Fateme Kamrani; Somaye Hamidi; Peiman Zangane
Abstract
In Iran, modern thinking emerged following the confrontation of Iranians with non-Westerners in the constitutional era. Religious modernism, as a form of modern thinking, has sought to combine modern achievements with traditional propositions. The purpose of this article is to examine and analyze the ...
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In Iran, modern thinking emerged following the confrontation of Iranians with non-Westerners in the constitutional era. Religious modernism, as a form of modern thinking, has sought to combine modern achievements with traditional propositions. The purpose of this article is to examine and analyze the impact of modern mentality on the construction of the socio-political order that Shariati as one of the Iranian religious thinkers of the 1940s and 1950s. The research findings show that modern and even non-modern mentality, meaning how to perceive modernity, has influenced the Shari'a intellectual system; Influenced by the ideas of thinkers such as Gurovitch and Berg, he became well acquainted with socialism and became acquainted with Sartre and his humanist ideas. Massignon, who had a mystical reading of Islam, was also greatly influenced by him. Influenced by modernity and non-modernity and combining it with Islamic principles, he established his desired political and social order in the orbit of the ummah and the Imamate and committed democracy. Based on Lacan's threefold theory, this study tries to study Shariati's reading of modern mentality and his use of modern propositions in order to create a desirable socio-political order by descriptive and analytical methods.
Masoud AKHAVAN KAZEMI; Shohreh Pirani; Shahram Pirani
Abstract
The Democratic Party of Iran (Qavam) was one of the parties formed after the fall of Reza Shah's government in Iran. The party was founded by the then Prime Minister of Iran, Ahmad Ghavam. The Democratic Party initially expanded greatly with the support of Qawam, but later, the fortune star of the party ...
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The Democratic Party of Iran (Qavam) was one of the parties formed after the fall of Reza Shah's government in Iran. The party was founded by the then Prime Minister of Iran, Ahmad Ghavam. The Democratic Party initially expanded greatly with the support of Qawam, but later, the fortune star of the party declined, and finally with the removal of Qavam from the post of Minister, the Democratic Party was dissolved. This study seeks to answer the question of whether the Democratic Party of Iran had the characteristics of an institutionalized party? This study examines the institutional characteristics of the Democratic Party of Iran using Huntington's theories on institutionalization. This study also tries to study the causes of party inefficiency in the contemporary history of Iran by studying the Democratic Party. The research findings show that according to Huntington's characteristics, the Democratic Party lacked institutional features, and mainly due to the instability of parties in Iran, one can cite the lack of institutionalization of these organizations. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical. Resources used in the research include library works, scientific journals and documents of prestigious contemporary history research centers.
Majid Sharafkhani; Rahmat Hajimineh; Mohammad Reza Dehshiri
Abstract
From the time of mercantilism onwards, international trade has always been an arena of geopolitical rivalry, and the unipolar international order that emerged after the end of the cold war essentially created a special security architecture in the strategic Middle East so that it could maintain its status ...
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From the time of mercantilism onwards, international trade has always been an arena of geopolitical rivalry, and the unipolar international order that emerged after the end of the cold war essentially created a special security architecture in the strategic Middle East so that it could maintain its status quo. Powers inevitably have to choose between two options to work within the framework or to challenge it. This paper examines the competition between the US and china in the form of strategic hedging and under the global value chain structure. The authors will seek to answer the question: What is china's middle east economic strategy in competition with the US? The research hypothesis is that China's middle East economic strategy in competing with the US is targeted influence through the most effective sections of the international value chain. The research findings are based on its explanatory-analytical method, that in the Middle East look, China according to the United States' efforts to build a unified trade front to counter Beijing's state-owned capitalism and in order to reduce its energy security risk, has focused on technology security at targeting growth in the value chain hierarchy and gaining a foothold at its highest levels.
Khalil Sardarnia; Henghameh Alborzi
Abstract
The social and guild protests from 2017 onward are a turning point in Iran because of intrinsically and formal differences with the protests in past. This research has been done by street politics theory and exploration-content analysis method by emphasis a social- guild protesters and viewpoint of expert. ...
