Public policy
mahsa shah mohammadi; Mojtaba Maghsodi; mohammad ali khosravi; nader houshmandyar
Abstract
The topic of dual nationality has become a challenging issue in the Islamic Republic of Iran for many years. This study using a qualitative method and relying on the principle of responsibility in government tries to evaluate the existing approaches towards Iranian dual nationals.The main question is, ...
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The topic of dual nationality has become a challenging issue in the Islamic Republic of Iran for many years. This study using a qualitative method and relying on the principle of responsibility in government tries to evaluate the existing approaches towards Iranian dual nationals.The main question is, "What are the existing approaches towards Iranian dual nationality, and what is the government's responsibility towards them?", and the main hypothesis is: “The predominance of a purely threat-oriented or purely opportunity-oriented view during the last few decades among the governments, instead of formulating moderate policies, in addition to making the issue of Iranian dual nationality more complicated and even distancing Iranians abroad from their homeland, have been incurred many expenses for national interests of Iran in the domestic and global arena. Also, in the following, this subject will be examined that creating a balance between the negative and positive views of officials on the one hand and creating trust-building attractions between the two dual nationality on the other hand, can provide a suitable basis for coherent and efficient policy-making and the development of an optimal model for solving the problem of Iranian dual nationals.
Public policy
Hossein Ebadi; Seyed Abdullah Heidariyeh; Younos Vakil Alroaia
Abstract
Introduction In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more ...
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Introduction In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more necessary to have such a favorable scenario. Based on the significance of customer retention, this approach maintains that a party can win if it secures the largest market share while minimizing customer attrition. It seems to be an essential approach given the nature of political marketing characterized by the intense competition among political parties, the unavoidable impact of social media, the uncertainty about fulfilling campaign promises, and the risky nature of political transactions (cash vs. credit imbalance) —all of which can contribute to the vulnerability of political marketing, hence a declining trend in the voter turnout. Relationship marketing, as a modern marketing technique, can help political activists to mitigate these challenges, offering effective solutions to minimize campaign costs and increase the likelihood of success in elections. Political relationship marketing has been the subject of inquiry in several studies (e.g., Afjeh’i & Khademi-Garashi, 2016; Talari & Mousavi-Shafaei, 2015). Rizan et al. (2014) delved into the impact of relationship marketing on customer loyalty.A declining trend in the number of electoral votes is one of the challenges faced by political parties in Iran. The issue appears to be rooted in their marketing strategies. In fact, political marketing strategies can potentially present a persuasively alluring image of the candidate’s integrity and virtue while covering up their flaws. Consequently, the politician who has been getting promoted is often perceived as an ideal figure. In most cases, voters may not understand the techniques used in campaigns, succumbing to the persuasive tactics employed by the candidate and thus increasing the likelihood of making a mistake in their choice and experiencing early regret. In fact, insufficient knowledge about the candidate or party contributes to such mistakes on the part of voters. Moreover, the inability to retain voters, driven by factors such as a loss of trust and unfulfilled promises, can result in costly and sometimes irreparable damages to political parties. Considering the drawbacks of short-term marketing in the political arena for those involved and the political parties’ desire for sustained power, relationship marketing seems to be a suitable approach to address the shortcomings without compromising market share, fulfill political parties’ electoral aspirations (e.g., frequent wins), and to ensure that voters get to know candidates and political parties adequately and accurately. In this line, the present research investigates the influential factors in political relationship marketing, addressing the following questions: Can relationship marketing help overcome the challenges in political elections? And what factors are influential in establishing and maintaining the relationship?Materials and MethodsThere are numerous factors behind party wins in the electoral market. However, according to the theoretical framework of this research, establishing and maintaining a robust relationship between parties and voters, leading to voter loyalty, plays a pivotal role in the electoral success of political parties. Relying on a multi-stage conceptual model, the present study aimed to investigate the connection between relationship marketing and the success of parties in the political market and electoral contests. The study is located within the intersection of political science and marketing management. As an applied research involving field work, it adopted a descriptive–survey, correlation-based approach to investigate the research questions. First, the analysis focused on the effect of relationship marketing variables (i.e., commitment, fulfillment of promises, communication, competence, and trust) on satisfaction. The second step involved examination of the effect of satisfaction on voter loyalty. Finally, the research explored the correlation between loyalty, recommendations to others, and