-based, and diplomatic domains. The research employs an analytical-comparative method, using documentary and library sources. The findings of the study indicate that Iran has primarily acted with a deterrent, balancing, and stability-oriented approach in the South Caucasus, whereas Turkey, by leveraging both hard and soft power, has sought to redefine the regional security order in its favor. This strategic divergence has driven the South Caucasus security structure toward sustained competition between two distinct models of order-building, potentially leading to a new balance or instability in the region.
Developments in the Islamic world
َArash Moradi; Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami
Abstract
In order to achieve strategic independence,Turkey's foreign policy sees Asia as an opportunity to benefit from economic advantages and play a new security role.This article raises the question of whether the adoption of an Asian orientation policy in Turkey's foreign policy during the Erdogan ...
Read More
In order to achieve strategic independence,Turkey's foreign policy sees Asia as an opportunity to benefit from economic advantages and play a new security role.This article raises the question of whether the adoption of an Asian orientation policy in Turkey's foreign policy during the Erdogan era was influenced by the security balance orby the necessities ofeconomic diplomacy.It believes that the perception of Turkish leaders of the transitional international order initially made economic attractions the main driver of this country'sAsian movement, but asTurkey's ties with Asia expanded,preserving interests and responding to security ambitions overcame economic motives and will play a more prominent role in thisorientation in the long run.This article first highlights the systemic developments that govern the emergence of Asia from a theoretical perspective, then examines these developments from the perspective of the mediating variable, namely the perception of Turkish leaders, and finally, by combining the systemic element and the mediating variable, it attempts to clarify Turkey's security and economic considerations in its Asian orientation.The findings show that Türkiye's Asia-centric policy is an example of the interaction between economic opportunities and security imperatives, highlighting the importance of a combined structure-leadership analysis in understanding foreign policy developments in developing and middle-income countries.
Political Science
Amene Mirkhoshkhou; Rahim Moradi
Abstract
As an inherently interdisciplinary field, political science plays a crucial role in understanding political complexities, fostering political participation, and cultivating active citizenship. This study aimed to examine the impact of the Socratic dialogue method on enhancing three key skills—critical ...
Read More
As an inherently interdisciplinary field, political science plays a crucial role in understanding political complexities, fostering political participation, and cultivating active citizenship. This study aimed to examine the impact of the Socratic dialogue method on enhancing three key skills—critical thinking, communication, and problem-solving—among political science students. A quasi-experimental design with a control group was employed. The Socratic method, characterized by active student participation, questioning, and open dialogue, was implemented in the form of seminar-style sessions in the undergraduate course “History of Western Political Thought.” To assess effectiveness, standardized instruments were used: the Jerabek Communication Questionnaire, Heppner’s Problem Solving Inventory, and the California Critical Thinking Skills Test (CCTST), administered in both pre-test and post-test stages. Data were analyzed using ANCOVA and LSD post hoc tests. The results indicated a statistically significant improvement in all three variables among students in the interactive learning group compared to the control group. These findings suggest that the Socratic method, grounded in classical political thought and active student engagement, can effectively enhance foundational educational skills in political science. This study introduces the successful integration of a philosophical-interactive approach with quantitative assessment as its primary innovation in the context of humanities education at the university level.
Political Science
Majid Rouhi
Abstract
In recent years, the corpus of foreign policy tools has expanded to include a novel concept known as "feminist foreign policy" (FFP). The most common interpretation of this approach emphasizes gender equality, the enhancement of women’s representation and agency, and the amplification of ...
Read More
In recent years, the corpus of foreign policy tools has expanded to include a novel concept known as "feminist foreign policy" (FFP). The most common interpretation of this approach emphasizes gender equality, the enhancement of women’s representation and agency, and the amplification of marginalized groups within foreign policy decision-making processes. The fundamental aim of this paper is to elucidate the concept of feminist foreign policy and to examine its role in the foreign policies of Western countries, with a particular focus on Iran. The study’s findings indicate that feminist foreign policy seeks to redefine the roles of women and marginalized groups in foreign policy decision-making, pursuing goals such as meaningful transformations in both domestic and international policy, addressing structural power asymmetries, and foregrounding human security. In Iran, especially following the social disturbances of 1401 (according to the Iranian calendar), Western actors have approached civil society, women, and marginalized groups by identifying and analyzing constructed discourses and gender dichotomies. This has led to viewing feminist approaches as a novel and comprehensive strategic pathway intended to effect changes in both internal and external policy. Methodologically, this article adopts a qualitative approach
Political Sociology
Ayoub Menati; Taha ashayeri
Abstract
Political development is defined as growth, awareness, political culture, and citizens' inclination towards democracy, democratic values, and political participation based on acquired and rational patterns. With the increase in social, cultural, and economic capital, the tendency towards political ...
