Hamidreza Rahmanizadeh dehkordi
Abstract
The relation of religion with the notion of rationality has been a concern for the faithful religionists. The field of religious studies faces new questions in this regard. Islamic thinkers have not been the exception and the acquaintance of Muslims with the requirements of the new age is the beginning ...
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The relation of religion with the notion of rationality has been a concern for the faithful religionists. The field of religious studies faces new questions in this regard. Islamic thinkers have not been the exception and the acquaintance of Muslims with the requirements of the new age is the beginning of questions regarding the relationship between them, because in the experience of western human, the confrontation with such a problem can be found. Using the patterns of answering this question can blur the hidden aspects of the relationship between them. One model is the response that Thomas Aquinas gave to the relationship between reason and religion. In this research, based on Springer´s method, which is a method of understanding political theory, we will look at this issue in Aquinas´s thought. The question is: " how Aquinas addresses the relationship between wisdom and religion, as well as the ideal reconstructed image to offer". To answer, various dimensions of Aquinas´ political thought have been analyzed. The research hypothesis is as follows: The solution to the conflict between wisdom and religion in the public domain, in Aquinas´ perspective is in the aggregate between these two epistemic areas and the widespread collaboration among its custodians.
Abstract
Since Cold War era, Britain carried out its policies and objectives in regional and international arena under the security umbrella of the US. In this regard, decision-making and action of British authorities is formed in framework of the special relationship to cause reinforcement and continuation of ...
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Since Cold War era, Britain carried out its policies and objectives in regional and international arena under the security umbrella of the US. In this regard, decision-making and action of British authorities is formed in framework of the special relationship to cause reinforcement and continuation of the US dominance. Hence, this paper aims to answer the central question that: what is Britain's role in continuation of the Hegemonic System of the USA in the 21st century? Indeed, this article based on Hegemonic theory describes that UK role on the continuation of the dominance system of US is orchestrated through the separation of hard and soft areas. The result of this study indicates that London special relations with Washington led to facilitate political, military, economic and cultural purpose of the White House around the world and UK as a catalyst for American hard and soft measures, has tried to strengthen the domination of the US.
Iranian Domestic Policy
Noorollah Gheisari; Mostafa Ghorbani
Abstract
Introduction Identity discourses play a critical role in defining the self and the other, as well as the relationship between the two. Political actors use these discourses to determine their alliances and rivalries, making them a significant factor in political conflicts. In ...
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Introduction Identity discourses play a critical role in defining the self and the other, as well as the relationship between the two. Political actors use these discourses to determine their alliances and rivalries, making them a significant factor in political conflicts. In Iran, following the Islamic Revolution, conflicts among the political elites were minimal as long as they shared a common identity discourse. However, the emergence of adaptionist identity discourse of religious intellectuals replaced the return-to-self discourse, and had influence on some Left-leaning political elites, leading to fundamental changes in political conflicts. The previous research on political conflicts in Iran has largely overlooked the fundamental role of identity discourses in shaping conflicts among political elites. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the impact of identity discourses on the conflicts among political elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran during 1997–2019. Theoretical Framework This research intended to examine the mechanism by which the evolution of identity discourses has influenced the conflicts among political elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Concerning the theoretical framework, the study employed the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe and the theory of the elite proposed by Lowell Field, John Higley, and Michael Burton. Resarch Methodology The research methodology involved identifying structural similarities and providing causal explanations to explain the relationship between the variables. Conclusions The research findings indicated that the emergence of adaptionist identity discourse of religious intellectuals and its influence on some Left-leaning political elites (modern Leftists) led to a decrease in structural and value convergence among political elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a result, conflicts among elite blocs during the period under study became more frequent, intense, and multifaceted, extending beyond the realm of discourse. In the adaptionist identity discourse of religious intellectuals, the central signifier, self, other, and the mechanism of othering underwent significant changes, compared to the identity discourse of the return-to-self, and influenced the modern Leftists. As a result, they defined a new movement identity for themselves and questioned not only the rival elite but also the value of existing institutions at the level of governance system. The emerging stances were influenced by the identity discourse of religious intellectuals accepted by some political elites, resulting in the transformation of othering mechanisms. These changes had a profound effect on the previously united political elites, leading to a shift in their structural and value solidarity. Consequently, conflicts arose over the advancement of political Islam or democratization. The social base of the Leftists also underwent changes, shifting away from traditional and lower strata towards the urban middle class and forming political alliances with forces outside of political Islam, such as Freedom Movement. Meanwhile, the traditional right responded to the discursive and organizational changes of their rivals through similar reconstruction efforts, which in turn intensified the conflicts among elite blocs. As a result, the relations among political elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran became increasingly divided and intensified over time. According to the analysis, the conflicts among political elites during 1997–2019 were centered on several key issues, including their attitude towards the Islamic Revolution and its existential philosophy, approaches to solving the country’s problems and promoting progress, orientation towards the international system, and management of cultural issues. Conflicts arose around these new bipolar issues, resulting in the formation of two opposing poles. One pole is characterized by evolutionist, justice-oriented, introverted, and conservative approach in foreign relations, while subscribing to maximalism in the sphere of culture. The other pole is thermidorian, libertarian, extroverted, and developmantalist in foreign relations, but with a minimalistic approach in the sphere of culture. The latter pole has grown in size following the events of 2009. Given the identity-based and discursive nature of conflicts among political elites and factions in the Islamic Republic, as well as their links to social cleavages and foreign relations issues, it appears that a clear path to resolving these conflicts in the short term is unlikely. To address these conflicts, the first step is to reconstruct existing identity discourses in a way that preserves the core of Iranian identity while also taking into account the emerging needs of society and incorporating them into the articulation of the Iranian identity discourse. Other steps that could be taken include empowering political factions, viewing political activity as a professional rather than a seasonal or electoral activity, promoting interaction and dialogue among elites and factions to eliminate their stereotypical perceptions about each other, improving the quality of elite conflicts by focusing on the country’s priority issues, promoting localism and indigenous thinking to solve the country’s problems, limiting the radical factions and giving more weight to moderate and convergent factions, and strengthening the political training of elites and activists in political factions. These measures should be considered by both political factions and governance institutions.
