Political Sociology
Akbar Zolfaghari; Taha Ashayeri; Fatemeh Mahtabi
Abstract
The aim of the research is to study the factors affecting political apathy. The research method is quantitative meta-analysis. In this study, the researcher has identified and categorized the studies related to the factors affecting political apathy in the period of 2001-2022. The statistical population ...
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The aim of the research is to study the factors affecting political apathy. The research method is quantitative meta-analysis. In this study, the researcher has identified and categorized the studies related to the factors affecting political apathy in the period of 2001-2022. The statistical population of the research was 23 research documents; that, 11 documents have been selected after checking in terms of method, validity, validity and scientific findings. method, sample size, correlation coefficient, significance level, statistical population, and year were the selection criteria of these researches. The results showed that there is a very positive and important relationship between political factors(political distrust, political dissatisfaction, political alienation, lack of citizenship rights, political anomie, low political culture); social factors(social anomie, social commitment, social health, national identity, low social vitality, organizational identity, occupational identity, lack of social transparency, feeling of social injustice, social lawlessness, low quality of life); cultural factors (domestic media consumption, degree of religiosity, social networks, satellite networks, cultural anomie, individualism); economic factors(economic capital, relative deprivation, unemployment, socio-economic class); and demographic factors(education, place of residence, age, marital status), with political apathy. based on the study, political apathy is affected by several factors, including economic, political, cultural and social.
Political Sociology
Reza Sehhat Manesh
Abstract
Two different eras can be recognized in the Safavid period. First era included the beginning to the Zahab Peace Treaty and the second era from the Zahab Peace Treaty to the fall of Isfahan by the Afghan invaders. In the first era, Safavid kings showed warlike tendencies and religious authorities were ...
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Two different eras can be recognized in the Safavid period. First era included the beginning to the Zahab Peace Treaty and the second era from the Zahab Peace Treaty to the fall of Isfahan by the Afghan invaders. In the first era, Safavid kings showed warlike tendencies and religious authorities were not allowed to interfere in political affairs. But in the second era, the Safavid kings clearly showed Sharia tendencies and the clerics were placed at the apex of the religious structure. In the present research, the influence of Sharia trends on military morale and the Safavid army has been investigated and the question has been answered: How did the Sharia trends and the close relations of Safavid kings with clerical authorities affect other duties, especially military duties?The results of the research indicate that the Safavid kings had a lot of leisure after the Zahab peace with the Ottomans (1049 AH), as well as the change of the confrontation with the Uzbeks from straight confrontation to vassalage, this separated them from the battlefield, and their fighting arena was limited. They openly turned to Sharia by courting and meeting with clerics and scholars.
Political Sociology
Abbas Sohrab Zadeh; jafar narimani
Abstract
Explaining the model of factors affecting the political-economic development of Ilam provinceWith emphasis upon the role of official elites AbstractHistorical studies show the key role of elites in social, political, economic and cultural developments. Due attention of many advanced and developed countries ...
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Explaining the model of factors affecting the political-economic development of Ilam provinceWith emphasis upon the role of official elites AbstractHistorical studies show the key role of elites in social, political, economic and cultural developments. Due attention of many advanced and developed countries indicates that the elites of the country, especially the ruling political elites, play an important role in the process of development through their crucial role in decision making and administration of the country.The statistical population of the research in qualitative part of it includes 30 experts, professors and local elites. The sampling method for qualitative method of the research is nonrandom and snowball approach, and the sample volume continues until the time of theoretical saturation. And also in qualitative part the sample encompasses 384 people from the local elites of Ilam province.For data analysis, Spss and Amos software were used with structural equation factorial method.developmentalism, the structure of Islamic society, culture building, the atmosphere of scientific competition, strategic orientation, and political institutionalization are among factors affecting political and economic development of the Ilam province with due attention paid to the role of official elites.Key words: development, political, economic, elites, Ilam province
Political Sociology
Akbar Zolfaghari; Taha Ashayeri; Tahereh Jahanparvar
Abstract
The purpose of this research is to combine the findings of qualitative and quantitative research on the obstacles to women's political participation in Iran.The research method is a Meta synthesis of quantitative and qualitative studies in the period of 2007-2021 with a non-probability deliberate ...
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The purpose of this research is to combine the findings of qualitative and quantitative research on the obstacles to women's political participation in Iran.The research method is a Meta synthesis of quantitative and qualitative studies in the period of 2007-2021 with a non-probability deliberate method; the sample size is equal to 23 research documents. These documents were selected according to the credibility and validity of the research, the quality of the research, the scientific-research criteria, and the relationship with the obstacles to women's political participation. The research findings show that the main obstacles to women's political participation in Iran are divided into six categories: social, cultural, political, economic, psychological and demographic obstacles; that, social barriers including the male atmosphere of society, social discrimination: genderization of jobs; Cultural barriers such as tradition and cultural norms, educational system, tribal-patriarchal patterns; Political obstacles include political obstruction, political beliefs, male political dominance, low political culture; Economic obstacles including economic inequality, economic anomie, financial dependence; And psychological obstacles include low self-confidence, psychological beliefs, feeling of psychological anomie) and demographic (climate, location, family, physiological. The political participation of women as a large part of the country's population leads to the improvement of the decision-making situation,
Political Sociology
Pegah Kheirollahi; Hamid Dehghani; hamid nassaj
Abstract
The Islamic revolution in Iran, as one of the steps in the democratization process has been studied in many different aspects however there are no studies that have concentrated on its state-society relations. This article was done to study state relations from 1963 to 1979 by the historical institutionalism ...
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The Islamic revolution in Iran, as one of the steps in the democratization process has been studied in many different aspects however there are no studies that have concentrated on its state-society relations. This article was done to study state relations from 1963 to 1979 by the historical institutionalism method. At first, the most important events in the mentioned period were reviewed and the mode of interaction between the state and society was studied then the historical institutionalism method and casual and temporal relations of social and political events were determined. The results of the research have shown that at the beginning of the revolution process (1963), the state was powerful however confrontational policies of the state during many years, caused that after the Black Friday event in Iran, despite the state tried to make the political arena freer, the society used that opportunity against the state until its overcoming on the state.
Public policy
Hossein Ebadi; Seyed Abdullah Heidariyeh; Younos Vakil Alroaia
Abstract
Introduction In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more ...