Read More
Political development is defined as growth, awareness, political culture, and citizens' inclination towards democracy, democratic values, and political participation based on acquired and rational patterns. With the increase in social, cultural, and economic capital, the tendency towards political development values also increases. Based on a meta-analysis of 56 scientific studies from 2005 to 2024, the relationship between three types of social, cultural, and economic capital and political development in Iran was examined. The research method was quantitative and meta-analytic (with CMA2 software), and Cohen and Fisher effect size tests were used to analyze the data. The findings showed that social capital, with an effect coefficient of 0.563, has the strongest positive and significant relationship with political development. Among its components, social trust (0.621) showed the greatest impact. Cultural capital with an impact coefficient of 0.472 had a positive and significant relationship, in which media literacy (0.410) and religious affiliation (0.335) played a prominent role in the process of political development in Iran. In contrast, economic capital with an impact coefficient of 0.280 showed the weakest, but still the most significant relationship with political development, and the economic participation component (0.316) had the largest contribution in this regard.
Political Sociology
Parisa Rezaei Fedeshkoyeh; Bahram Akhavan Kazemi
Abstract
The revolutionary waves of the Arab Spring generated an extensive array of political slogans. This study aims to examine the slogans collected from protest and sit-in sites in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, and Syria. The primary research question asks: “How and through which discursive mechanisms did ...
Read More
The revolutionary waves of the Arab Spring generated an extensive array of political slogans. This study aims to examine the slogans collected from protest and sit-in sites in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, and Syria. The primary research question asks: “How and through which discursive mechanisms did these slogans function as a medium for conveying political critique, and by adopting what strategies did they establish themselves as a distinct subgenre within Arab political discourse?”. This qualitative, descriptive-analytical research employs van Dijk’s method of political discourse analysis to explore the specific discursive structures and strategies utilized in these slogans to shape a subgenre of political discourse in the Arab world. Data were drawn from banners, graffiti, audiovisual materials, chants, speeches, poems, and songs to assess the extent to which these slogans serve as a medium for articulating and consuming political opinions and criticisms. Findings reveal that the topics, intertextual schemas, local semantics and vocabulary, syntactic forms, rhetorical operations, expressive structures, and speech acts of these slogans collectively demonstrate that Arab Spring slogans constitute a fundamental component of political discourse.
Iranian Domestic Policy
Mostafa KHaleghpour; mohammadbagher khorramshad; shoja ahmadvand
Abstract
The present article deals with the issue of authority and its relationship with political subjectivity in the second Pahlavi era. The article assumes that with the constitutional event, modern political subjectivity emerged in Iran. By rereading the history of political thought from the dual perspective ...
Read More
The present article deals with the issue of authority and its relationship with political subjectivity in the second Pahlavi era. The article assumes that with the constitutional event, modern political subjectivity emerged in Iran. By rereading the history of political thought from the dual perspective of subject-authority as the theoretical perspective of the research, applying the political phenomenology method and utilizing the concept of "life-world", the present study rereads the strategies of power of the second Pahlavi era to establish a model of the relationship between subject and authority and reveals its successes and failures. The argument of the present study is that the issue of authority and its relationship with the modern subject can be explained by explaining a kind of "inversion" in contemporary Iranian history; an inversion that indicates the primacy of the political over the social in the history of Iran after the constitutional era. The primacy of the political over the social placed the state above society and society, as a parasite and the subject of government policies, was considered lacking in founding and stabilizing status in political life.
Political Science
ali imani; abolfazl delavari
Abstract
The Constitutional Revolution (1906–1911), as the most significant manifestation of political modernity in Iran, introduced concepts such as popular sovereignty and the rule of law. However, it failed to create stable political structures. This research addresses the central question: Why did the institution-building ...
Read More
The Constitutional Revolution (1906–1911), as the most significant manifestation of political modernity in Iran, introduced concepts such as popular sovereignty and the rule of law. However, it failed to create stable political structures. This research addresses the central question: Why did the institution-building project of political modernity during the Constitutional era lead to a contradictory and crisis-ridden structure, rather than an efficient order?
Adopting a conceptual framework of the "universal and particular aspects" of modernity, this article employs a two-level, qualitative-interpretive comparative analysis. The study compares the idealized "understanding" of three key components—self-foundational rationality, individual rights, and popular sovereignty—as held by prominent intellectuals, with the concrete "institutionalization" of these concepts within the text of the Constitution and its supplement.