mohammad mahmoodikia; mohammad reza dehshiri
Abstract
This research attempts to answer this questions that what is the ratio between ideology and pragmatism in the Iran's Foreign Policy? And, which of this is more authentic in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The result showed that although in many countries values and ideologies are ...
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This research attempts to answer this questions that what is the ratio between ideology and pragmatism in the Iran's Foreign Policy? And, which of this is more authentic in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The result showed that although in many countries values and ideologies are influential in some way in the practice of foreign policy, these values and ideologies have a significant contribution to the policy and implementation of the foreign policy of Iran. In fact, despite the prevailing view that Iran's foreign policy is a pragmatic policy, the main hypothesis of this study is that the essence of Iran's foreign policy is ideological and the pragmatic approach to foreign policy -is based on the existence of conflicting interests in the international system and the constraints in national power sources- can be comprehend based on a tactical approach rather than strategic approach. This research with using a descriptive analytical method and library resources seek to examine the ratio of ideology and pragmatism in Iran's foreign policy behavior in the framework of a triple interactive model including national interests, ideological preferences, and the nature and structure of the international system.
Arash Beidollahkhani
Abstract
Taiwan has long been one of the most developed tigers in East of Asia and an economic and political model of development, and today it is one of the most developed industrial, economic and political regions in the Asia. The main purpose of the present study is to analyze the role of the Taiwanese government ...
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Taiwan has long been one of the most developed tigers in East of Asia and an economic and political model of development, and today it is one of the most developed industrial, economic and political regions in the Asia. The main purpose of the present study is to analyze the role of the Taiwanese government in managing and controlling the Coronavirus disease. Since the start of the epidemic, Taiwan has been one of the countries that have successfully managed to control the disease and it is admired by international audiences. Despite its proximity to mainland China and the city of Wuhan as the center of the virus outbreak, Taiwan, with its prudent management and transparent policy, has managed the crisis well without public quarantine. Accordingly, the main question of this research is what has been the most important factor in the success of Taiwan's experience in controlling and managing epidemic disease? In response to the research question, the paper, based on a descriptive method of analysis, emphasizes that democratic and transparent political governance in Taiwan, through the separation of the Politic sphere from the Policy area, controls and manages the Corona Pandemic Crisis without public quarantine.
seyedreza mousavinia
Abstract
The main issue in this article is the introduction, critique and pathology of the extent present model in future research. Future studies are generally limited to studying trends and events identified in the past and present, as well as the development of today's imagination for the future, but it is ...
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The main issue in this article is the introduction, critique and pathology of the extent present model in future research. Future studies are generally limited to studying trends and events identified in the past and present, as well as the development of today's imagination for the future, but it is considered as an unfinished project. Future studies do not entail familiar future, unthoughtful future and genus forecasting in the future cycle. At the same time, competition, complexity, contradiction, turmoil, increasing developments, the growing role of science, and uncertainty are among the main drivers of the future, and limiting future research to the study of current trends, events, and perceptions poses a serious risk. Nonetheless, futures studies provide for the states to make desirable future, and therefore is more advanced than explanatory studies. Our main question is: What is the common pattern in the future study of states behavior in foreign policy and what are the restrictions on it? In response to this hypothesis, the pattern in the future studies of states behavior in foreign policy is extent present, and in this model, the role of familiar future, genius forecasting and unthoughtful future in scenarios making are not clear. The pattern of the extent present will be shown in the future with an example of US sanctions against Iran until 2020. The research method is scenario writing based on the extent present pattern.
Mohammad Hossein Ghourchani Khouzani; Zohreh Dehdashti Shahrokh
Abstract
In the political systems, competition between political actors with the aim of gaining power and influencing voters ‘decisions, depends on how they market their political activities. The lack of deep understanding of the people image towards the politicians and factors influencing public political ...