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Introduction In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more necessary to have such a favorable scenario. Based on the significance of customer retention, this approach maintains that a party can win if it secures the largest market share while minimizing customer attrition. It seems to be an essential approach given the nature of political marketing characterized by the intense competition among political parties, the unavoidable impact of social media, the uncertainty about fulfilling campaign promises, and the risky nature of political transactions (cash vs. credit imbalance) —all of which can contribute to the vulnerability of political marketing, hence a declining trend in the voter turnout. Relationship marketing, as a modern marketing technique, can help political activists to mitigate these challenges, offering effective solutions to minimize campaign costs and increase the likelihood of success in elections. Political relationship marketing has been the subject of inquiry in several studies (e.g., Afjeh’i & Khademi-Garashi, 2016; Talari & Mousavi-Shafaei, 2015). Rizan et al. (2014) delved into the impact of relationship marketing on customer loyalty.A declining trend in the number of electoral votes is one of the challenges faced by political parties in Iran. The issue appears to be rooted in their marketing strategies. In fact, political marketing strategies can potentially present a persuasively alluring image of the candidate’s integrity and virtue while covering up their flaws. Consequently, the politician who has been getting promoted is often perceived as an ideal figure. In most cases, voters may not understand the techniques used in campaigns, succumbing to the persuasive tactics employed by the candidate and thus increasing the likelihood of making a mistake in their choice and experiencing early regret. In fact, insufficient knowledge about the candidate or party contributes to such mistakes on the part of voters. Moreover, the inability to retain voters, driven by factors such as a loss of trust and unfulfilled promises, can result in costly and sometimes irreparable damages to political parties. Considering the drawbacks of short-term marketing in the political arena for those involved and the political parties’ desire for sustained power, relationship marketing seems to be a suitable approach to address the shortcomings without compromising market share, fulfill political parties’ electoral aspirations (e.g., frequent wins), and to ensure that voters get to know candidates and political parties adequately and accurately. In this line, the present research investigates the influential factors in political relationship marketing, addressing the following questions: Can relationship marketing help overcome the challenges in political elections? And what factors are influential in establishing and maintaining the relationship?Materials and MethodsThere are numerous factors behind party wins in the electoral market. However, according to the theoretical framework of this research, establishing and maintaining a robust relationship between parties and voters, leading to voter loyalty, plays a pivotal role in the electoral success of political parties. Relying on a multi-stage conceptual model, the present study aimed to investigate the connection between relationship marketing and the success of parties in the political market and electoral contests. The study is located within the intersection of political science and marketing management. As an applied research involving field work, it adopted a descriptive–survey, correlation-based approach to investigate the research questions. First, the analysis focused on the effect of relationship marketing variables (i.e., commitment, fulfillment of promises, communication, competence, and trust) on satisfaction. The second step involved examination of the effect of satisfaction on voter loyalty. Finally, the research explored the correlation between loyalty, recommendations to others, and revoting, as influential factors contributing to the success of political parties. In the data analysis, the Pearson coefficient and the correlation coefficient were used to understand the relationships between the research variables.Results and Discussion The research findings indicated a significantly direct correlation between relationship marketing principles and voter satisfaction. The results of regression analysis demonstrated that these principles can predict satisfaction. There was also a significant relationship between satisfaction and loyalty, as well as between loyalty and both revoting and recommendation to others. Finally, a significant relationship was observed between success and revoting and recommendation to others.ConclusionThe research results confirm that the success of political parties hinges on both retaining existing voters and attracting new ones. This process involves distinct stages: generating satisfaction by applying relationship marketing principles, enhancing and transforming satisfaction into loyalty and fandom through the practical implementation of the principles, adopting fan-driven marketing as a result of the loyalty cultivated, and finally giving recommendations to others. The first and second stages are executed through strategic planning and initiatives of strategists, along with the genuine and reassuring conduct of candidates and party executive agents. The third and fourth stages, on the other hand, rely on the active participation of party loyalists and supporters. Furthermore, two practical methods can be employed to attract new voters: direct and indirect recruitment. In the direct recruitment, the party itself leverages relationship marketing principles to draw in a collective of voters. In contrast, the indirect recruitment is facilitated by party loyalists and supporters—mostly represented by previous voters—and their efforts to embark on fan-driven marketing and give recommendations to other voters.
Political Sociology
Omid Ghaderzadeh
Abstract
Introduction An examination of the orientations and social, cultural, and political activities of the clergy in Kurdistan underscores their active role in the social system. The concept of political culture can help understand the social and political inclinations. According to Tessler (2011), the analysis ...
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Introduction An examination of the orientations and social, cultural, and political activities of the clergy in Kurdistan underscores their active role in the social system. The concept of political culture can help understand the social and political inclinations. According to Tessler (2011), the analysis of political culture entails the examination of the type of participation and practical involvement of people in political and social life, along with their orientations towards diversity and pluralism. Despite the increasing significance of political culture for development as well as social and political participation in Iranian society, there has been a notable absence of research on the political culture of clerics and its implications for social order and change. Considering the pivotal role of religious communities in the collective consciousness of Kurdistan and the interconnection of religion with ethnicity, identity, and politics, it becomes imperative to examine the role and agency of clerics in instigating social, political, and cultural changes. Focusing on the Sunni clergy in Sanandaj, the present study aimed to understand the clergy’s meaning-making system and interpretation of sociopolitical spheres in order to examine the dimensions and types of their political culture and its implications for cultural, social, and political development of Kurdistan Province.Literature ReviewA review of empirical studies reveals a gap in the literature on the connection between religion and the status of Sunni Kurdish clerics, as well as their practical involvement in political and social aspects of their community. It seems that there is no comprehensive study addressing the civic and political activism as well as the political culture of the Sunni clergy in Kurdistan. The present research endeavored to fill this void by adopting an innovative and exploratory approach.Mark Tessler’s typology of political culture orientations stands out due to its integrated nature and its focus on the theoretical literature of political culture, particularly in the context of Islamic countries, thus proving to be more relevant to the current study. Tessler’s definition of political culture encompasses both normative and behavioral aspects. The normative or pluralism/diversity dimension involves two variables: support for gender equality and political tolerance. The behavioral or the involvement dimension encompasses interpersonal trust, civic participation, political interest, and political knowledge (Tessler, 2011, p. 172). Moreover, Tessler classifies political culture in Islamic societies into four types: democratic, indifferent, activist, and parochial. Materials and MethodsThe present study used the ethnographic method and the interviews with 40 Sunni clerics in Sanandaj. A combination of theoretical and purposive sampling, along with maximum variation sampling, was used to select a sample of individuals aged from 30 to 65 years. Concerning the data analysis, ethnography adheres to analytical induction and grounded theory as an overarching, useful strategy (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).Results and DiscussionThe interview results made clear that over half of the interviewed clerics did not appreciate alternative thoughts and the benefits of diverse lifestyles. They would not accept pluralism and diversity in political–cultural opinions, nor would they support gender equality. Concerning the involvement dimension, the interviewees exhibited restricted participation in both political and social spheres, and their level of interpersonal trust was notably limited. According to the research results, the political culture orientation of the interviewees can be characterized as limited and parochial.ConclusionThe interpretive analysis of the political culture of the sampled clerics indicates that the limited political culture is not substantially aligned with development in cultural, social, and political arenas. The limited political culture fails to foster a generalized social capital, multiculturalism, and the openness of civil society. In certain instances, it can impede cultural and social change by hindering the potential for making demands, advocating corrective actions, and pursing political reform. Considering the influence of lived experience and political opportunities on political culture, it seems necessary to institutionally recognize Sunni clerics, expand political opportunities, and foster increased openness within institutional and structural channels. These measures can lead to a more inclusive political culture, thus facilitating a shift towards a democratic political culture.
