Document Type : Research Paper
Authors
1 Assistant Professor, Department of History and Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran
2 Assistant Professor, Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, Payame Noor University, Tehran, Iran
3 Ph.D Student, Cultural Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Communication & Amp; Media, Islamic Azad University, Central Tehran Branch, Tehran, Iran
4 Master Student, Sociology, University of Mohagheg Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran
Abstract
Introduction
Political–ethnic violence arises from abrupt, heterogeneous, and disruptive social development and changes that lead to social disorganization and multidimensional anomie. Related to the social structure, political violence results from the unequal distribution of opportunities, discrimination, and deprivation, carrying destabilizing consequences for the political system. Experts identify several factors as causes of political–ethnic violence, including the erosion of social capital, increasing individualism, declining civil cohesion, economic pressures, widening class gaps, discrimination, and external provocations. In this respect, the present research aimed to investigate the factors underlying political–ethnic violence by adopting a meta-analysis approach, focusing on the researches conducted during 2007–2021.
Materials and Methods
The research method employed in this study is a quantitative meta-analysis. The researcher identified relevant studies by conducting a comprehensive review of the literature and researches conducted during 2007–2021, focusing specifically on political–ethnic violence. A sample size of 20 documents was selected after careful consideration of methodological rigor, reliability, and validity. The documents were then categorized and organized according to the research method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and publication year. The values of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, were entered into the second edition of Comprehensive Meta-Analysis (CMA) software. The Q-test, together with the funnel chart, was utilized to assess the homogeneity or heterogeneity of the studies. After confirming the heterogeneity hypothesis, the research employed a moderating (contextual) to measure its impact on political violence.
Table 1. Summary of Meta-Analysis Research
Results and Discussion
The findings of the study revealed a significant relationship between various factors and the political–ethnic violence. The identified factors are related to discrimination (including social, political, and economic discrimination), identity (including religious identity, ethnic identity, ethnic subculture patterns, and national identity), deprivation (including cultural, political, and social deprivation), social capital (such as sociopolitical cohesion, trust, participation, awareness, and low political culture), psychological makeup (involving feelings of ethnic dignity, social satisfaction, ethnic tension and difference, alienation, and social isolation), and context (such as education, income, and social class). According to the results, there is a higher tendency towards political–ethnic violence among males (18%) compared to females (15%). Furthermore, the study indicates that the level of political–ethnic violence is higher Turkish (19%) and Lur and Arab ethnic groups (17%) followed by a more moderate level in Kurdish (12%) and Persian (11%) ethnic groups. The Baloch and Turkmen ethnic groups exhibit a lower tendency towards political-ethnic violence with the figure of 10%. In addition, the findings suggest that the inclination towards political violence is higher in less developed areas (18%), moderate in developing regions (13%), and lower in developed areas (10%).
Conclusion
The results indicate that political violence is deeply rooted in society and culture, often triggered by rapid and sudden social changes, class and economic gaps, and social disorganization over time. The failure of social institutions to regulate class dynamics effectively creates a sense of multiple deprivation among ethnic groups, leading to the emergence of political–ethnic violence. Media advertisements, both domestic and foreign, and the influence of sectarian movements in the real world and cyberspace also play a significant role in initiating, perpetuating, and intensifying political violence. The decline in sociopolitical capital, widening social and class disparities, and a sense of multiple deprivation and multidimensional anomie provide fertile ground for violence to flourish. The greater the sense of failure, deprivation, and frustration, the higher the likelihood of aggression towards the perceived source of these problems. Moreover, the severity of deprivation directly correlates with the intensity of violence. Mass media amplifies and accelerates psychological pressure for radical and violent actions. The weakening management, control, organization, and efficiency of social structures provide the ground for anomie and social disorder, ultimately leading to the emergence of political violence as a response to the relative deprivation, discrimination, and social isolation.
Keywords
Main Subjects
Ethnic identity |
Sampling method |
The investigated group |
Author |
Turkish |
Clustered |
Citizens |
Moeinfar et al. (2021) |
Persian |
Clustered |
Citizens |
Ehterami et al. (2021) |
Persian |
Random |
Citizens |
Parchami and Derakhshan (2021) |
Persian |
Clustered |
Citizens |
Behboudi (2020) |
Persian |
Clustered |
Citizens |
Taghavi et al. (2020) |
Turkish |
Clustered |
Citizens |
Moeinfar et al. (2019) |
Persian |
Clustered |
Citizens |
Khanalizadeh-Bana et al. (2019) |
Baloch |
Clustered |
Citizens |
Asghariniyari and Mahmoodoghlo (2018) |
Lur |
Clustered |
Resident tribes |
Farahmand and Najafi (2018) |
Kurdish |
Random |
Male citizens |
Amirpour et al. (2017) |
Turkish |
Stratified |
Citizens |
Doagoyan and Abdolrahmani (2017) |
Persian |
Purposive |
Experts |
Moradi and Khalajzadeh (2016) |
Turkish |
Purposive |
Citzens |
Shafeiniya (2016) |
Turkmen |
Purposive |
Resident tribes |
Nourouzi (2014) |
Turkish |
Purposive |
Citizens |
Heydari (2012) |
Turkmen |
Clustered |
Students |
Jalalipour and Nazarabbasi (2012) |
Turkish |
Purposive |
Experts |
Mahmoodzadeh-Rezaei (2011) |
Turkman |
Systematic random |
Students |
Navvah et al. (2010) |
Arab |
Clustered |
Citizens |
Elmi and Tighzan (2009) |
Turkish |
Clustered |
Pupils |
Rezaei-Moghaddam (2007) |