Political Strategic Studies

Abstract After the Islamic revolution and the rise of the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran over the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, a new wave of ideas and opinions entered Iran's foreign policy domain and the international relations structure. The principles and concepts of this revolution and the newly emerged political system are generally affected by Imam Khomeini's thought and action as an ideologue and a leader. This article questions the semiotic structure and articulatory system of Imam Khomeini’s foreign policy and about to give a descriptive framework for analyzing it. According to the hypothesis, from the writers' viewpoint, the articulating system of his foreign policy discourse is describable in a three-dimensional framework of ideology, strategy and diplomacy. Ideology beholds some principles and belief-related standards that generally nurture from Islam's revolutionary-critical source. Strategy involves the security-based calculations and the hardware policy. Moreover, diplomacy includes the accepted diagrams of conversation and negotiation for achieving national interests. The results of this discourse are represented in propositions that are based on concepts of the revolutionary-critical, pragmatic-realist, and prudent-modernist Islam.

Abstract With power succession of “ justice and development” party in Turkey in 2002 the foreign policy of this country in regional and far regional relations has seriously changed. Before 2000 Turkeys foreign policy was far westernized and the government policy-making was west, specially US, oriented. But with rise of justice and development government in Turkey, the country’s foreign policy changed to a multidimensional pragmatic interest-based policy .one aspect of this policy modified foreign policy toward collaboration with neighbors in order to enhance Turkey’s role in the region including south Caucasus. This study tries to evaluate Turkey foreign policy in Caucasus and its conflicting interests with the two powerful countries of area – Iran and Russia. The main question of this study is concentrated on the Turkey’s Caucasian Policy and its affects on interests of Iran and Russia. The hypothesis of the paper is that new Turkey’s foreign policy in the region brought contradiction between the country and two abovementioned powerful neighbors.

Abstract The natures of international phenomena have shown that great powers, far
beyond different kinds of rivalries, tend to stabilize equation of power in the
international environment. With outbreak of the Syrian crisis, Signs of this type
of relationship has been observed between Russia and the United States since
2011. The main features of these relations include concepts such as
Encouragement, Containment, Withdraw, and Resolution Building. In this
paper, we review the functions of each of these concepts trough the Modelski
crisis management model. The question of the paper highlights the main strategy
of the two major powers, Russia and the United States, towards the Syrian crisis.
Results reveal that the two consider mutual interaction and international
interests in crisis management measures. Hence, they approaching the pattern of
competition and cooperation, remaining from the Cold War.

Abstract Cultural Iranophobia is a phenomenon that resembles the Persian Gulf countries’ fear of Iran’s identity and culture. This fear comes from an unreal presumption that they have given to Iran’s cultural components and foundations. According to this way of thinking, a system of meaning has been constructed in their view, that we can call it a “discourse”. This discourse consists of many elements like Shiism, Iranian nationality and the revolutionary nature. This phenomenon can have irreparable effects on Iran’s cultural image and landscape. It can also hinder Iran’s strategies and programs for extension of its culture to the regional and global cultural space. Hence, this research tries to analyze the role of culture in genesis of cultural Iranophobia in the Persian Gulf states and bring up the question about the the genesis of cultural Iranophobia in countries in Persian Gulf arena. The hypothesis of this research is that dualism between Arab and Ajam [non-Arab], intervention modeling and Conservative / revolutionary attitude are elements of Iranophobia in the Persian Gulf state; and these elements are intensified by Iran’s enemies and created a horrifying image from the Islamic Republic of Iran, so it will reduces Iran’s cultural relations.

Abstract Various theories about political phenomena are discussed on the basis of the
subjective and objective characters. Phenomenology is one way to analyze the
mentality, quality and specificity of political phenomena. Shiite and Sunni
Islamic movements, according to their nature, have different understanding of
religion. This can be caused by the perception of the environment and the ratio
that defines in connection with the perception of spatial and temporal existence.
Based on environmental perception, when Objective understanding of place
replaced by its subjective perception, location emerging patterns are involved
because they are effective in creating the sense of place. The hypothesis of the
paper indicates that the time-place oriented idea of Shiite and Sunni Islamic
movements in the Middle East formed their strategies in practice.

Abstract Regarding the geopolitical position and geographical features, Iran and
Saudi Arabia can be considered as two important states in the region. From the
early 1950s, the two started rivalries in the Persian Gulf region. Tension and
conflict between the two countries rose, in the second Phalavi era, and because
of the symmetry of the sphere of influence of the two, continuous level of tension
between Iran and Saudi Arabia have been experienced. This rivalry, along with
a number of material and ideological factors strained relations between Tehran
and Riyadh. Iran, especially after the Islamic Revolution has influence among
Muslim countries in the region, and the Shiite ideological orientation challenged
Saudi Wahhabi ideology. Furthermore, ethnic ties and geopolitical competition
in the region, with regard to the power and hegemonic matters, has increased
tension between the two countries. This study, with analytical methodology is
orchestrated according to the theory of Constructivism and attempts to examine
the main causes of conflict in relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Results
shows that the absence of common three concepts of "normativity", "images"
and "identity" between Iran and Saudi Arabia, in addition to geopolitical-based
competitions are a significant causes of tention in relations between Tehran and
Riyadh.

Abstract Egypt’s foreign policy as an Arab, Islamic, African country and an influential
actor in the Middle East has always been an important issue and its constitutive
factors, changes, and continuities in the course of time have attracted students of
foreign policy and the Middle East. This article explores the ways in which
Sadat’s and Mubarak’s foreign policies were formed on the basis of their
perceptions of Egypt’s national role. Within the analytical framework of Role
Theory and by relying on process-tracing method in which causal sequence of
events are examined, the article shows how the two presidents’ foreign policy
differences can be explained by their different role perceptions. It is argued that
while Sadat followed a Pharaonicist national role, Mubarak’s perception of
national role was that of the guardian of Arabs’ solidarit