Political Sociology
Jalil Dara; Javad Alaei Avargani
Abstract
IntroductionDistribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the ...
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IntroductionDistribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action.Literature ReviewMehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard.Materials and MethodsThe present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory.ConclusionBoth statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.
Political Sociology
Sara Sharifpour; Noori Hadi; Mohammad Reza Gholami Shekarsaraee
Abstract
IntroductionThe present research deals with the discrepancy between the hypothesized theory of the Asiatic mode of production and the empirical evidence from the Qajar era. Specifically, it explored whether the state–class relationship in the Qajar era can accurately be characterized as oriental ...
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IntroductionThe present research deals with the discrepancy between the hypothesized theory of the Asiatic mode of production and the empirical evidence from the Qajar era. Specifically, it explored whether the state–class relationship in the Qajar era can accurately be characterized as oriental despotism (or an Asian state), or it reflects a state where the power of the king was limited by influential classes, such as the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs. The central focus of this research was to determine whether the Qajar state enjoyed power concentration or operated within a kind of power plurality. In this respect, the central question is: Was the power of the Qajar state limited by social classes, or did it wield absolute and supra-class authority?Theoretical FrameworkThe study examined the state–class relationship through the lens of Karl Marx’s theory of the state. Marx’s perspective on the state can be categorized into three distinct models: the powerless state, the state with relative power, and the state with absolute power. Applying these three models, the present study analyzed the dynamics of the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.According to Marx’s instrumentalist theory, the concept of a class state suggests that both the form and essence of the state are contingent upon prevailing classes. While the state may exhibit diverse variations and characteristics in different historical contexts, it fundamentally relies on classes. In all instances, the state functions as a dependent entity and a tool of the ruling class. Marx presented his theory of the Bonapartist state in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852) and The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850 (1850). Marx acknowledges that the state possesses a certain degree of independent power or relative autonomy from the ruling class. According to Marx and Engels, the absence of private land ownership and the existence of large-scale state-controlled water facilities, despite their apparent contradiction, are the defining characteristics of the Asian state, in which the autocratic state machinery exercises control over the production surplus and serves not only as the central apparatus for oppression but also as a tool for economic exploitation at the disposal of the ruling class. In such a setting, “the state reigns supreme.”As evident, Marx’s triadic model of the state analyzes the state–class relationship at three levels. The model of class state portrays a state that lacks power and relative autonomy from the ruling class. The Bonapartist state enjoys relative autonomy from the ruling class, while the Asian state wields absolute power and autocratic authority over all societal classes. The present research used Marx’s triadic model as the analytical framework to examine the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.Materials and Methods This research employed a historical case study approach, which involves gathering extensive information through various data collection methods over an extended temporal span. The collected information is systematically analyzed with the explicit objective of deriving theoretical insights. The documentary research method within the framework of recorded or written history was used to collect the relevant information. There are three strategies for data analysis: pattern matching, explanation building, and time series analysis. Given the descriptive nature of the current case study, the pattern matching method, specifically the type of rival explanations, was utilized. This method involves comparing the historical pattern derived from experience with the predicted theoretical pattern.Results and DiscussionThe central question addressed in the present article pertains to the extent of the Qajar state’s power; whether it was constrained by social classes or characterized by absolute and supra-class authority. According to the research findings, the influential clerics, relying on their social support base, exerted their influence over the state. This influence manifested openly through the issuance of fatwas in significant events such as the Russo-Persian Wars, the Persian Tobacco Protest, or the Constitutional Movement. Furthermore, the clerics often succeeded in establishing common interests through their relationships with statesmen, thereby exerting influence over high-ranking state officials. Notably, clerics comprised 20% of the social composition of the first parliament, which signifies their official entry into the power structure of the time.Prominent and affluent merchants, particularly in the first half of the 19th century, wielded influence by fulfilling the financial requirements of the state and cooperating closely with it. However, their role evolved in the second half of the 19th century marked by events like the Tobacco Protests and Monsieur Naus, when they joined the protesters and disrupted the country’s economic cycles due to conflicting interests. This class emerged as one of the most influential groups in Iran during the Qajar era. With the establishment of the Constituent Assembly, they secured a significant one-third of the parliament composition.The influential patriarchs of tribes and the heads of important clans held significant sway due to their independent geographic position and economic resources, military strength, and provision of manpower to the Qajar army. This enabled them to exert influence and even engage in direct conflicts with the state, such as during the Constitutional Movement.Given Iran’s population structure, which predominantly comprised farmers, the large landowners assumed the role of quasi-sovereigns within the territories under their ownership. Their possession of extensive estates, personal military forces, and substantial incomes derived from landownership, combined with a weak bureaucracy and an inefficient tax system, granted them considerable autonomy in areas under their influence.ConclusionAccording to the findings, it becomes highly challenging to conceive of the Qajar state as the entity possessing absolute power, as Marx suggests as the primary characteristic of the Asian state. In the Qajar Iran, influential social classes, including the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs, served as intermediary layers that limited the state’s power and prevented the establishment of a supreme master or an absolute ruler. Moreover, the Qajar state, originating from the Qajar tribe, was not practically reliant on the tribe itself or other social classes, so the Qajar state actually employed various methods, such as granting state positions or making discord between tribes, to control and even suppress them. Accordingly, the Qajar state cannot be categorized as a mere instrument of the ruling class or an entity with absolute power. It does not align with the concept of a class state or even a supra-class state. Instead, enjoying power and relative autonomy from the dominant class, the Qajar state could create a relative balance between social forces, leading to its characterization as a Bonapartist state.
Political Sociology
Mohsen Mohammadi Khanghahi; Abbas Keshavarz Shokri; Gafari Zahed
Abstract
IntroductionSocial dissatisfaction in Iran, particularly over the past decade, has been widespread and profound, as confirmed by national surveys. A review of the last four decades reveals the emergence of social discontent and political unrest in various manifestations and at different times. In certain ...