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In the political systems, competition between political actors with the aim of gaining power and influencing voters ‘decisions, depends on how they market their political activities. The lack of deep understanding of the people image towards the politicians and factors influencing public political and social behaviors create problem in achieving political goals. The purpose of the present study is to create a clear picture of the depth of the minds of the Iranian voters towards the ideal brand of the president in Iran. This research is conducted by a phenomenological approach and in order to determine the conceptual map of the ideal brand of the president has conducted in-depth interviews along with the ZMET technique. It should be noted that the statistical population of the present study is targeted from Iranian over the age of 18 who have at least participated in one presidential election. Also, after conducting 14 interviews, the researcher reached theoretical saturation and a consensus map of the ideal presidential brand was extracted. The central structures included in the consensus plan are: Advanced Iran, Economic Improvement, Development and Culture Improvement, Relaxation, Tourism Attention and Development, Committed, Justice-seeking, Global Communication, Environmental and Pragmatic, which should be included in market campaigns. Presidential policy to increase public participation in elections.
Reza Khalili; Ghadir Nasri; Salman Dastafshan
Abstract
In this research, the factors and bases of tendency to Takfiri groups are examined and empirically tested in the southern regions of Kerman province. The research method for collecting data is quantitative in which questionnaire is used to collect the required data. The statistical population of the ...
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In this research, the factors and bases of tendency to Takfiri groups are examined and empirically tested in the southern regions of Kerman province. The research method for collecting data is quantitative in which questionnaire is used to collect the required data. The statistical population of the study consists the citizens of southern regions of Kerman province. The sample size is 384 people using the Cochran formula and the sampling method is randomized population size. The research data are analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics based on SPSS statistical software. The research hypothesis is that synchronization and synergy of the effects of individual, national and transnational factors and bases have increased the tendency to Takfiri groups in the south of Kerman. The findings of the research show that, while there is difference between the individual, national and transnational level factors and bases, there is a positive and significant relationship between those and tendency to Takfiri groups in south of Kerman. The results of regression analysis show that the national level factors have the most significant effect on the tendency to Takfiri groups, and the transnational and individual level factors and bases are in the next category.
Fateme Kamrani; Somaye Hamidi; Peiman Zangane
Abstract
In Iran, modern thinking emerged following the confrontation of Iranians with non-Westerners in the constitutional era. Religious modernism, as a form of modern thinking, has sought to combine modern achievements with traditional propositions. The purpose of this article is to examine and analyze the ...
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In Iran, modern thinking emerged following the confrontation of Iranians with non-Westerners in the constitutional era. Religious modernism, as a form of modern thinking, has sought to combine modern achievements with traditional propositions. The purpose of this article is to examine and analyze the impact of modern mentality on the construction of the socio-political order that Shariati as one of the Iranian religious thinkers of the 1940s and 1950s. The research findings show that modern and even non-modern mentality, meaning how to perceive modernity, has influenced the Shari'a intellectual system; Influenced by the ideas of thinkers such as Gurovitch and Berg, he became well acquainted with socialism and became acquainted with Sartre and his humanist ideas. Massignon, who had a mystical reading of Islam, was also greatly influenced by him. Influenced by modernity and non-modernity and combining it with Islamic principles, he established his desired political and social order in the orbit of the ummah and the Imamate and committed democracy. Based on Lacan's threefold theory, this study tries to study Shariati's reading of modern mentality and his use of modern propositions in order to create a desirable socio-political order by descriptive and analytical methods.
Gholam reza khajesarvi; Mohammad Tangestaninejad
Abstract
This study seeks to analyze, with a qualitative method and thematic analysis, the political behavior of individuals in a social unit in response to the economic behavior of the State. Governments, as influential institutions, communicate with individuals, families, and society. Any strategy by these ...
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This study seeks to analyze, with a qualitative method and thematic analysis, the political behavior of individuals in a social unit in response to the economic behavior of the State. Governments, as influential institutions, communicate with individuals, families, and society. Any strategy by these political units implies a response from other external spheres. People in society often react to the behavior of governments, especially in the economic sphere. Especially if this government interferes with normative implications such as justice. The economic activities of governments are essentially aimed at promoting justice. According to the findings, The Gini coefficient decreases in areas where financial resources have been driven. Considering the decrease in the Gini coefficient in rural areas in the time period mentioned and increasing equality and justice in these areas, a kind of political action took place in the form of political mobilization that emerged as social capital for the established state. This representation, especially in the 10th Presidential Election, has been identified as the result of this socialization and promotion of social capital as a political and objective consequence of the expansion of small enterprises in rural areas.
Mohammad Bagher Khoramshad; amir moulodi
Abstract
The socio-political structures of villages in Iran have transformed. The scope and depth of these Transformations are such that the current socio-political environment of the villages is different from the past. This issue makes it necessary to conduct new research about the rural society of Iran. Considering ...
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The socio-political structures of villages in Iran have transformed. The scope and depth of these Transformations are such that the current socio-political environment of the villages is different from the past. This issue makes it necessary to conduct new research about the rural society of Iran. Considering that most of these transformations occurred after the Islamic revolution, we raise our question as follows: This research seeks to answer the question, what transformations did the village in Iran go through after the revolution? This study deals with the why and how of these transformations and their consequences by benefiting from the approach of historical sociology and the use of library data and observation. The result of the research shows changes such as transformation in social structure, transformation in stratification in villages, transformation in rural lifestyle, increase in the level of literacy and its consequences, transformation in communication and mediazation of villages, transformation in land ownership in villages, moving towards a semi-commercial economy, change in social hierarchies, change from passive participation to independent and demanding political participation, increasing role of kinship loyalties in local political participation, predominance of religious and linguistic affiliations in the voting behavior of villagers, spread of citizenship system to villages.