The principal finding is that political modernity in Iran manifested as a "contradictory synthesis." The root of this phenomenon was an unresolved "epistemological tension" between the foundations of modern "self-foundational rationality" and "traditional-religious authority," a tension directly institutionalized within the Constitution. The research concludes that this inharmonious and contradictory order was not a "failure" of modernity, but the "particular aspect" and the concrete form of its realization in Iran, which became the source of future structural instabilities in Iran's political sphere.
Political economy
parviz delirpoor; Mohsen Nasresfahani
Abstract
This research deals with a comparative study of strategies to deal with international sanctions in four countries: Iran, Russia, Venezuela, and Cuba. The aim of the research is to identify the factors that cause countries to succeed or fail in reducing the effects of sanctions and to show how economic ...
Read More
This research deals with a comparative study of strategies to deal with international sanctions in four countries: Iran, Russia, Venezuela, and Cuba. The aim of the research is to identify the factors that cause countries to succeed or fail in reducing the effects of sanctions and to show how economic structure, quality of governance, and geopolitical position affect the level of resilience. The research method is based on comparative analysis and uses economic data, legal documents, and case studies. The findings indicate that social protection policies, investment in technology, and active economic diplomacy can reduce short-term damage and increase the capacity for reconstruction and long-term growth. In Iran and Russia, the implementation of import substitution policies, support for domestic industries, and the development of technological infrastructure led to a decrease in dependence on foreign resources and the absorption of part of the sanctions shocks. By focusing on free education and health care and maintaining social cohesion, Cuba has managed to maintain acceptable human indicators despite chronic constraints. In contrast, Venezuela has faced multifaceted economic and social crises due to the lack of effective redistributive policies and institutional weakness.
Developments in the Middle East
Rahele Chatrsefid; Amir Mohammad Haji-Yousefi
Abstract
The arrival of millions of Syrian EDPs in Turkey has produced far-reaching political and social consequences, making the issue one of the most significant challenges in Turkey’s post-2011 domestic and foreign policy landscape. From the onset of the crisis, Turkey adopted discursive and legal formulations ...
Read More
The arrival of millions of Syrian EDPs in Turkey has produced far-reaching political and social consequences, making the issue one of the most significant challenges in Turkey’s post-2011 domestic and foreign policy landscape. From the onset of the crisis, Turkey adopted discursive and legal formulations that departed from the internationally recognized concept of refugee, instead framing Syrians as “guests” under Turkey’s “hospitality.” Although these terms evoke benevolent and moral obligations, they were embedded within a political framework characterized by conditionality, hierarchy, and state-determined limits. Building on Jacques Derrida’s critical distinction between unconditional and conditional hospitality, this article argues that Turkey’s refugee policy rests on practices of conditional acceptance shaped by political calculation, sovereignty, and shifting domestic concerns. The main question addressed in this study is: What key factors have driven changes in the official labeling of Syrian refugees in Turkey, and how have these shifts influenced the evolution of Turkey’s refugee policy? The hypothesis proposes that the most influential factors behind changes in labeling—and the corresponding transformation of policy—are political dynamics (notably nationalism and electoral pressures) and economic constraints (particularly the challenges of integration and strain on public resources).
International Relations
mshdi farhangdoost; ahsan razani; Amir Hooshang Mirkooshesh
Abstract
Abstract
Rapid technological developments—particularly in artificial intelligence (AI)—have profoundly transformed the nature of power, security, and threat in the international system. The strategic competition between China and the United States over the development and application of AI represents ...
Read More
Abstract
Rapid technological developments—particularly in artificial intelligence (AI)—have profoundly transformed the nature of power, security, and threat in the international system. The strategic competition between China and the United States over the development and application of AI represents a key manifestation of this transformation, one that cannot be fully explained by classical security frameworks such as balance of threat theory alone. In contrast, posthumanism, by emphasizing technological agency and the blurring of boundaries between humans and machines, provides a novel analytical perspective for understanding emerging threats.
This article seeks to redefine the balance of threat in the age of AI through an integration of posthumanist theory and balance of threat theory, proposing the concept of a “posthuman balance of threat” as an innovative analytical framework. Methodologically, the study is descriptive–explanatory and employs directed qualitative content analysis. The data consist of strategic AI documents from China and the United States, along with authoritative research reports, analyzed through a three-stage coding process. The findings suggest that AI has shifted the balance of threat from traditional military capabilities toward technological and algorithmic power. Within this emerging framework, Iran is confronted less with direct military threats and more with structural technological vulnerabilities.