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IntroductionSocial dissatisfaction in Iran, particularly over the past decade, has been widespread and profound, as confirmed by national surveys. A review of the last four decades reveals the emergence of social discontent and political unrest in various manifestations and at different times. In certain instances, such as in 2009, the protests have posed a threat to the survival and stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Indeed, an analysis of the frequency and duration of social protests demonstrates the growth and prevalence of social dissatisfaction within Iranian society.Social dissatisfaction can manifest itself through apathy and non-participation, as seen in the decline in political participation during the Islamic Council and presidential elections in in the recent decade, particularly in 2019 and 2021. A review of relevant research shows a lack of deep insight and comprehensive understanding of social dissatisfaction as a multi-faceted issue in Iran, which can be a major obstacle to insightful policymaking for successful and cost-effective management of social dissatisfaction.The present research aimed to analyze and elucidate the underlying factors that contribute to social dissatisfaction, and subsequently develop strategies for effectively managing and mitigating the issue within Iranian society. The objective can ultimately enhance the efficiency of the decision-making process and policymaking in order to effectively address social dissatisfaction and protests. Accordingly, the main research questions are: What are the causal factors underlying social dissatisfaction in the Islamic Republic of Iran? and what are the potential solutions to solve the issue?Materials and MethodsThe present research employed a mixed methods research design. The documentary analysis method was utilized to examine and analyze various perspectives and approaches, as well as to investigate the evolution of the phenomenon of social dissatisfaction in Iranian society. Moreover, the method of causal layered analysis (CLA) was used to analyze and explain the underlying causes that contribute to social dissatisfaction in Iran.This method incorporates the examination of four distinct layers: the litany, social/systemic causes, discourse/worldview, and myth/metaphor. The litany layer represents the surface level, encompassing the most evident and objective aspects of the future. The social/systemic layer involves exploring the technological, social, economic, historical, political, and environmental causes associated with the subject matter. The discourse layer encompasses efforts to comprehend linguistic, cultural, and social structures that shape and pertain to the future. Lastly, the myth/metaphor layer delves into the investigation and exploration of schemas, mental images, and underlying narratives.The researchers collected the data by administering an open semi-structured questionnaire to a total of 10 experts. The collected data was subjected to review by 5 additional experts, who were asked to confirm the identified causes and related factors with the ultimate aim of ensuring the validity and reliability of the data. Based on the degree of consensus and frequency, the identified causes were categorized into three levels: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. Furthermore, the researchers developed scenarios of social dissatisfaction by sharing the collected data with 5 experts, who were requested to envision future dissatisfaction scenarios in the 2031 horizon across three categories: desirable, possible, and probable. Results and DiscussionAfter conducting a review of relevant literature and collecting insights from 10 experts, the present study examined and analyzed the causes and factors contributing to social dissatisfaction the Islamic Republic in three layers: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. At the systemic level, various factors were identified and discussed, including the prevalence of poverty, increasing discrimination, widening class gap and increasing Gini coefficient, evolving societal lifestyles, widespread feelings of deprivation, unjust distribution of national resources, and unsustainable development, etc.In the discursive layer, various causes and factors were identified and analyzed, including the historical mistrust towards the political sphere, the duality of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Shia culture and thought, the modern thought and worldview, the discourse of transformation, the discourse of Western development, and the alienation of political governance, etc. Moving to the metaphorical/mythical layer, factors such as the portrayal of the government as a bandit in Iranian culture, the usurpation of power by the state, the metaphor of the Alavi government, and historical transformation-seeking were recognized and discussed as influential elements in the development of social dissatisfaction.Moreover, in accordance with expert opinions, three scenarios (desirable, possible, and probable) were formulated and constructed regarding the future of social dissatisfaction in Iran. In the desirable scenario, effective reformist measures and the realization of the right to protest would lead to a reduction in social dissatisfaction, putting protests within a legally recognized framework. In the possible scenario, considering the continuation and exacerbation of underlying causes of dissatisfaction, we would witness the accumulation of social dissatisfaction and the emergence of intermittent episodes of violent social protests. Finally, according to the probable scenario, civil disobedience would arise as a result of the prevailing security-focused approach and the rising costs of engaging in protests.ConclusionSocial dissatisfaction remains a significant issue in Iran, posing considerable challenges to political stability and national security. Effective policymaking and management concerning social dissatisfaction initially requires a comprehensive and accurate understanding of this complex issue. In this line, the present study used the CLA method as an effective approach to examine different causal layers and drivers and their impact on social dissatisfaction. The results indicated that the Islamic Republic of Iran aims to move towards its desired scenario, which involves reducing dissatisfaction and implementing a persuasive and systematic approach to managing social protests. However, given the current circumstances, attaining this scenario proves to be challenging. Instead, the possible scenario entails the continued accumulation of dissatisfaction and ongoing social protests, which will pose a significant challenge to the political stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Protests will be characterized by increased violence, potentially leading the political system to adopt a hard approach in suppressing and managing social unrest. This, in turn, may exacerbate radicalism and further fuel social dissatisfaction. The probable scenario, characterized by intermittent and costly protests as well as civil disobedience, presents an alternative outlook for the future of social dissatisfaction. In this scenario, social dissatisfaction manifests itself through intermittent protests that occur at various intervals and in response to specific events. As social dissatisfaction continues to evolve and persist, some citizens may resort to civil disobedience and divergence from official values and norms.
Political Sociology
Sadegh Panahinasab; Mansour Tabiee
Abstract
IntroductionIran is a vast country situated in a strategically significant region of the Middle East. Within its borders, a diverse array of ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist. A crucial aspect of Iran’s internal dynamics pertains to the formulation of ethnic policies aimed at fostering ...
