Ali Ghanbari Barzian; Javad Nazari Moghadam; Majdi Behestani
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, Pages 9-30
Abstract
Abstract Development and finding a way to overcome the problems is a long-term obsession and one of the important challenges of Iran Especially after Islamic Revolution. After the Qajar era, the long distance of the Iranian nation and the great powers in terms of development has raised questions for ...
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Abstract Development and finding a way to overcome the problems is a long-term obsession and one of the important challenges of Iran Especially after Islamic Revolution. After the Qajar era, the long distance of the Iranian nation and the great powers in terms of development has raised questions for the Iranians.In fact Iran's civilization and cultural experience raise expectations in that matter. One of the common approaches argues that today's problems are rooted in Iran's history and culture. This approach with emphasis on correlations between despotism structure and moral values of society believes that despotism In Iran Leads to egoistic values and thus Lack of Causes of development such as altruism values, participation and convergence. Enjoying historical approach, this article, tries to describe the mood of Iranians By content analysis of Guilds Fotowwat-namas examined thementioned hypothesis. The results of this study indicate that there is no correlation between political despotism and egoism and social values.The results can be utilized as an introduction in the field of culture and development studies.
Habib allah Fazeli
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, Pages 31-52
Abstract
Abstract The formation of the Ismaili movement is rooted in the political-religious disputes of first two centuries of the Islamic history over the succession issues. The Ismail’s Fatimid could create big government in the form of an empire and for the first time have challenged Baghdad state (Caliphate). ...
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Abstract The formation of the Ismaili movement is rooted in the political-religious disputes of first two centuries of the Islamic history over the succession issues. The Ismail’s Fatimid could create big government in the form of an empire and for the first time have challenged Baghdad state (Caliphate). Nizaris or Eastern Ismaili gradually declared independence in Iran and founded the state of Alamut. The Shia Nizari state claims against Caliphate and brought many cultural changes such strengthening Farsi language and promotion of the Iranian patterns instead of Arabic and Caliphate patterns. In this paper the connection between Nizari state and the Iranian identity has been examined. It is argued that that Nizaris chose Iranian pattern of life and as a defense strategy it was important. Intermixture with Sufism (mysticism) is other political strategies that Ismail’s elites exercised after the fall of Alamut state.
Ghadir Bhmani Taraz; Abolfazl Delavari
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, Pages 53-78
Abstract
Abstract Lots of theorists and researchers, especially in the last few decades, have emphasized on the relationship between the democratic political system and new middle class size from one hand, and degree of Democratic values and Orientation among the members of this class. Also it is widely believed ...
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Abstract Lots of theorists and researchers, especially in the last few decades, have emphasized on the relationship between the democratic political system and new middle class size from one hand, and degree of Democratic values and Orientation among the members of this class. Also it is widely believed that tendency to democratic culture among new middle class exists at a high level. The question is whether such a situation is also visible in today's Iran society? In this study, the sense of tendency to democratic culture among university professors and secondary school teachers in Hamedan has been investigated. In this research, the rate of the tendency of these two social groups to democratic values has been measured by selecting a sample and using testing factors and a local standard questionnaire. The results show that tendency to normative dimensions of democracy between these two social groups, in total, is slightly more than the average (about 60 %) and tendency to behavioral dimensions of democracy is much less than the average (about 22 %). Hence, only about 39 percent of these two social groups have tendency to the sum of democratic values (both normative and behavioral). Thus, the article concluded that with regard to the social and political situation of these two social groups, tendency to democratic culture among Iranian new middle class, is likely to be, less than expected.
Abo Mohammad Asghar Khani; Fatemeh Ghorbani; Mehrdad Halal Khor
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, Pages 79-112
Abstract
Abstract The new mass communications technology, such as social media and network, began a different era for spectrum of political discourses in the term of contents, dealing with crises and influences on the recent surroundings. Usage of these devices and technologies could change the style of promotion ...
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Abstract The new mass communications technology, such as social media and network, began a different era for spectrum of political discourses in the term of contents, dealing with crises and influences on the recent surroundings. Usage of these devices and technologies could change the style of promotion of ideas in the society. New technology can facilitate the effective interaction between individuals, groups, movements and beneficiaries in handling of crises. In this research, the hypothesis is referring to the new political participation by means of new social media like internet, social network (face book, twitter), cell phones, weblogs, chat rooms and Emails. In a political sociological perspective, a great number of young, unemployed Egyptians who had suffered from the tyranny of Mubarak took advantages of the new communicational tools and lead the process of a protest. This research will concentrate on the role of these new tools as accelerator of Egypt 2011 January 25 uprising.
Ali Reza Kooh kan; Saei Tajari
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, Pages 113-128
Abstract
Abstract With the onset of the political crisis in Syria, regional and trans-regional actors began to adopt different stances according to their interests in relation to this country which has a special geopolitical and geostrategic importance in the Middle East. Meanwhile, continuous efforts ...
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Abstract With the onset of the political crisis in Syria, regional and trans-regional actors began to adopt different stances according to their interests in relation to this country which has a special geopolitical and geostrategic importance in the Middle East. Meanwhile, continuous efforts of some governments to put pressure on and overthrow the Assad regime are one of the obvious factors in Syrian dilemma which have added to the complexity of the situation in this country. In order to contain Iran as part of its foreign policy strategy, Saudi Arabia as a regional actor has played a significant role in the changes in Syria. Saudi Arabia has initiated extensive measures, from financial and spiritual support of al-Qaeda militants to active participation in the Western-Arab axis, in order to persuade other countries to support the Syrian opposition and launched ceaseless efforts to attack this country. This article studies the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia and the interests and efforts of this country in the internal changes of Syria. The results of this analysis show that Saudi Arabia has entered the Syrian crisis with the aim of improving its own regional position and, in this regard, has adopted policies that will cause damage to the long-term interests of this country.
Hadi Ajili; Mohammad Reza Bahador Khani
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, Pages 26-26
Abstract
Abstract Central Asia and Caucasus has been a core of concentration for great powers for a long time. In Soviet Union era, due to the Russia’s domination on the region foreign access was limited. After the collapse of Soviet Union and independence of Central Asia and Caucasian countries, the gap ...
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Abstract Central Asia and Caucasus has been a core of concentration for great powers for a long time. In Soviet Union era, due to the Russia’s domination on the region foreign access was limited. After the collapse of Soviet Union and independence of Central Asia and Caucasian countries, the gap provided opportunity for other powers. Oil and gas has always been a reason for the presence of other countries in this region. Dire security situation of the region and limited access to the open sees raise a question about rationality of involvement in energy sector of the region. The hypothesis of this paper argues that political measures overwhelmed economic and security concerns for foreign energy investors in this region.
Elham Rasoli Sani Abadi
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, Pages 1-22
Abstract
Abstract The main goal of this paper is the explanation of the integrations process in Latin America from International Relations Perspectives. These perspectives are realism and liberalism from the Main Stream and constructivism from reflectivist theories. So, in the first section of this paper we explain ...
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Abstract The main goal of this paper is the explanation of the integrations process in Latin America from International Relations Perspectives. These perspectives are realism and liberalism from the Main Stream and constructivism from reflectivist theories. So, in the first section of this paper we explain the concept of region and regionalism and then we show the main indicators of regional integration in Latin America. Finally we conclude that different International Relations theories such as realism and liberalism and constructivism provide different analysis and explanations about regional integration Latin America.