revoting, as influential factors contributing to the success of political parties. In the data analysis, the Pearson coefficient and the correlation coefficient were used to understand the relationships between the research variables.Results and Discussion The research findings indicated a significantly direct correlation between relationship marketing principles and voter satisfaction. The results of regression analysis demonstrated that these principles can predict satisfaction. There was also a significant relationship between satisfaction and loyalty, as well as between loyalty and both revoting and recommendation to others. Finally, a significant relationship was observed between success and revoting and recommendation to others.ConclusionThe research results confirm that the success of political parties hinges on both retaining existing voters and attracting new ones. This process involves distinct stages: generating satisfaction by applying relationship marketing principles, enhancing and transforming satisfaction into loyalty and fandom through the practical implementation of the principles, adopting fan-driven marketing as a result of the loyalty cultivated, and finally giving recommendations to others. The first and second stages are executed through strategic planning and initiatives of strategists, along with the genuine and reassuring conduct of candidates and party executive agents. The third and fourth stages, on the other hand, rely on the active participation of party loyalists and supporters. Furthermore, two practical methods can be employed to attract new voters: direct and indirect recruitment. In the direct recruitment, the party itself leverages relationship marketing principles to draw in a collective of voters. In contrast, the indirect recruitment is facilitated by party loyalists and supporters—mostly represented by previous voters—and their efforts to embark on fan-driven marketing and give recommendations to other voters.
Public policy
Seyed Mojtaba Azizi; Hojatollah Noori Sari
Abstract
Introduction One of the most contentious issues in the realm of political science and governance revolves around defining the boundaries and scope of individual and social freedoms in the human society. Additionally, a significant intellectual concern among Islamic thinkers pertains ...
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Introduction One of the most contentious issues in the realm of political science and governance revolves around defining the boundaries and scope of individual and social freedoms in the human society. Additionally, a significant intellectual concern among Islamic thinkers pertains to the extent to which individuals and civic groups can freely act in public domains, and where they must adhere to governmental laws and social requirements. The present study, employing the conceptual framework of hypothetical intuitionism, aimed to address the following question: What is the extent of political freedoms in Islamic society? Essentially, the objective of this article was to delineate the boundaries of individual and social freedoms in the Islamic society and state.Literature ReviewMany articles have been dedicated to exploring the concepts of freedom and liberty within an Islamic state. The prime examples are: “Fundamentals and Principles of Free Thinking from an Islamic Perspective with an Emphasis on the Thoughts of Allameh Tabataba’i” by Hossamuddin Khaltabari, “Islamic State and Political Freedom in Islam from the Perspective of Allameh Mohammad Taqi Jafari” by Hossein Moin Abadi, “Thematic Analysis of Security and Freedom of Thought from the Perspective of Imam Khamenei” by Asghar Eftekhari, and “Review of the Definition of Freedom and Public Freedoms in the Islamic State” by Yaser Rustaee. However, none of these articles approached the topic within the framework of hypothetical intuitionism.Materials and MethodsThe present article adopted the methodology of hypothetical intuitionism. The term intuition is used here in its conventional philosophical sense, distinct from its popular interpretation in mystical discussions among Muslims. The study employed Rawls’s hypothetical intuitionism approach to construct a specific hypothetical condition which, based on the individual intuition, serves to provide a rational explanation for the research process and its ultimate outcome.ConclusionAccording to the Islamic perspective, the Islamic state upholds freedom of thought, research, expression, and even freedom of belief within scientific domains. However, the extent of freedom of propaganda and freedom of social action depends on considerations of public and national interests. Concerning freedom of political thought, there is an absolute freedom, meaning there are no imposed limitations on political thinking. Furthermore, individuals in scientificand specialized circles enjoy the freedom to express their views and research various political matters, enabling them to share their political perspectives with relevant experts. As individuals share their views and ideas with Muslim political thinkers, a space is created for the exchange of differing opinions and ideas. In addition, freedom of belief indicates that individuals cannot be compelled to adopt a specific political ideology or belief through the use of force or coercion. When individuals decide to disseminate their political ideas in the public sphere, the Islamic state has a responsibility to intervene, considering the significance and potential impact of the issue, in order to prevent the proliferation of harmful and erroneous political ideas. Concerning freedom of speech, it is essential to underline that when political discourse extends beyond scientific and specialized circles and permeates public sphere at large, it falls under the category of freedom of propaganda, encompassing media activities of political movements. In this respect, in order to prevent the