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IntroductionIran is a vast country situated in a strategically significant region of the Middle East. Within its borders, a diverse array of ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist. A crucial aspect of Iran’s internal dynamics pertains to the formulation of ethnic policies aimed at fostering an inclusive unity and cohesion among its populace, all the while preserving and celebrating the richness of its cultural and ethnic diversity in line with the country’s objectives and ideals. Today, the formulation of ethnic policies has become an exceedingly vital and indispensable matter due to a number of factors, including the rise of micro and sub-national discourses and the need to regulate their interactions with the political system, government, and national identity; the proliferation of ethnic and religious groups in various countries and particularly in neighboring states; and the prominence of ethnic and tribal identities. Limiting the sphere of influence, authority, and acceptance of a shared collective identity, these developments are accompanied not only by the presence of influential international and regional factors and actors but also by gaps in ethnic identities. It is thus necessary to formulate ethnic policies in the country.A significant segment of Iran’s population comprises ethnic, local, and regional tribes and subcultures, whose inclinations, attitudes, and actions hold great importance across various social, cultural, and political domains in the country. The election is considered a key domain with the high frequency of occurrence in Iran. In this respect, the relationship and activities of ethnic groups during election periods represent a significant topic for study and investigation. The areas of interest include the degree and nature of participation of ethnic groups and their behavior towards a particular candidate or political party in the election. The participation in elections actually serves as a stable indicator of political participation.In Iran, ethnic groups perceive their participation in elections as playing a social–identity role in political dynamics. As candidates vie for as many votes as possible during their election campaigns, they engage in election campaigns characterized by slogans and the presentation of plans and promises. Meanwhile, in the institutionalized and conventional opportunity offered by elections, voters and citizens form their opinions concerning the desired choice by listening to and comparing candidates’ plans, programs, and policies.In a study conducted by Agumore and Adams (2014) in Ghana, the examination of 17 influential factors on voting behavior revealed that candidates’ electoral messages had the most significant impact on voters, while the candidate’s ethnicity proved to be one of the least influential factors. This suggests that the stance and programs advocated by candidates play a crucial role in motivating voters to support them. Alwan (2020) studied the tribal power in Iraq and its implications for the political and social system. The findings demonstrated that a weak and corrupt government contributes to the encouragement of tribal dominance. The Iraqi people, regardless of their personal beliefs, are strongly attached to their tribes. Despite recognizing that tribes are pre-state organizations and a distorted form of civil society, they perceive no viable alternative due to the inability of the weak state to establish law and order.Akbari and Fakhari (2016) explored the influence of ethnicity and ethnic identity on the electoral behavior of citizens in Bojnurd. The research involved 367 participants from diverse ethnic groups. The results revealed an ethnic voting pattern score of 34.7 on a scale of 0 to 100. Additionally, the average ethnic identity score among the respondents was 58.6. The findings of the study indicate a significant relationship between ethnic voting patterns and variables such as ethnic demands, the sense of political legitimacy, and ethnic identity, as demonstrated by the multivariable regression model. According to Tabiee et al. (2022), there are numerous paradoxes, contradictions, and conflicts between political tribalism and the development in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The research suggests that an increase in the tendency towards political tribalism leads to a decrease in development in the province. However, the development and progress of society can mitigate the effects of political tribalism, potentially leading to its dissipation. Materials and MethodsThe present research used the method of content analysis for data collection. The method involves gathering empirical evidence by enquiring text units rather than directly surveying individuals. In content analysis, the primary unit of observation is the text itself. Concerning the present study, the researchers selected texts on the candidates’ speeches presented in various sources, including newspapers such as Ettela'at, Shargh, Resalat, and Vatan-e Emrouz, as well as the candidates’ speeches during visits to East Azarbaijan, Kurdistan, and Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The researchers also considered the coverage of these speeches in the aforementioned newspapers or locally relevant websites. Additionally, televised elections debates, particularly those focusing on cultural themes, were included in the analysis.Results and DiscussionRelying on empirical evidence, the study analyzed and compared ethnic slogans and ethnic belonging in the 9th and 11th presidential elections. According to the results, the representation of ethnic slogans stands at 31.11%t in the texts produced by candidates during the 9th election, whereas during the 11th election, the figure increased significantly to 68.89%. Moreover, the representation of ethnic belonging was found to be 26.93% and 73.07% in the texts produced by the candidates during the 9th and 11th elections, respectively. These findings indicate that candidates during the 11th period placed considerable emphasis on ethnic issues, delving more deeply into these matters. They made concerted efforts to attract the votes of ethnic groups by highlighting ethnic concerns and giving significant attention to these issues in their campaign texts and speeches. As a result, the candidates who had prioritized ethnic issues could receive a larger share of votes in the aforementioned provinces.ConclusionAccording to the research findings, it can be concluded that there was a significant increase in the representation of slogans and ethnic belonging by candidates during the 11th election compared to the 9th term. The candidates put a special focus on ethnic issues in their speeches and campaign texts. Among the candidates in both elections, Hassan Rouhani stands out for emphasizing ethnic issues more than others. His receiving notable and substantial votes in these provinces, particularly in Kurdistan, indicates his special attention to this category.The research findings, particularly in the 11th election, indicate that addressing ethnic slogans and belonging and highlighting them in presidential campaigns can effectively increase candidates’ votes in provinces with a significant ethnic population. However, regarding the reasons behind the heightened attention to ethnicity and repetition of past issues by the candidates in the 11th election, it is suggested that the demands and needs of ethnic groups had not been adequately addressed in previous elections. Alternatively, it is possible that the repetition of past issues is merely a strategy to secure votes, with candidates failing to address these demands even after winning the election, thus treating them merely as a means to an end.
Political Sociology
Taha Ashayeri; Akbar Zolfaghari; Tahereh Jahanparvar; Faezeh Raghami
Abstract
IntroductionPolitical–ethnic violence arises from abrupt, heterogeneous, and disruptive social development and changes that lead to social disorganization and multidimensional anomie. Related to the social structure, political violence results from the unequal distribution of opportunities, discrimination, ...
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IntroductionPolitical–ethnic violence arises from abrupt, heterogeneous, and disruptive social development and changes that lead to social disorganization and multidimensional anomie. Related to the social structure, political violence results from the unequal distribution of opportunities, discrimination, and deprivation, carrying destabilizing consequences for the political system. Experts identify several factors as causes of political–ethnic violence, including the erosion of social capital, increasing individualism, declining civil cohesion, economic pressures, widening class gaps, discrimination, and external provocations. In this respect, the present research aimed to investigate the factors underlying political–ethnic violence by adopting a meta-analysis approach, focusing on the researches conducted during 2007–2021. Materials and MethodsThe research method employed in this study is a quantitative meta-analysis. The researcher identified relevant studies by conducting a comprehensive review of the literature and researches conducted during 2007–2021, focusing specifically on political–ethnic violence. A sample size of 20 documents was selected after careful consideration of methodological rigor, reliability, and validity. The documents were then categorized and organized according to the research method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and publication year. The values of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, were entered into the second edition of Comprehensive Meta-Analysis (CMA) software. The Q-test, together with the funnel chart, was utilized to assess the homogeneity or heterogeneity of the studies. After confirming the heterogeneity hypothesis, the research employed a moderating (contextual) to measure its impact on political violence.Table 1. Summary of Meta-Analysis Research Results and DiscussionThe findings of the study revealed a significant relationship between various factors and the political–ethnic violence. The identified factors are related to discrimination (including social, political, and economic discrimination), identity (including religious identity, ethnic identity, ethnic subculture patterns, and national identity), deprivation (including cultural, political, and social deprivation), social capital (such as sociopolitical cohesion, trust, participation, awareness, and low political culture), psychological makeup (involving feelings of ethnic dignity, social satisfaction, ethnic tension and difference, alienation, and social isolation), and context (such as education, income, and social class). According to the results, there is a higher tendency towards political–ethnic violence among males (18%) compared to females (15%). Furthermore, the study indicates that the level of political–ethnic violence is higher Turkish (19%) and Lur and Arab ethnic groups (17%) followed by a more moderate level in Kurdish (12%) and Persian (11%) ethnic groups. The Baloch and Turkmen ethnic groups exhibit a lower tendency towards political-ethnic violence with the figure of 10%. In addition, the findings suggest that the inclination towards political violence is higher in less developed areas (18%), moderate in developing regions (13%), and lower in developed areas (10%). ConclusionThe results indicate that political violence is deeply rooted in society and culture, often triggered by rapid and sudden social changes, class and economic gaps, and social disorganization over time. The failure of social institutions to regulate class dynamics effectively creates a sense of multiple deprivation among ethnic groups, leading to the emergence of political–ethnic violence. Media advertisements, both domestic and foreign, and the influence of sectarian movements in the real world and cyberspace also play a significant role in initiating, perpetuating, and intensifying political violence. The decline in sociopolitical capital, widening social and class disparities, and a sense of multiple deprivation and multidimensional anomie provide fertile ground for violence to flourish. The greater the sense of failure, deprivation, and frustration, the higher the likelihood of aggression towards the perceived source of these problems. Moreover, the severity of deprivation directly correlates with the intensity of violence. Mass media amplifies and accelerates psychological pressure for radical and violent actions. The weakening management, control, organization, and efficiency of social structures provide the ground for anomie and social disorder, ultimately leading to the emergence of political violence as a response to the relative deprivation, discrimination, and social isolation.