Public policy
Ehsan Eilshahi; Seyed Ataollah Sinaee; Seyed Khodayar Mortazavi
Abstract
Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's development situation in comparison with these two countries in historical ...
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Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's development situation in comparison with these two countries in historical periods (1860-1926 and 1963-2010), within the framework of North, Acemoglu, and Robinson's institutional model. This approach focuses on formal rules, procedures, and organizations to explain the relationship between institutional structures and the success or failure of policies. The main question in this research is that despite the creation of political structure in Iran in the 19th century, compared to the experiences of Japan In the second half of the 19th century and South Korea in the early 20th century, why did the development program in Iran not go well and comprehensive political and economic institutional arrangements were not achieved? The obtained results show that the alignment of the government and the developing nation in Iran has not been successful due to the lack of institutional development.
Iranian Domestic Policy
Hashem Qaderi; Abolfazl Delavari; Ahmad Golmohammadi
Abstract
IntroductionThe constant tendency to focus on the people in the political arena can be seen among various groups in contemporary Iran, including the revolutionary leaders and groups focused on mobilizing the masses to confront the previous regime during the revolutionary movement, the rival revolutionary ...
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IntroductionThe constant tendency to focus on the people in the political arena can be seen among various groups in contemporary Iran, including the revolutionary leaders and groups focused on mobilizing the masses to confront the previous regime during the revolutionary movement, the rival revolutionary forces during the power struggle of the early years of the Islamic Revolution, and the leaders of the established government arising from the Islamic Revolution with the purpose of advancing their own domestic and foreign objectives and policies in the post-Revolutionary period. The main components of populism include the belief among political forces and leaders in the authenticity and righteousness of the unorganized masses and their direct mobilization in the field of politics as well as the appeal or pretension to redistribute resources among the masses. Thus, the question arises as to whether these components are only specific to some forces and leaders in the post-Revolutionary Iran, or more or less visible among all leaders and forces, regardless of the obvious differences in their political and ideological tendencies.According to Dorraj (1990), Islamic populism is characterized by its religious character and authoritarian, messianic, millenarian, and monistic nature coupled with revolutionary zest. Abrahamian (1993) refers to the non-religious and authoritarian populist nature of the state in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Kianpour (2006) views Ahmadinejad’s populism as a result of political representation suffering from the representativeness, or more precisely, a result of the problematic of impossibility and costliness of representing different political identities. Using Dornbusch and Edwards’ model, Farzanegan (2009) examines Ahmadinejad’s populism and finds it to be in accordance with the model. Having analyzed Keyhan and Etemad-e Melli newspapers, Zibakalam et al. (2013) conclude that Keyhan, more readily than Etemad-e Melli, pays attention to the categories supporting the populist discourse. For Farati (2013), populism originates from liberalism. Abdi (2014) considers populism to be a response to the short-term demands of people and a result of the contextual conditions and the increase in oil prices in Iran. Sarzaim (2016) views Ahmadinejad’s populism as the main reason for the lack of development during his presidency. Darvishpour (2022) considers the theory of contradictions of the populist revolution—which is based on critical theory, text analysis, discourse analysis, and post-structuralism—a useful theory in the evaluation of the Islamic Revolution.The Purpose of ResearchAttempting to investigate populism and politics in Iran during the post-Revolutionary years of 1989–2017, this research tries to show the common and distinctive features the political discourses, produced by various forces and in different periods, as manifested in the presidential speeches.MethodologyThe technique of documentation and the qualitative content analysis were used for data collection and data analysis, respectively. For the purpose of content analysis, several stages were followed: determining the content, determining the categories, determining the unit of analysis, coding, and conducting an analysis. The study considered the paragraph as the unit of analysis. The statistical population of the research consisted of all the speeches addressed by the presidents during their presidency. The sample population was also determined on the basis of systematic classification.FindingsConcerning the political dimension of populism, 18, 16, 36, and 26 codes were identified in the speeches addressed by Hashemi-Rafsanjani, Khatami, Ahmadinjad, and Rouhani, respectively. The most frequent code in Hashemi-Rafsanjani’s speech was related to militancy while participation of the marginalized masses, insufficiency of the political systems based solely on representativeness, consideration of himself as the real representative of people, simplicity and avoidance of political complications, and denial of the institutional mechanism were observed as having the equal weight in coding. Anti-elitism is the only component absent from Hashemi-Rafsanjani’s speeches. Concerning Khatami’s speeches, the political dimension of populism was mostly represented in the following components: participation of the marginalized masses, insufficiency of the political systems based solely on representativeness, simplicity and avoidance of political complications, consideration of himself as the real representative of people, and militancy. Anti-elitism and denial of the institutional mechanism were not observed in Khatami’s speeches. Militancy and simplicity and avoidance of political complications were, respectively, found to be the most and least frequent components in Khatami’s political populism. The political dimension of populism in Ahmadinejad’s speeches encompassed all the components, with militancy being the most frequent followed by simplicity and avoidance of political complications, denial of the institutional mechanism, and consideration of himself as the real representative of people. Rouhani also represented all these components, except anti-elitism. In the dimension of cultural populism, all the presidents used the component of admiration for national and religious values and heritage. All the components of the economic dimension were