Developments in the Islamic world
Mohammad Ali Hashemi; Mohammad Ali Tavana,
Abstract
Governments cannot merely will society into existence through authoritarianism; hence, they require a minimum of foundational and functional legitimacy. Among Middle Eastern countries, the Saudi Arabian government, in addition to benefiting from functional legitimacy—including providing welfare and ...
Read More
Governments cannot merely will society into existence through authoritarianism; hence, they require a minimum of foundational and functional legitimacy. Among Middle Eastern countries, the Saudi Arabian government, in addition to benefiting from functional legitimacy—including providing welfare and relative security—still draws upon sources of foundational legitimacy. This article examines how Saudi Arabia utilizes religious-traditional sources of legitimacy. Based on the findings of this article, the ideas of Wali al-Amr (the Ruler), Shura (consultation), Bay'ah (allegiance), and Istīlā' (usurpation/control) continue to construct the foundations of Saudi Arabia's religious-traditional legitimacy. However, the concepts of Wali al-Amr and Istīlā' play a double-edged sword role. This means that from the perspective of some opponents, including Al-Masa'ri, applying the conditions of Wali al-Amr to the rulers of Saudi Arabia is very difficult. This group of opponents also considers Bay'ah, meaning popular endorsement, a necessary condition. Furthermore, expanding the circle of consulted groups and spectra could increase the Saudi government's legitimacy. However, the theory of Istīlā' gives opposing groups the license to struggle against the Saudi government. Nevertheless, a modern reading of these sources of legitimacy could further strengthen the foundations of the Saudi Arabian government.
Political Sociology
Tohid Esmaeilpour; Hassan Bashir
Abstract
Effective political communication is vital to a nation-state’s survival and dynamism. However, its nature faces serious ambiguities in contemporary Iran. This phenomenological study explores the lived experience of university students in Tehran regarding nation-state communication to unveil its essential ...
Read More
Effective political communication is vital to a nation-state’s survival and dynamism. However, its nature faces serious ambiguities in contemporary Iran. This phenomenological study explores the lived experience of university students in Tehran regarding nation-state communication to unveil its essential meaning. Data from in-depth interviews with 17 students were analyzed using Colaizzi’s thematic analysis method. Findings reveal a central phenomenon termed “Suspended Political Communication.” It is constructed from six primary themes: 1) a rupture in official channels and an inaccessible state apparatus; 2) a symbolic, compensatory relationship with the system’s leadership; 3) a vacuum of intermediary institutions, especially the structural crisis of political parties; 4) the plurality and competition of influential figures (from traditional elites to celebrities) and the rise of self-referentiality; 5) perceiving official media as a one-way, controlled space; and 6) the emergence of cyberspace as an alternative yet contradictory arena for action. This study concludes the lived experience of political communication in Iran is marked by a multifaceted divide, uncertainty, and a persistent search for alternative channels, with significant implications for policies aimed at rebuilding political trust.
International Relations
Sayyed Mahdi Mousavi Kia; Seyed Asghar Keyvan Hosseini; Hamid Ahmadi
Abstract
As an emerging economic and political power, India needs secure transit routes to Central Asia to access energy resources, emerging markets, and strengthen regional ties. In this regard, Afghanistan, as the heart of Asia and the historical crossroads of the Silk Road, enjoys a unique geopolitical and ...
Read More
As an emerging economic and political power, India needs secure transit routes to Central Asia to access energy resources, emerging markets, and strengthen regional ties. In this regard, Afghanistan, as the heart of Asia and the historical crossroads of the Silk Road, enjoys a unique geopolitical and geoeconomic position, which has made it a key link in connecting South Asia to Central Asia.This country can play a decisive role in achieving India's transit and trade goals. The main question is: How effective has Afghanistan been in the context of India's transit diplomacy? In response to this question and based on the explanatory-explanatory research method, the following hypothesis is addressed: India's transit diplomacy, by taking advantage of Afghanistan's geopolitical position as a strategic bridge, has enjoyed the benefits of increasing energy security, economic development, and promoting influence in Central Asia through expanding economic and political relations with regional countries. The research findings indicate that, in addition to creating strategic opportunities within the framework of India's transit diplomacy, Afghanistan is also prone to significant challenges; which stem from both the country's internal multilateral instability and the competitive situation of influential regional powers that seek to influence Afghanistan's internal conditions and foreign policy.