Political Sociology
aboalghasem shahryari; Seyed Hosein Athari; Mohsen Khalili; Mahdi Najafzadeh
Abstract
Statement of the ProblemThe March 1921 coup and the rise of Reza Khan, under the so-called enlightened tyranny referred to by Iranian thinkers, ended more than a century-long reign of the Qajar dynasty. Although the Qajar monarchy was transferred to the Pahlavi in 1925, the rule in Iran was practically ...
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Statement of the ProblemThe March 1921 coup and the rise of Reza Khan, under the so-called enlightened tyranny referred to by Iranian thinkers, ended more than a century-long reign of the Qajar dynasty. Although the Qajar monarchy was transferred to the Pahlavi in 1925, the rule in Iran was practically out of the control of the Qajars since March 1921. Having risen to power with the coronation of Agha Mohammad Khan in 1796, the Qajars inherited a situation resulted from about a century-long conflict and chaos in Iran, for the rule had changed five times in less than seventy-five years: the fall of the Safavid dynasty, the rise of Afghans to power, the Afsharid dynasty, the Zand dynasty, and finally the Qajar dynasty. The perpetual riots and insecurities led to the migration of a large number of Iranian thinkers and even religious scholars to India and the Ottoman lands. Concomitant with the chaos in eighteenth-century Iran, the entire world experienced remarkable developments in inventions, discoveries, and the governance method, which went totally unnoticed by Iran and Iranians. However, the relative stability during the Qajar dynasty resuscitated political thought focused on preparing the ground for continuity and durability of the state and achieving the progress in light of the putative security, for the Iranian thinkers of the first generation (e.g., Shoushtari, Esfahani, and Kermanshahi) referred to the change in the governance method and the ensuing peace and security as the reason for progress of other countries.MethodologyThe present study uses the method of qualitative content analysis to analyze the treatises and travelogues of the Qajar era. Reading and categorizing the material presented by Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers in the Qajar era, the research relies on the theory of structural functionalism to investigate the cause underlying the transition to enlightened tyranny. The study is based on the hypothesis that the functional disruption of the social system of Qajar Iran and the ensuing inefficiency in the governance method of the Constitutional Movement had the Iranian thinkers think of a new order for the governance in Iran.FindingsA) From absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy: Conceptual development and stability of governanceFor the Iranian thinkers, the specific method of governance in Iran was the main cause of the chaotic situation manifested in the continuous change of governments, governors, or ministers, so the thinkers attended to the restoration and reform of the governance system. However, the outbreak of the Russo-Persian wars rendered Fath Ali Shah’s initial efforts ineffective, and subsequent, unremitting internal riots totally distracted his attention from the matter.During the early reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Amir Kabir’s tenure as the chief minister, an attempt was made to improve Iran’s social system and eliminate anarchy, which could bring about some changes in the short run. However, the assassination of Amir Kabir, the Treaty of Paris, and the subsequent separation of Herat once again drew attention to the governance method. Throughout the reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Mozaffar al-Din Shah, the Iranian thinkers would emphasize the need to change the governance method in order to improve the living conditions of Iranians and organize Iran’s social system.Despite some efforts, the overall circumstances did not improve from the beginning of the Qajar dynasty to the end of the Mozaffari era. Although the anarchy deepened, the attempts at reforms transformed the concept of moderate monarchy into constitutional monarchy, which fruitfully led to establishing the National Council and writing the law at the end of the Mozaffari era. The objective to introduce a solution to the functional disruption under the limited power was essentially accomplished, leading to a new method of governance in Iran.B) Persistence of functional disruption in constitutional governanceThe reports about Iran during the constitutional era prove that the panacea for Iran’s problems was not the establishment of the parliament or control of the government but the creation of a structure to implement decrees, for the constitutionalism would also lead to a new dictatorship in the absence of administrative and judicial mechanisms. From the mid-1910s, the circumstances stressed the need for an organized judicial system and a single and integrated administrative apparatus to resolve the functional disruptions, especially in economic and political sectors. The need existed because the constitutional monarchy had turned into the tyranny of constitutionalists, without reforming the functional anarchy.ConclusionApplying the theory of structural functionalism to analyze Iran’s situation at the end of the nineteenth century makes it clear that enlightened tyranny was an attempt to end the functional disruption in the four dimensions of Iran’s social system. Resulted from the constant chaos and conflict in eighteenth-century Iran, the functional disruption lasted well through the century-long reign of the Qajars, and the efforts to fix or reform each of the four dimensions failed in bringing about a noticeable and positive effect on the life of Iranians.Maintaining or creating order in a social system requires the functional adaptation of all dimensions of the social system. In this regard, the adaptation of the two subsystems of economy (with the function of provision of goods and services) and politics (with the function of allocation and decision-making) is absolutely necessary. The study of Iran during the period of the constitutional monarchy shows that the subsystemic adaption did not exist between economy and politics, so the functional disruption in the economic subsystem made the subsystem of politics conclude the Anglo–Iranian agreement of 1919 with the purpose of financing. This makes clear the very disruption in the most fundamental functioning of the system of Qajar Iran, which, following the functional logic, effected the non-adaptation and dysfunctionality of other dimensions as well.The persistence of the situation even within the constitutional governance ultimately underscored the need for something more than legislation, leading to a conceptual change of the limit of power and adoption of Japanese and German models of establishing a centralized and powerful structure to effect the reforms demanded by the thinkers. This played the role of what is known in structural functionalism as the external environment, and the coup of 1921 took place and helped enlightened tyranny take over the governance in order to fix the functional disruptions of the social system and establish a new order in Iran.
Political Sociology
Reza Rastegarpour; Hasan Shafiee; Mohammad Reza Dehshiri
Abstract
Researchers, political parties and groups, and states have always been interested to understand the behavior and mental processes influencing the political choice, the reasons underlying participation or non-participation, and the behavior and motivation of voters. In addition to the contextual factors ...