most frequently used by Ahmadinejad, except the component of distrust towards capitalist institutions and procedures. After Ahmadinejad, Rouhani frequently represented the economic dimension, but neither distrust towards capitalist institutions and procedures nor emphasis on income redistribution were found in Rouhani speeches. Among the five components of the economic dimension, Khatami and Hashemi-Rafsanjani only referred to the component of fault-finding in the economic status quo. Concerning the social dimension of populism, Hashemi-Rafsanjani, Ahmadinejad, and Rouhani used all the relevant components, yet Khatami was found to have put no emphasis on the integration of society but on social pluralism.Discussion and ConclusionOwing to the nature of the Islamic Revolution that involved the masses in the political and social arenas, the politicians who came later to the scene had no choice but to tend towards the masses— though with varying degrees of intensity. The political society in Iran has experienced a kind of misunderstanding about populism for several years. This research worked well to show the inaccuracy of the dominant narrative in Iran, proving that populism is a spatiotemporal entity that differs from one society to another. Political leaders in Iran consider people wise and virtuous, and express it by various articulations. Yet the otherness figures differently among the presidents, depending on the circumstances of the time. Framing his articulations within the framework of Islam, Hashemi-Rafsanjani considered the right of the masses from the economic perspective by referring to the component of not encroaching on their rights. The otherness is depicted to be the hypocrites, the Pahlavi regime, and the administration of Mir Hossein Mousavi inside Iran, and the evil non-Islamic states outside the country. People were important to Hashemi-Rafsanjani in an unorganized way, and he considered the participation of the masses as a symbol of real democracy, thus showing little faith in institutions
Seyyed MohhamdVahab Nazaryan; Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
After the Fall of shah’s regime, the very first measurement of the political leaders under the new political regime was realization of the ideological norms in the daily life. The Success of this shift depended on people’s reactions; In other words, it needed legitimacy. Accordingly, the ...
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After the Fall of shah’s regime, the very first measurement of the political leaders under the new political regime was realization of the ideological norms in the daily life. The Success of this shift depended on people’s reactions; In other words, it needed legitimacy. Accordingly, the present article aimed to investigate about this question: what influence have had the transformations of everyday life on the paradigm of Political legitimacy during the first two decades of the Revolution? For answering the mentioned question, we used the mix qualitative method that did not need any hypothesis. The finding reveled that daily life of the people came through three levels: pluralism, unification, and confrontation between ordinary phenomena and official politics. That means, three situations could be observed: the diversity of the active forces in the revolutionary political government, the unity of the political forces and ideological adversary, and ultimately the endeavor of the marginalized forces to return to the political activity. In conclusion, daily life which was a dynamic to the victory of the revolution have altered to a place for formation of the fundamental conflicts between the current political order and the people.
Mostafa Ghasemi; mohammad ali basiri; Enayatollah Yazdani
Abstract
The Islamic Republic of Iran has experienced three levels of movement-movement, government-movement, and government-government relationship with Muslim Brotherhood. Although it is believed that Muslim Brotherhood have established good relationships with the Islamic Republic after its coming into power, ...
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The Islamic Republic of Iran has experienced three levels of movement-movement, government-movement, and government-government relationship with Muslim Brotherhood. Although it is believed that Muslim Brotherhood have established good relationships with the Islamic Republic after its coming into power, but in the regional affairs stood against the policies of Islamic Republic of Iran. Many political and academic societies of Iran, with emphasizing on the development of relations, recommend a change in the strategy of supporting Muslim Brotherhood in Sunni world. The present paper uses library method along with a descriptive-analytical approach in order to answer the question that: at which level should the most suitable level of relations and Strategy between Islamic Republic and the Muslim Brotherhood be defined? Here is the research finding: Findings show that due to the ideological nature of the political system resulting from the Shiite movement in Iran and the Sunni movement of the Muslim Brotherhood and its rivalries and frictions, the most desirable level of relations between the Islamic Republic and the Muslim Brotherhood should be defined and pursued at the "government-movement" level" and based on the "state refusal, movement continuation" strategy.
Mohammad Aryanmanesh; Ahmad Javanshiri; Mohsen Modirshanechi
Abstract
The present research was performed to evaluate the Iran-US relationships in 2029 from the Iranian Professors’ point of view. Investigations were perfumed via future studies in two parts: The first part is based on library studies, and the second part is questionnaire-based field surveys, with the ...
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The present research was performed to evaluate the Iran-US relationships in 2029 from the Iranian Professors’ point of view. Investigations were perfumed via future studies in two parts: The first part is based on library studies, and the second part is questionnaire-based field surveys, with the acquired data analyzed using MicMac and Scenario Wizard software tools. Based on the results of the analysis in the MicMac software, a total of 20 driver forces for the Iran-US relationships were identified. Considering the driver forces as descriptors of the Iran-US relationships, the most significant driver forces were found to be the government institutions context followed by the relationship-interfering countries, the role of the two countries’ leaders, future of the international system, think tanks, lobbies and pressure groups, nuclear capabilities and missile program of Iran, the role of geography, and historical records of the relationships between the two countries. Based on the outputs of the Scenario Wizard software, five scenarios were identified, including highly favorable, favorable, moderate, unfavorable, and highly unfavorable, with the development of the Iran-US relationships under the moderate scenario being highly probable.
