jalal dorakhshah; Eshagh Soltani
Abstract
In this essay, I have tried to make a comparative comparison of Shahid Motahari's and Isaiah Berlin's views on freedom with an analytical approach and by adopting a modified McCalm's definition of freedom as a theoretical framework and looked at how these concepts were constructed differently. Accordingly, ...
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In this essay, I have tried to make a comparative comparison of Shahid Motahari's and Isaiah Berlin's views on freedom with an analytical approach and by adopting a modified McCalm's definition of freedom as a theoretical framework and looked at how these concepts were constructed differently. Accordingly, under the component of "human actor", he compares the anthropological issues of two thinkers; The aims and ends of each of these two thinkers of freedom were compared. In Berlin's view, since man is an indeterminate being and must determine himself; freedom is not an instrumental value and is itself an end. Freedom is the most important value because it is used to realize its incomplete, incomplete and indeterminate aspects at will. But in Martyr Motahari's view, since man is a natural being who has a definite nature and therefore has definite ends, freedom is validated so that one can step in the path of his / her development. That is, freedom is a means by which one can only attain his or her ultimate goals.
heidar shahriari
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to survey the historic process of democracy in Iran after Islamic revolution by benefiting from Robert Dahl’s polyarchy model and qualifying his threefold indexes as political participation, political competition and political supervision and their mixture through ...
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The purpose of this article is to survey the historic process of democracy in Iran after Islamic revolution by benefiting from Robert Dahl’s polyarchy model and qualifying his threefold indexes as political participation, political competition and political supervision and their mixture through Boolean algebra technic as to show the historic fluctuation process of democracy in Iran after revolution. By periodization the history after Islamic revolution into four periods, i.e. first period (1979-82), second period (1982-98), third period (1988-2006), fourth period (2006-2013), the collected data show that the amount of democracy indicators has fluctuated over time except the period of 1979-1982, but, the fluctuation has leaned to up, not down. In spite of affluent sources which have surveyed this topic mostly qualitatively or have surveyed some parts of this topic, this article has attempted to survey the different parts of this topic methodically and quantitatively through mixed method; this article has also received an outcome that the historic process of democracy in Iran after revolution has progressed so far, and presumably it would progress in future if its looked through a historical sociology.
jafar naghdi Eshratabad; Reza Garshasbi; Hadi Sadeghi Aval
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to examine the change in Turkish strategy against ISIS from "support" to "battling". In order to understand is used the approach of the "structure of the international system," which is a synthesis of "regional hegemonic structure" and "trans-regional repulse structure" to ...
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the change in Turkish strategy against ISIS from "support" to "battling". In order to understand is used the approach of the "structure of the international system," which is a synthesis of "regional hegemonic structure" and "trans-regional repulse structure" to indicate why Turkey is carried out to the "big change".
For this purpose, is used descriptive-analytical method and relied on documentary sources through library research. The findings show because of the limitations of the regional structure due to superiority of Kurds, the axis of resistance and Russia as the dominant forces on the one hand and Trans-regional systemic pressures due to discredit front of the US, EU and international institutions / world public opinion, on the other hand, turkey was forced to strategic turn in its policy against ISIS. So, this kind of revisionism comes from a tradition based on realistic in order to restore power and national security not from the revolutionary tradition based on real determination to fight terrorism.
Hossein Soranari
Abstract
"Eurasian regionalism", as a single phenomenon, has had different constructivist representations in the Russian identity macro-discourse of Eurasianism. These representations have been produced in the context of a two-way construction between Russia's identity and interests, and due to the severity and ...
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"Eurasian regionalism", as a single phenomenon, has had different constructivist representations in the Russian identity macro-discourse of Eurasianism. These representations have been produced in the context of a two-way construction between Russia's identity and interests, and due to the severity and depth of identity boundaries with internal and external "others", among the various narratives of the Eurasian identity discourse, they have found different shapes. Different representations have inevitably led to different behaviors from imperialism to co-operation towards Eurasian regionalism in Russian foreign policy. In other words, the dual continuous superior/ lower in determining the position of the various narratives of Eurasianism, has unceasingly involved Russia in the process of adjustment between regional behavior and semantic systems. The following article, in response to the cause of Russians' different behaviors toward Eurasian regionalism, uses the theory of "critical constructivist regionalism" to seek to assess the truth / untruth of this notion: "different constructivist representations from Eurasian regionalism in various narratives of Russian identity macro-discourse of Eurasianism, has led to different behaviors in its foreign policy towards Eurasian regionalism".
Sajad Bahrami Moghadam
Abstract
Given the significant influence of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China, their strategic beliefs and theories and perceptions of the objective international environment have had a profound impact on different aspects of Chinese political life and behavior. ...
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Given the significant influence of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China, their strategic beliefs and theories and perceptions of the objective international environment have had a profound impact on different aspects of Chinese political life and behavior. This article focuses on the economic implications and implications of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping's international objective environment and explores the hypothesis that our conceptions are explored through the perspective of the theoretical, conceptual, and empirical approach to Robert Jervis's international politics. Dong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China have had a decisive influence on the economic policies of the People's Republic of China, with Mao Zedong's conceptions of Communist economic policies and Deng Xiaoping's perceptions leading to reopening policy and economic reforms. That has had different economic implications for China. The findings of the article show that Deng Xiaoping's perceptions of the international objective environment are a determining factor in China's focus on improving living standards for citizens and the economic and military emergence of the People's Republic of China, which has significantly reduced poverty, increased wealth, strength and strengthened China's national security.
Ehsan Fallahi; Nozar Shafiee
Abstract
Since the early of 1980s china has treated according to low profile foreign policy to protect itself from negative consequences of international crisis. Although china is ally of Iran and Russia in Syria but has tended to avoid tensions with opposite sides. Therefore china behavior is somehow against ...
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Since the early of 1980s china has treated according to low profile foreign policy to protect itself from negative consequences of international crisis. Although china is ally of Iran and Russia in Syria but has tended to avoid tensions with opposite sides. Therefore china behavior is somehow against United States and its allies but it is not originated from the china desire to geopolitics competitions. China has not involved in Syria crisis directly but seeking to acquire proper economic position at post crisis era. In this article the researchers try to answer the following question: How has been the china approach in Syria Crisis? How will be the china role in post crisis Syria? The following hypothesis examines in the frame work of soft balancing theory. China has indirectly contributed to balance of power in Syria. But Beijing is more concerned about its economic status in the post-Crisis era, than the political and geopolitical fate of Syria. Evidence of this study shows improving the china role in post crisis era. This article has written by descriptive-analytical method.
Seyed Mohammad tabatabaei; hassan kabiri
Abstract
The position of transatlantic relations in the structure of the international system and the role of these relations in the processes of power structures is of great importance. The two power spectra that have the greatest degree of coordination in the international system structures, but the relations ...
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The position of transatlantic relations in the structure of the international system and the role of these relations in the processes of power structures is of great importance. The two power spectra that have the greatest degree of coordination in the international system structures, but the relations have taken on a different form during the Tramp era, and in some cases it has been instable. What has been pointed out in this study is the critical components of the relationship between the two sides, the United States and the European Union, during the Tramp era, which can be expressed in the Paris Agreement, the common security and defense ties and the Middle East peace process. Research question: What are the critical components of EU-US relations during the Tramp era? The research hypothesis; what is more apparent in the foreign policy of Trump is a divergence in various fields with the European Union that the most important components of the crisis in its foreign policy; defense and security policies, the nuclear agreement, the Middle East peace deal and the Paris agreement. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and for information gathering, it is mainly used in library and site studies.