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Researchers, political parties and groups, and states have always been interested to understand the behavior and mental processes influencing the political choice, the reasons underlying participation or non-participation, and the behavior and motivation of voters. In addition to the contextual factors (e.g., mass media, groups, political parties, states, ideologies, ethnicity, religions, regions, social classes, and the like), the behavioral processes of feeling, perception, motivation, or emotion can also play a determining role in the political attitude, understanding, and choice—alongside the prevailing conditions, culture, and atmosphere of a given society. This is a legitimate research topic in the field of political psychology worthy of further investigation. In this respect, the present research intends to examine emotion as one of the internal, behavioral states and processes influencing the political choice and the participation level.The motivation behind voters’ participation in elections depends on various factors. The first and perhaps the most important one is the acceptance of sovereignty and state by people, so the legitimacy of the governance system, trust in the health and fairness of elections, and confidence about the candidacy of real representatives of people are the determining factors influencing people’s participation. The second important factor is the general atmosphere prevailing in society, that is, the extent to which the most important issues of the day can motivate and encourage people’s participation in elections. Economic, social, and political crises or the events such as the possibility of war and internal disputes, together with healing and savior-like promises, can be considered as effective issues in the election process. Definitely influencing the participation level, the third significant factor is the candidacy of prominent, popular, charismatic, and influential figures. Moreover, a competitive and partisan atmosphere can increase the participation level to its high. Finally, by helping individuals, parties, and candidates in different ways, advertising and media performs a significant role in their victory or defeat. Besides these important reasons, the findings of political psychology show that in many cases the election result usually depends on emotion as a factor influencing the type and level of people’s participation in elections.Offering a brief overview of the Iranian presidential elections, the present research employs the theory of rational choice as a theoretical framework and the descriptive–analytical method in order to analyze the collected historical documents. The research tries to answer the key question of whether people’s tendency in elections is more influenced by rational choice or by emotion. In other words, which variable has a more influential role in the election process? and what spectrum of society, why, and under what conditions is affected by the emotional atmosphere? Assuming the rational choice as a logical goal, regardless of the positive and negative effects of emotion on the choice, an overview of the Iranian presidential elections confirms the hypothesis that influential events along with the presence of certain figures and competitors at different times can arouse emotion and create a passionate political and competitive atmosphere, leading to a high participation level.The study briefly reviews the results of the Iranian presidential elections from the beginning until now, but it especially focuses on the phases that witnessed the highest and lowest participation rates. The highest rate was seen in the third election (the election of Ayatollah Khamenei), the seventh election (the election of Mohammad Khatami) and the tenth election (the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad) while the sixth election (the election of Hashemi-Rafsanjani) and the thirteenth election (the election of Ebrahim Raisi) had the lowest level of people’s participation.There are various reasons behind the decrease and increase in the participation rate. The focus on motivational factors makes manifest the undeniable effect of changes in political emotion on the participation level. As an answer to the research questions, the findings generally confirm the theory of rational choice subscribing to the view that people naturally rely on rational calculations and consider personal interests in each choice, including the political one. However, the study of the presidential elections in Iran made clear that, in addition to motivational factors, other factors such as certain events and the presence of certain political figures at different times could arouse emotion and create a passionate political and competitive atmosphere, leading to an increase in the participation level.
Political Sociology
Rohollah Eslami; Malihe Tabei
Abstract
IntroductionDue to being separated from their families and being exposed to new ideas, university students always follow a kind of idealism in political thought and action, which has fostered the formation of student movements in Iran, with student journals being the crystallization of various political ...
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IntroductionDue to being separated from their families and being exposed to new ideas, university students always follow a kind of idealism in political thought and action, which has fostered the formation of student movements in Iran, with student journals being the crystallization of various political opinions within the university. During 2011–2020 in Iran, the approach to the political changed due to the expansion of the Internet and social networks as well as the generational change, leading to new ideas and views. In this respect, this article aims to examine the evolution of representation and of the political among the university students as manifested in their changing attitudes, concerns, and the issues they wrote about. Analyzing the content of the student journals published at Ferdowsi University of Mashhad during 2016–2020, the present research tries to answer the key question of how the political and power relations were represented and evolved in the student journals.Theoretical frameworkPower is related to technology, so any change in technology can bring about changes in the approach to the state and political institutions as well as in the interpretation and crystallization of power. Technology has been one of the main variables in the evolution of human societies to the degree that a technological revolution can be mapped throughout history. Both mechanical technology and information technology have considerably influenced the sphere of politics, leading to two forms of political crystallization. The present article relied on a model derived from the theory of the information age, in which the political is considered as a variable of technology and is transformed from the official, institutional politics to the everyday politics—that is, the transformation from the Hobbesian conception of power and the political (as in Leviathan) into the Foucauldian disciplinary power and resistance.Research methodologyThis research used the method of content analysis, which offers the techniques to analyze the content of themes, sentences, and press material for different purposes. Content analysis is the categorization of elements of a text in different boxes in such a way that the value of the elements arranged in each box defines the entire text. As a documented method, content analysis uses a quantitative or qualitative method or a mixed method in order to analyze the content of texts, images, documents, editorials, etc., and reveal the visible and hidden messages therein, thus offering new insights. Content analysis has a high level of validity and reliability since the researcher cannot involve personal tendencies in the research—given the availability of the research topic (i.e., documents).FindingsThe COVID-19 pandemic and the closure of universities led to a decline in the number of issues, and thus the pages, of the journals published. The present research studied a total of 15000 pages of student journals by applying content analysis to the text and image. The categories and concepts were coded, and the categories as well their subcategories were classified under two general indicators: sociocultural and economic–political. The findings are summarized below.The political as mechanical, institutional, and hard power:The relevant concepts crystalize the age of mechanical technologies, reflecting the students’ concerns about the institutional issues, the state, and the nation. In other words, the journals reflected the society’s concern about the state, law, elections, or citizenship rights as the vocabulary representing the modern mechanical-cum-technological age.The political as informational, everyday, and soft powerConcerning the sociocultural indicators, the most frequent issues in the journals were gender, the environment, and the students’ demands. Theoretically speaking, they can be associated with the information age characterized by the focus on art, the environment, women, and everyday life as the instances of informational-cum-technological age observed frequently in the student journals. This indicates a departure from the official and governmental politics towards the emphasis on power relations in knowledge, architecture, art, and almost every aspect of everyday life. Such a change of attitude is seen as the transformation of the political from mechanical and governmental mechanisms into quantum and informational mechanisms that are expanding.ConclusionIn the decade of the information age and following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the fading of ideologies, the expansion of information technology, and generational changes, the view of politics and its mechanical representation was completely transformed into a quantum and informational representation, with politics manifesting itself as everyday life. The student journals also reflected the change and evolution in the attitudes towards the political. The new generation of students no longer has organizational and institutional demands and reform and revolutionary mechanisms against the government structure. What is evident in the journals is the representation of power as an everyday entity manifested in the demands related to art, the environment, gender, and spaces as well as the request for a better life. The power seems to have moved from the artificial form crystallized in bureaucratic institutions towards the power diffused in everyday life. This change of perspective is evident in the journals led by the students who represent the new generation.The news, analyses, and writings in the student journals have tangibly moved from political-cum-ideological frameworks towards the everyday life. The conception of politics as the governmental entity with the organizational and bureaucratic structure was transformed into an inclusive conception of power crystallized in everyday life. The previous serious debates used to frame students as critics of power, as intellectuals denying the status quo, and as equipped with the weapon of political parties to get them to oppose politicians. However, in light of the recent changes, the students act as rational and activist citizens, who demand everyday life and happiness. The political is no longer restricted to the government, but diffused in every aspect of life. In a sense, the crystallization of the political has evolved from the mechanical conception of power or macropower to everyday power or micropower.