manipulation of public opinion, address rumors, and counter the spread of fake news, the government sets some parameters that these movements have to adhere to when conducting media and public activities. For example, it becomes necessary to adhere to certain legal provisions and obtain official permits for publishing a newspaper. In situations where the impact of expression holds greater sensitivity, the response from the Islamic state naturally becomes more robust and prominent. Within the Islamic state, if an individual privately and discreetly engages in activities that oppose the principles and policies of the political system, the government does not have the right to conduct surveillance of the private sphere. However, should the activities against Islamic principles come to the government’s attention, it is incumbent upon the governance system to offer guidance through enjoining good and forbidding evil. Nevertheless, when an individual’s actions and behavior pose a significant and serious threat to the political stability and security, the state resorts to more stringent measures, which in turn may involve restricting some of the individual freedoms of the wrongdoer.
Public policy
Amir mohammad Izadi; Hosein Harsij
Abstract
IntroductionPolitical corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either to further personal interests or to protect group interests. ...
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IntroductionPolitical corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either to further personal interests or to protect group interests. It entails the manipulation of political institutions and internal regulations, thereby impacting government bodies and the overall political system. Consequently, political corruption is often anticipated to result in institutional deterioration. However, since the 1980s, globalization has influenced the way through which categories of modern politics, including political corruption, are addressed. In the context of globalization, the examination of political corruption transcends the confines of the nation–state and should be viewed as a global concern.Literature ReviewA review of primary studies concerning the impact of globalization on political corruption reveals a spectrum of pessimistic and optimistic opinions among scholars. Optimists argue that globalization diminishes political corruption, while pessimists contend that it, in fact, increases political corruption. However, recent research indicates that the discrepancy between these viewpoints stems from their differing understandings of the relationship between globalization and political corruption. By adhering to a linear approach, both groups attempt to find the relationship between these variables, and consequently prescribe or discourage further engagement with globalization to exploit opportunities and avoid threats. To resolve this discrepancy, new studies, adopting a non-linear approach, posit that social and political globalization serves as a significant precursor to corruption. Economic globalization is perceived as both a prelude to and a consequence of varying levels of corruption.Materials and MethodsAs a quantitative research, the present study employed regression analysis as a highly practical quantitative method. Specifically, it utilized polynomial regression, which is supported by recent studies as well as by the secondary data sourced from the V-Dem Institute and the KOF Swiss Economic Institute.Results and Discussion According to the regression analysis, the normative nature of political corruption necessitates a redefinition of public and private interests at both the societal and governmental elite levels if the aim is to enhance the social dimension of globalization. The coefficient of the political dimension indicated that increased globalization can lead to a reduction in political corruption as global pressures compel the country to undertake structural and institutional reforms, including safeguarding property rights, enhancing transparency in decision-making processes, and improving the quality of public services. However, the results showed that there is no linear relationship between economic dimension of globalization and political corruption. Instead, the economic dimension influences the impact of other dimensions on political corruption in a non-linear, curved manner. As this dimension increases, political corruption decreases up to a certain point, but beyond that threshold, corruption levels begin to rise.One of the ideals and goals that emerged during the formation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran was the fight against the political corruption that had been rampant during the Pahlavi era, which required a revolutionary change as the only means to eliminate corruption. However, following the success of the Revolution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran inherited a political, governance, and administrative system that later fell into the depths of various forms of corruption. The present research aimed to address a fundamental question: What is the impact of Iran’s engagement with globalization on the level of political corruption in the country? The necessity of conducting such studies arises from the importance of understanding the effect of globalization on various political issues with the ultimate aim of leveraging the benefits and avoiding the threats. Considering Iran’s economic structure, the system of international sanctions against Iran, and the normative nature of political corruption, it is expected that the various dimensions of globalization may have a detrimental impact on political corruption in Iran. Conclusion In conclusion, given the concurrent influence of different dimensions of globalization on political issues, policymakers are recommended to follow a non-linear approach to leverage the opportunities and avoid the threats of globalization.