Seyed Masoud Mousavi Shafaee; soheil goodarzi; somayeh Khodakhah Azr
Abstract
In recent months, the spread of Coronavirus encountered us with a contretemps situation. An event occurred in the guise of a virus that was beyond modern life imagination. Due to a virus, the defects and inadequacies of the mechanisms that govern human societies have once again found the opportunity ...
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In recent months, the spread of Coronavirus encountered us with a contretemps situation. An event occurred in the guise of a virus that was beyond modern life imagination. Due to a virus, the defects and inadequacies of the mechanisms that govern human societies have once again found the opportunity to outbreak. What seems impossible in coordinates of the history of present of international relations, was realized in the disguise of a contretemps event. In these circumstances, nation-states, in confrontation with new-found events like Coronavirus, entangled in some kind of distress, insolvency, and lack of preparation. Considering these circumstances, we would face different questions; what are the roots of the insolvency of nation-states in the confrontation of these new-found challenges? What are the consequences of handling the contretemps events such as Coronavirus in a traditional method based on survival and security of state? In this regard, we argue that the nature of new-found challenges like Coronavirus is as if the nation-state and the international order based on it, has birth defects in face of these kinds of events; On the other hand, it seems that the learning process and adaptation of nation-states has been frozen decades ago. In this paper, The way of information analysis is the explanatory method of research.
Bagher Asgarnezhad Nouri; Ghasem Zarei; Allahyar beigi firoozi; Javid Nourinezhad
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to investigate and determine the effect of political marketing mix and brand equity of political parties on voter commitment and loyalty in Iran. The statistical population of this study is eligible citizens in Tehran in 1396. The statistical population of this study is citizens ...
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The purpose of this study is to investigate and determine the effect of political marketing mix and brand equity of political parties on voter commitment and loyalty in Iran. The statistical population of this study is eligible citizens in Tehran in 1396. The statistical population of this study is citizens eligible to vote in Tehran. For this purpose, 384 people were selected by available random sampling method. The instrument used in this research was a questionnaire that 14 questions were distributed to measure the political marketing mix, 24 questions to measure brand equity and 2 questions to measure voter commitment and 2 questions to measure voter loyalty were distributed among respondents. The findings were analyzed using LISREL software and the results showed that the political marketing mix has a direct and significant effect on brand equity and voter commitment and loyalty. It was also found that high brand equity can, as a mediating variable, strengthen the relationship between political marketing mix and voter commitment and loyalty.
Masoud AKHAVAN KAZEMI; Shohreh Pirani; Shahram Pirani
Abstract
The Democratic Party of Iran (Qavam) was one of the parties formed after the fall of Reza Shah's government in Iran. The party was founded by the then Prime Minister of Iran, Ahmad Ghavam. The Democratic Party initially expanded greatly with the support of Qawam, but later, the fortune star of the party ...
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The Democratic Party of Iran (Qavam) was one of the parties formed after the fall of Reza Shah's government in Iran. The party was founded by the then Prime Minister of Iran, Ahmad Ghavam. The Democratic Party initially expanded greatly with the support of Qawam, but later, the fortune star of the party declined, and finally with the removal of Qavam from the post of Minister, the Democratic Party was dissolved. This study seeks to answer the question of whether the Democratic Party of Iran had the characteristics of an institutionalized party? This study examines the institutional characteristics of the Democratic Party of Iran using Huntington's theories on institutionalization. This study also tries to study the causes of party inefficiency in the contemporary history of Iran by studying the Democratic Party. The research findings show that according to Huntington's characteristics, the Democratic Party lacked institutional features, and mainly due to the instability of parties in Iran, one can cite the lack of institutionalization of these organizations. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical. Resources used in the research include library works, scientific journals and documents of prestigious contemporary history research centers.
Abdolah Moradi; Seyed Zakaria Mahmoodi Raja
Abstract
The contemporary history of Khuzestan province is intertwined with issues such as ethnic segregation, security problems and some crimes and socio-political anomalies due to some economic, environmental, cultural and domestic problems as well as foreign historical interventions. The persistence of these ...
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The contemporary history of Khuzestan province is intertwined with issues such as ethnic segregation, security problems and some crimes and socio-political anomalies due to some economic, environmental, cultural and domestic problems as well as foreign historical interventions. The persistence of these internal problems, as well as the media propaganda of the Arab and trans-regional countries, has provoked the ethnic protesters, which has provided the ground for linking the thoughts of the ethnocentrists with the ideas of Wahhabism and Takfiri in parts of this province. The main aim of this research was to identify effective components in tendency of Shiite-youth towards Salafi-Takfiri thoughts in some parts of Khuzestan province. The research was a qualitative approach, conducting based on Grounded theory. Statistical population included people oriented to these thoughts and informed pundits who were purposefully selected. The results were obtained after17 deep interviews. Then, relying on a systematic data-based approach and open coding process, pivotal and selective, the paradigm model of the research was realized. The results and findings of the study indicated that cultural, economic, media, geographical and external components have played a major role and psychological and political components have played a facilitating role in the tendency of young people to these thoughts.