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The social and guild protests from 2017 onward are a turning point in Iran because of intrinsically and formal differences with the protests in past. This research has been done by street politics theory and exploration-content analysis method by emphasis a social- guild protesters and viewpoint of expert. The authors try to answer this question: What are the differences between intrinsic and formal past protests the social and guild protests from 2017 onward and the past protests and why have been happened? The main findings of this study follow that: This protest intrinsically have been spontaneous- direct in street, leaderless, innovation in protest tactics, distrust to civic- guild assemblies, serial-continues horizontal relation whit other protests and so on. The information of this study shows that economic, political, social, motivational, environmental and legal variables respectively have been impact on this protest, but the economic variables have been in the most effectives.
Gholamali Cheganizadeh; Hossein Mahmoudi
Abstract
As Bush get into power in 2001 and as the Conservative ruled his administration, the US administration's perception of the structure and nature of the international system and its dynamics was shaped by 9/11. These perceptions were theorized in the form of the Bush Doctrine, an inconsistent approach ...
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As Bush get into power in 2001 and as the Conservative ruled his administration, the US administration's perception of the structure and nature of the international system and its dynamics was shaped by 9/11. These perceptions were theorized in the form of the Bush Doctrine, an inconsistent approach to the nature and structure of the post-Cold War international system, which resulted at first in a military invasion of Afghanistan and the overthrow of the Taliban in 2001, and then a dramatic invasion of Iraq and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003. Under these circumstances, many thought that the next goal of the Bush administration is military action against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has never been achieved. Relying on this inconsistency (intervening variable), this article addresses the issue of why the United States did not invade the Islamic Republic militarily after the Iraq war. This issue is examined in the strategic literature under the theory and strategy of deterrence. Accordingly, the hypothesis is that the increase in Iran's power and influence (independent variable) as the most important consequence of the Iraq war in US-Iranian relations led to the Bush administration preventing a military invasion of Iran (dependent variable). The finding of this study is to achieve a bifocal model of deterrence of Iran against US aggression.
Hossein Pourahmadi Meybodi; Mohammad Soltanpour
Abstract
The Iranian revolution caused an offensive approach in the American foreign policy towards Iran, and US Offensive foreign policy has taken a different form with the change of each of the presidents. Based on the critical role of the presidency in US foreign policy and the fact that the study of lives ...
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The Iranian revolution caused an offensive approach in the American foreign policy towards Iran, and US Offensive foreign policy has taken a different form with the change of each of the presidents. Based on the critical role of the presidency in US foreign policy and the fact that the study of lives and personalities of presidents has been a significant part of the study of political psychology. The study seeks to find the psychological effects of the life of George W. Bush and his personality on the macro approach of US foreign policy, specifically to Iran. The theoretical framework in this study is the "activator, ideas and results" model of Albert Ellis, an American psychologist. This approach examines the psychological state by examining the role of events and how they are interpreted by individuals. In fact, the data used is data from Bush's biographies, which are examined in a historical and longitudinal way. In the following, Bush's psychological cycle is described and explained by determining the examples of "activator", "ideas" and "results", and his personality traits such as excitement, impulsive behaviors and extraversion are extracted. The results show the decisive influence of Bush's personality traits on his administration's macro-foreign policy approach and important decisions such as the invasion of Iraq, as well as placing Iran at the center of evil and the nuclear issue.
Hossein Deheshyar; Syed mohammad Aminabadi
Abstract
Identity can be considered as a link between Constructivism theory and theoretical studies related to international crises. According to a Constructivist Point of View, identities are the basis of interests and roles, and actors determine their friend and Enemy based on the identity they envision for ...
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Identity can be considered as a link between Constructivism theory and theoretical studies related to international crises. According to a Constructivist Point of View, identities are the basis of interests and roles, and actors determine their friend and Enemy based on the identity they envision for themselves. Accordingly, the main purpose of the present article is to answer this question: What role does Identity play in International Crises? In answer to this question, using the descriptive-analytical methods, we seek to test Hypothesis that if actors with inconsistent identities are involved in a crisis the crisis will have a high potential for intensification and expansion, and will most likely lead to the use of violent methods of crisis management. The best application of this hypothesis is the Syrian crisis. The beginning of the Syrian crisis was strongly influenced by the identity crisis within the Syrian government, and for this reason, two identity conflicts (Neo-Salafi-Alavi) and (Kurdish-Arabic) were highlighted in this crisis., Subsequently, two revolutionary and conservative axes led by Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as the third actor, Erdogan, entered the crisis and used all their power and proxy forces and allies to eliminate their "other" identities in Syria.