Public policy
Sahar Alizadeh Niri; Alireza Sadeghi; Yousef Adib; Mostafa Ghaderi
Abstract
IntroductionThe Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the largest countries that accommodates Afghan immigrants. However, the Iranian government lacks a unified and national policy towards accommodating immigrants. Initially, the government pursued an open-door policy towards immigration, but after ...
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IntroductionThe Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the largest countries that accommodates Afghan immigrants. However, the Iranian government lacks a unified and national policy towards accommodating immigrants. Initially, the government pursued an open-door policy towards immigration, but after a decade it shifted its stance towards limitations, repatriation, and even deportation of immigrants. It appeared as if the government was identifying individuals who should be removed from Iran. It would be beneficial to integrate ideas and resources from a variety of academic disciplines and fields of study to gain a deeper insight into the broader dynamics of how immigrant groups are perceived as others in Iran. By concentrating on this level of analysis, policymakers can better comprehend how the overarching social structures and phenomena impact individual attitudes and identities. Likewise, this approach allows for an understanding of how people’s attitudes and identities, in turn, affect social structures. In this respect, the primary question of the present study is: What mechanisms are at play in the process of labeling immigrants as others, according to the Iranian political science experts and political sociologists?Literature ReviewIn general, when discussing the dynamics between immigrants (referred to as newcomers) and the host population (the dominant group), the concept of other is commonly employed, specifically in reference to newcomers. The presence of a national identity implies the existence of other groups, nations, or individuals that are not part of the host group, prompting group members to emphasize their distinctiveness.The specific concept of nation–state leads to the formulation of specific immigration policies and strategies for integrating minority groups within host societies. Based on this assumption, several major integration models have been proposed. First, the model of assimilation, which does not grant special rights to minorities, primarily intends to fully integrate all immigrants into the society and foster the development of a homogeneous society.The second is a pluralistic model known as multiculturalism, which operates on the premise that successful integration is ensured if the public tolerates the plural identities of minorities and immigrants and recognizes their unique needs.This model manifests itself in two primary forms. In the United States, cultural diversity and ethnic communities are officially recognized, but the government does not actively play a role in enforcing social justice or supporting the preservation of ethnic cultures.The second variant of multiculturalism is a matter of public policy, in which efforts are made to promote integration and eliminate the barriers that immigrants might encounter in the host societies, thereby erasing the otherness they may experience. The third model is the differentiation approach, which is distinct from integration and instead emphasizes the differences between the native population and immigrants. The primary objective of this model is not to facilitate the integration of future immigrants into the host society but rather to isolate them. The differentiation model perceives immigrants as foreign and temporary components of society, rather than as a permanent and inseparable part.According to this model, minorities may face poor employment conditions, low income, and high poverty rates. Such conditions can result in densely populated, low-income areas and increased residential segregation. In this context, the presence of isolated and marginalized communities is seen as evidence of a lack of integration that poses a threat to the target society.Materials and MethodsThe study used a qualitative approach and thematic analysis. The target population of the study comprised professors of sociology and political science at four universities in Tehran, namely the University of Tehran, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Kharazmi University, and the Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies. The purposive sampling was used to select the participants who had authored a book, article, or research project. Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews, involving ten professors to address the research question. The interviews continued until data saturation was reached. After conducting seven interviews, data repletion became apparent, but an additional three participants were interviewed to ensure data saturation. The collected interview data was manually analyzed following Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis method in three key steps: 1) Generating and categorizing similar codes, 2) identifying sub-themes, and 3) Identifying main themes. Feedback from the respondents was sought to validate the research quality. Furthermore, to avoid misinterpretation, an independent reviewer was asked to evaluate the codes derived from the data.Results and DiscussionThe data gathered from the interviews revealed various othering mechanisms. These encompassed the main themes of economic, cultural, and legal mechanisms. The economic mechanisms included the sub-theme of the exploitation of migrant labor force. The cultural mechanisms included social stigma, cultural stigma, and the neglect of immigrants' cultural capital as sub-themes. Finally, the legal mechanisms were comprised of three sub-themes: the deprivation of bank card access, the denial of health insurance services, and the restriction of access to driving licenses.ConclusionAccording to the findings, one of the primary mechanisms for categorizing immigrants as others is the exploitation of migrant labor force, which is a component of the economic mechanisms. It appears that the vulnerability of the migrant labor force is deeply rooted in the long-term changes in Iran’s political economy. These changes have gradually resulted in the weakening of government support for the immigrant working class on one hand, and the normalization of using cheap labor to meet the needs of employers as a legitimate goal of neoliberal capitalist development, on the other hand.The cultural mechanisms of othering involved criminalizing immigrants through the use of social stigmas. Immigrants are frequently portrayed and blamed as the cause of increased crime and order-related challenges in the cities. Furthermore, immigrants are sometimes perceived as threats to national security.Another mechanism used to label immigrants as others is portraying them as inferior through the cultural stigma often referred to as Hazareh. Given the fact the residents of Hazareh have endured centuries of persecution by various Afghan groups due to their ethnicity and religion, this kind of labeling further subjects them to the double otherness. Neglecting immigrants’ cultural capital constitutes another mechanism for cultural alienation. Neglecting the cultural capital leads to the disregard of other forms of capital, such as economic and symbolic capital, ultimately hindering the integration of immigrants into the host society.The interviewees expressed the belief that various aspects of the law contribute to the alienation of immigrants. Since most Afghan immigrants are seeking better economic opportunities in Iran, financial services play a significant role in achieving their goal during their stay in Iran. However, their legal status has led to the exclusion of many immigrants from the formal, mainstream financial sector. Consequently, they are compelled to turn to alternative services offered in the informal sector. Moreover, due to their restricted legal status, most immigrants are unable to access any insurance services. In general, the prevailing cultural climate in Iran, coupled with legal constraints and the shortcomings in policy formulation, has contributed to the immigrant other and hindered the integration of immigrants into Iranian society.
Public policy
Mohammad Yari; Mohammad Ziaaddini; Mostafa Hadavinejad; Mehdi Ebrahiminejad
Abstract
IntroductionThis study aimed to use process mining to address the issue of anti-meritocracy in the public sector and develop a conceptual model that highlights the importance of utilizing the skills and talents of the elite. The study began by conducting interviews with 17 experts in the field, which ...