Arsalan Ghorbani Sheikhkeshin; Ali Monavari; Gholamreza Karimi; Mehrdad Falah
Abstract
The world of diplomacy is witnessing the introduction of new tools for diplomatic engagement. In other words, the introduction of technology, especially mass media technologies such as Twitter, has introduced a new type of diplomatic process. Twitter has become a scene of attack, criticism, and commentary ...
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The world of diplomacy is witnessing the introduction of new tools for diplomatic engagement. In other words, the introduction of technology, especially mass media technologies such as Twitter, has introduced a new type of diplomatic process. Twitter has become a scene of attack, criticism, and commentary by activists and politicians on a variety of political and global issues that have interactive effects. This type of diplomacy was developed by the name of "Twiplomacy" that by the beginning of the year, 193 UN member states had used this type of diplomatic process. That is, the politicians of the countries had a Twitter account. To this end, this study examines the Twitter diplomacy of the Trump presidency. The key question is how and with what narrative does Trump present his diplomacy on Twitter? To answer the research questions and achieve the desired goals, digital content analysis and discourse analysis with two techniques of categories and evaluation were used. The statistical population of this study is the sum of the tweets of the US President (Trump) Twitter pages in 2017-2019.
Developments in the Islamic world
Mohsen Habibi; Parvin Savadian; Mansoor Sharifi; Abdollah Taherkhani
Abstract
Based on the messages of the Ashura movement, the Arbaeen procession has formed elements of Islamic awakening such as unity and solidarity among the marchers, and the continuation of this ceremony has strengthened Islamic awakening and countered its harms. This research is using a quantitative method ...
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Based on the messages of the Ashura movement, the Arbaeen procession has formed elements of Islamic awakening such as unity and solidarity among the marchers, and the continuation of this ceremony has strengthened Islamic awakening and countered its harms. This research is using a quantitative method and conducting a survey and collecting information through a questionnaire. Its statistical population includes Arbaeen pilgrims in 2018 and the sample size is 424 pilgrims from Iran and other countries who were randomly selected. The theoretical part of the article has been prepared based on the revolutionary leader's point of view about the Islamic awakening and the Arbaeen procession, and the main hypothesis is the relationship between the dimensions of the walk and the formation of Islamic awakening factors. While confirming this hypothesis, the findings also explain factors to strengthen Islamic awareness in dealing with the conspiracies of enemies; which include: the globalization of Islam, the convergence and unity of Muslims (Shia and Sunni), solving differences with the slogan "Hub Al-Hussein Yajamana", showing the high power of the Muslim mobilization, the preference of being a Muslim over nationality, insight and hostility, the enemy's fear of Shia unity, No difference in nationality, language and race.
maghsood ranjbar; Ali. Akbar Nedaee; Mashaallah Hidarpour
Abstract
Public policy requires collective action and, consequently, depends on the path. This issue has been less considered in policy-making, and we need to pay attention to and analyze its negative effects in this field, But how does path dependence cause these kinds of adverse effects? Route dependence on ...
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Public policy requires collective action and, consequently, depends on the path. This issue has been less considered in policy-making, and we need to pay attention to and analyze its negative effects in this field, But how does path dependence cause these kinds of adverse effects? Route dependence on locking and subjugation now in the past prevents policies from changing due to changing circumstances and the passage of time. The present article, by searching in various books and articles, examines the negative consequences and examples of path-related processes as an important and effective obstacle in policy-making and shows how and in what context this factor will have an effect; how and by what mechanism it intervenes in decision-making and non-decision-making. Also by giving examples of the negative effects of this factor in economic and political contexts over time; Its destructive effects have been mentioned. Since the dependence on the path in economics and transiently in management has been dealt with, so this has been the stimulus for the regulation of the forthcoming writing, to draw attention to the above factor in policy.
sadegh saffarzadeh; Mohammad javad Gholamreza kashi
Abstract
How to read and understand historical texts, especially in the field of philosophy and political thought, has always been one of the main concerns of researchers in this field. Because of the fear of persecution of governments on one hand, and the fear of the consequences of the general public's acquaintance ...
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How to read and understand historical texts, especially in the field of philosophy and political thought, has always been one of the main concerns of researchers in this field. Because of the fear of persecution of governments on one hand, and the fear of the consequences of the general public's acquaintance with philosophical ideas on the other hand, have usually been the two main reasons for philosophers to write esoterically. There are different methods have been presented in the form of different hermeneutic branches to understand the purposes and intentions of writers and political philosophers, each of which has its own strengths and weaknesses. One of these unknown methods in Iran is the method proposed by the contemporary political philosopher Leo Strauss under the title of esoteric writing or reading/writing between the lines. In this article, I attempt to extract the generalities of this method and to describe its advantages and capacities in reading and understanding classical philosophical texts.
Political Sociology
aboalghasem shahryari; Seyed Hosein Athari; Mohsen Khalili; Mahdi Najafzadeh
Abstract
Statement of the ProblemThe March 1921 coup and the rise of Reza Khan, under the so-called enlightened tyranny referred to by Iranian thinkers, ended more than a century-long reign of the Qajar dynasty. Although the Qajar monarchy was transferred to the Pahlavi in 1925, the rule in Iran was practically ...