Political Sociology
Abolfazl Arasteh; Yaser Kahrazeh; Mehdi Salah; Zeinab Hashemi baghi
Abstract
IntroductionNot only does Iran have a high emigration flow compared to other countries but also it has a high immigration flow with foreign nationals, such as Afghans and Iraqis, immigrating to the country. The political and social circumstances prevailing in Iran’s Eastern and Western neighbors ...
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IntroductionNot only does Iran have a high emigration flow compared to other countries but also it has a high immigration flow with foreign nationals, such as Afghans and Iraqis, immigrating to the country. The political and social circumstances prevailing in Iran’s Eastern and Western neighbors have led the immigration of their people into Iran, which in turn has extensively directed the national and international attention to policymaking and management of immigrants in Iran. Concerning the policymaking, several principles such as equality, multiple citizenship, dominant or effective citizenship, and human dignity should be taken into consideration by the officials. The issue in Iran manifests itself mostly in the immigration of Afghans, with more than 80% of the immigrant population. The common border as well as linguistic, religious, and cultural commonality between Afghanistan and Iran has provided the ground for the strong presence of Afghan immigrants in Iran, which is generally due to the principle of neighborliness. Sistan and Baluchestan Province is one of Iran’s provinces that are heavily involved with the immigration of Afghans, hosting a large number of legal and illegal Afghan immigrants every year. This widespread immigration has caused various problems and harms concerning security, social, cultural, and economic issues, hence the growing need for an appropriate immigration management model.MethodAs an applied–developmental study, the present article aimed to design an optimal model for management of Afghan nationals in Sistan and Baluchestan Province. The research used the qualitative method and the cross-sectional research design as the data collection procedure. The theoretical experts (university professors) and experimental experts (administrators of Sistan and Baluchestan Province) were considered as the statistical population of the research. Moreover, the theoretical sampling method was used to select the sample, which is an appropriate method for determining the sample size in the grounded theory methodology. A semi-structured interview was used to collect the data. To measure the research validity, the study relied on the criteria of validity, transferability, verifiability, and reliability.The Holsti coefficient was used to evaluate the reliability of the qualitative part. To analyze the collected data, the study employed MaxQDA software to perform the grounded theory method (data-based theory) based on Strauss and Corbin’s approach.To present the research model, the study relied on the viewpoints of eight selected experts and formulated six tentative questions: 1) What are the causal conditions at work in formulating policies for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 2) What is the central phenomenon in an optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 3) What are the influential bases and contexts in the process of formulating the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 4) What strategy should be used to implement the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 5) What are the effective intervening conditions in the process of formulating an optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchistan? 6) What are the consequences of implementing the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan?ResultsHaving analyzed the results of the interviews by using the database method, the research obtained the main indicators and categories as follows: background conditions (main category: implementation of conditional ban in the province), causal conditions (main categories: full implementation of the law prohibiting the presence of foreign nationals; cultural, religious and political similarities; and establishment of centralized management), the central phenomenon (main category: management of Afghan immigrants), strategies and actions (main category: the amendment of law and legislation), intervening conditions (main category: condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals), consequences (main categories: crime reduction and development of sustainable security in the province, improvement of economic conditions in the province, increase in the people’s level of satisfaction).Discussion and ConclusionConcerning the main indicators and categories mentioned above, the full implementation of the law prohibiting the presence of foreign nationals; cultural, religious, and political similarities; and establishment of centralized management were considered as the basic factors affecting the management of Afghan immigrants. This specific method of management effects the strategic amendment of laws and legislation. Yet it should be taken into account that condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals acts as an intervening factor in this respect, and the implementation of a conditional ban in the province can provide the background conditions. The strategic amendment of laws will bring about the behavioral consequences such as crime reduction and development of sustainable security in the province, improvement of economic conditions in the province, and increase in the people’s level of satisfaction. The results also showed that condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals is a deterrent and intervening factor with negative effects on management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan, so it is necessary to eliminate it by adopting appropriate strategies.
Political Sociology
Majid Mohammadi; Ahmad Bakhshayeshi; Mohammad Tohidfam; Aliakbar Amini
Abstract
Kurdish counter-revolutionary movements are one of the causes of insecurity in the west of the country, which fled to northern Iraq after the imposed war. On the other hand, the fall of Saddam in 2003 changed the political structure of Iraq. In the context of Iraq's ethnic and religious heterogeneity, ...
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Kurdish counter-revolutionary movements are one of the causes of insecurity in the west of the country, which fled to northern Iraq after the imposed war. On the other hand, the fall of Saddam in 2003 changed the political structure of Iraq. In the context of Iraq's ethnic and religious heterogeneity, a consensus-based democracy was chosen to govern Iraq instead of Western-majority democracies. This model of government had effects and consequences that sometimes led to a change in the position and power of the Iraqi Kurds. Given the unified identity and identical historical and cultural background of the Kurds, this change will have implications for the Kurds of other countries, including the Iranian Kurdish counter-revolutionary parties. The purpose of this study was to provide an appropriate explanation regarding the impact of this trend on counter-revolutionary currents. This research is of applied type and qualitative method with descriptive and analytical approach. The theoretical framework of Lechfart's model of association democracy is based on 20 Kurdish counter-revolutionary experts and the Iraqi Kurdistan region to ensure the reliability of the research. It is suggested to increase the cost of hosting Iranian Kurdish anti-revolutionary parties for the Kurdistan region of Iraq.
Political Sociology
Roya Dousti; Ali Salehi Farsani; Hossein Abolfazli Karizi
Abstract
The present article examines the role of the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relations with the United States between 1979 and 2021. Accordingly, the main question is: What effect did the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran have on relations with the United States of America between ...
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The present article examines the role of the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relations with the United States between 1979 and 2021. Accordingly, the main question is: What effect did the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran have on relations with the United States of America between 1979 and 2021? The temporary answer to the question of the present article, which has been done by descriptive-analytical method, is: The revolutionary-Islamic identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with its increasingly anti-unilateralist and domineering role, has been in opposition to the interests of the United States of America, which has led to the termination of relations between the two countries between 1979 and 2021. Iran-US relations include the institutionalized structure of conflict in the relations between two political units, which on the one hand is rooted in the nature and type of their political system, and on the other hand is rooted in internal, regional and international causes and factors. In fact, what prevented the establishment of normal relations between the parties is not at the level of discourse or behavior, but due to the confrontational identity of Iran and the United States.