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IntroductionThis study aimed to use process mining to address the issue of anti-meritocracy in the public sector and develop a conceptual model that highlights the importance of utilizing the skills and talents of the elite. The study began by conducting interviews with 17 experts in the field, which led to the identification of 302 initial themes through open coding. From these themes, 16 categories were extracted and grouped into causal conditions (including individual components like Machiavellianism, group components like unhealthy competition, and organizational components such as the possibility of power shifts within the organization), strategies (such as excluding the elite from the public sphere), background conditions (including personal attributes like narcissism and behavioral traits like unhealthy competition), and intervening conditions (such as inappropriate organizational structures). The central category identified was the tendency towards anti-meritocracy, with consequences including the non-acceptance of elite forces. The research findings highlight the importance of utilizing the expertise of the elite in decision-making processes, as failure to do so can hinder the public sector’s strengths and turn opportunities into threats.Statement of the problem The increasing importance of human resource initiatives and the recognition of the value of elite individuals have led many organizations to seek effective solutions by employing their talents. This trend has been particularly evident in elite development organizations within the government sector. The significance of employee talent and the pursuit of enhancing their knowledge and skills have become a global issue, with organizations striving to promote a culture of organizational talent management within their communities (Guth et al., 2012). Managing elite human resources effectively is crucial for improving organizational performance, as recognizing and leveraging their latent talents is a prerequisite for growth and prosperity. This is especially important for managers and leaders of government organizations, which are subject to greater scientific scrutiny due to their dynamic nature. As the public sector becomes more complex, capable leaders are increasingly in demand (Sejeli & Abu Mansor, 2015). In this line, the present study aimed to address the primary question of what the process of anti-meritocracy in the public sector entails. Sub-questions explored various aspects of anti-meritocracy, including its main categories, causal conditions, background conditions, intervening conditions, strategies of action and interaction, and consequences. The primary purpose of this research was to conduct a process mining analysis of anti-meritocracy in the public sector. Specific objectives included identifying the main categories of anti-meritocracy in the public sector, investigating its causal, background, and intervening conditions, examining strategies of action and interaction, and comprehending its consequences.MethodThe study used grounded theory as the research strategy. This systematic and qualitative approach is used to create a comprehensive theory that explains a wide-scale process, action, or interaction concerning a given topic. Therefore, grounded theory was deemed a suitable approach to investigate the process of anti-meritocracy in the public sector.SuggestionsPublic sector human resources departments should develop and implement elite recruitment strategies based on internal and external environmental factors. Research results should be communicated to organizational leaders to keep them informed of the status of elite recruitment and enable them to maintain and improve their strengths, reduce weaknesses, take advantage of opportunities, and minimize losses caused by threats. The dimensions and components of the evaluation of the public sector environment to attract the elite should be communicated to organizations to monitor their situation at specific times.Comprehensive programs should be formulated to create active and dynamic environments for human resources, providing the ground for the development of creativity and innovation for the elite in order to retain them. Intellectual property laws should be adopted and regulations should be approved to increase the motivation of elite individuals and prevent them from leaving the public sector. Protecting the rights of intellectual property is considered one of the inalienable rights of the elite and effective laws that can help motivate them. Using the meritocracy and succession can help to utilize the abilities and talents of the elite, avoid politicization, and prevent them from leaving the public sector. This can also increase their motivation to serve in the public sector.The experts suggested several ways to combat anti-meritocracy in the public sector. One approach is to create more opportunities for talented individuals and ensure that rules and regulations are properly implemented. Additionally, establishing a performance evaluation system with executive guarantees can help promote a merit-based culture. It is also important to rely on individuals who are part of the elite group, believe in the value of meritocracy, and are willing to trust the elite to address the country’s challenges. To further promote meritocracy, it is crucial to train individuals committed to eliminating anti-meritocracy. This can involve avoiding appointing individuals who are jealous, as the elite typically have high occupational expectations.
Public policy
Ehsan Eilshahi; Seyed Ataollah Sinaee; Seyed Khodayar Mortazavi
Abstract
Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's development situation in comparison with these two countries in historical ...
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Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's development situation in comparison with these two countries in historical periods (1860-1926 and 1963-2010), within the framework of North, Acemoglu, and Robinson's institutional model. This approach focuses on formal rules, procedures, and organizations to explain the relationship between institutional structures and the success or failure of policies. The main question in this research is that despite the creation of political structure in Iran in the 19th century, compared to the experiences of Japan In the second half of the 19th century and South Korea in the early 20th century, why did the development program in Iran not go well and comprehensive political and economic institutional arrangements were not achieved? The obtained results show that the alignment of the government and the developing nation in Iran has not been successful due to the lack of institutional development.