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Statement of the ProblemThe March 1921 coup and the rise of Reza Khan, under the so-called enlightened tyranny referred to by Iranian thinkers, ended more than a century-long reign of the Qajar dynasty. Although the Qajar monarchy was transferred to the Pahlavi in 1925, the rule in Iran was practically out of the control of the Qajars since March 1921. Having risen to power with the coronation of Agha Mohammad Khan in 1796, the Qajars inherited a situation resulted from about a century-long conflict and chaos in Iran, for the rule had changed five times in less than seventy-five years: the fall of the Safavid dynasty, the rise of Afghans to power, the Afsharid dynasty, the Zand dynasty, and finally the Qajar dynasty. The perpetual riots and insecurities led to the migration of a large number of Iranian thinkers and even religious scholars to India and the Ottoman lands. Concomitant with the chaos in eighteenth-century Iran, the entire world experienced remarkable developments in inventions, discoveries, and the governance method, which went totally unnoticed by Iran and Iranians. However, the relative stability during the Qajar dynasty resuscitated political thought focused on preparing the ground for continuity and durability of the state and achieving the progress in light of the putative security, for the Iranian thinkers of the first generation (e.g., Shoushtari, Esfahani, and Kermanshahi) referred to the change in the governance method and the ensuing peace and security as the reason for progress of other countries.MethodologyThe present study uses the method of qualitative content analysis to analyze the treatises and travelogues of the Qajar era. Reading and categorizing the material presented by Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers in the Qajar era, the research relies on the theory of structural functionalism to investigate the cause underlying the transition to enlightened tyranny. The study is based on the hypothesis that the functional disruption of the social system of Qajar Iran and the ensuing inefficiency in the governance method of the Constitutional Movement had the Iranian thinkers think of a new order for the governance in Iran.FindingsA) From absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy: Conceptual development and stability of governanceFor the Iranian thinkers, the specific method of governance in Iran was the main cause of the chaotic situation manifested in the continuous change of governments, governors, or ministers, so the thinkers attended to the restoration and reform of the governance system. However, the outbreak of the Russo-Persian wars rendered Fath Ali Shah’s initial efforts ineffective, and subsequent, unremitting internal riots totally distracted his attention from the matter.During the early reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Amir Kabir’s tenure as the chief minister, an attempt was made to improve Iran’s social system and eliminate anarchy, which could bring about some changes in the short run. However, the assassination of Amir Kabir, the Treaty of Paris, and the subsequent separation of Herat once again drew attention to the governance method. Throughout the reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Mozaffar al-Din Shah, the Iranian thinkers would emphasize the need to change the governance method in order to improve the living conditions of Iranians and organize Iran’s social system.Despite some efforts, the overall circumstances did not improve from the beginning of the Qajar dynasty to the end of the Mozaffari era. Although the anarchy deepened, the attempts at reforms transformed the concept of moderate monarchy into constitutional monarchy, which fruitfully led to establishing the National Council and writing the law at the end of the Mozaffari era. The objective to introduce a solution to the functional disruption under the limited power was essentially accomplished, leading to a new method of governance in Iran.B) Persistence of functional disruption in constitutional governanceThe reports about Iran during the constitutional era prove that the panacea for Iran’s problems was not the establishment of the parliament or control of the government but the creation of a structure to implement decrees, for the constitutionalism would also lead to a new dictatorship in the absence of administrative and judicial mechanisms. From the mid-1910s, the circumstances stressed the need for an organized judicial system and a single and integrated administrative apparatus to resolve the functional disruptions, especially in economic and political sectors. The need existed because the constitutional monarchy had turned into the tyranny of constitutionalists, without reforming the functional anarchy.ConclusionApplying the theory of structural functionalism to analyze Iran’s situation at the end of the nineteenth century makes it clear that enlightened tyranny was an attempt to end the functional disruption in the four dimensions of Iran’s social system. Resulted from the constant chaos and conflict in eighteenth-century Iran, the functional disruption lasted well through the century-long reign of the Qajars, and the efforts to fix or reform each of the four dimensions failed in bringing about a noticeable and positive effect on the life of Iranians.Maintaining or creating order in a social system requires the functional adaptation of all dimensions of the social system. In this regard, the adaptation of the two subsystems of economy (with the function of provision of goods and services) and politics (with the function of allocation and decision-making) is absolutely necessary. The study of Iran during the period of the constitutional monarchy shows that the subsystemic adaption did not exist between economy and politics, so the functional disruption in the economic subsystem made the subsystem of politics conclude the Anglo–Iranian agreement of 1919 with the purpose of financing. This makes clear the very disruption in the most fundamental functioning of the system of Qajar Iran, which, following the functional logic, effected the non-adaptation and dysfunctionality of other dimensions as well.The persistence of the situation even within the constitutional governance ultimately underscored the need for something more than legislation, leading to a conceptual change of the limit of power and adoption of Japanese and German models of establishing a centralized and powerful structure to effect the reforms demanded by the thinkers. This played the role of what is known in structural functionalism as the external environment, and the coup of 1921 took place and helped enlightened tyranny take over the governance in order to fix the functional disruptions of the social system and establish a new order in Iran.
