International Relations
Seyed Hassan Mirfakhraei
Abstract
During the years 2015-2023, we can witness growing and stable relations between Iran and Russia. The structural components have a limiting and controlling role in some periods, and in others as a catalyst, they have facilitated and accelerated the development process of the relations between the two ...
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During the years 2015-2023, we can witness growing and stable relations between Iran and Russia. The structural components have a limiting and controlling role in some periods, and in others as a catalyst, they have facilitated and accelerated the development process of the relations between the two countries. Two structural components in the foreign policy of the two countries have affected the dynamics of bilateral relations. First, the JCPOA, in which Russia played an important role. The second component was the Ukraine crisis in 2022, and Iran’s role has been noticed by analysts. The development model of Iran-Russia relations since 2015 is influenced by these two components. In this article, we seek to answer the main question and problem, which structural components have affected the development model of relations between Iran and Russia in this period? Our primary hypothesis to answer the main issue of the article is the JCPOA as a structural factor affecting Iran's foreign policy and the Ukraine war 2022 as a structural factor affecting Russia's foreign policy. The type of encounter of two countries with the structural factors affecting the other, has led to proliferation of these relations
International Relations
Seyed Hassan Mirfakhraei
Abstract
In comparison to relations with other European major powers, Iran-Germany relations have been less fragile, more largely stable and expanding. Analysts consider historical, economic, and geopolitical reasons for this feature. One of the difficulties in studying German foreign policy is that the country ...
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In comparison to relations with other European major powers, Iran-Germany relations have been less fragile, more largely stable and expanding. Analysts consider historical, economic, and geopolitical reasons for this feature. One of the difficulties in studying German foreign policy is that the country has abandoned its geopolitical rivalries because of the tough lessons of world war II and has devoted most of its potential to the international economy. Moreover, Germany cannot regulate its foreign policy beyond the framework of its transatlantic commitments, as well as principles and norms of the common European foreign policy. For this reason, the analysis of German foreign policy should focus more on the relatively covert behavior of the country than usual positions by the officials. The study of Iran-Germany relations stands within this framework. This paper aims to focus on the question that why Germany has done its best to emphasize an interactive model in the face of the US confrontation with Iran, and to make the EU to follow this behavior? This paper provides a historical-analytical framework for a deeper understanding of German policy toward Iran, as well as focusing on Germany's approach toward Iran after the JCPOA, especially when Trump lost the presidency.
farzad rostami; ghodrat ahmadian
Abstract
The United States of America and European Union are the two important actors in the international arena (world arena) whose roles are so effective in international interactions that the clash of their interests seems normal. But the conflicts between Brussels and Washington has been intensified by Donald ...
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The United States of America and European Union are the two important actors in the international arena (world arena) whose roles are so effective in international interactions that the clash of their interests seems normal. But the conflicts between Brussels and Washington has been intensified by Donald Trump’s getting to power as the president of the United States of America. Now the Nuclear Agreement between Islamic Republic of Iran and 5+1 which is supported by Europe in one side and criticized by Trump in the other, has been faced with an ambiguous future. This article seeks to answer this question that what is the scenario which can be taken by European Union to deal with this matter? To come over (reply or answer) this question, four scenarios have been considered checking the American and European viewpoints to this matter: The United States and European Union moving away from each other and Divergence in Trans-Atlantic Relations, Convergence between EU and the US, Persuading Trump to maintain BARJAM having commitment to Convergence in Trans-Atlantic Relations and the US and Europe conservative politics in Trump era. The methodology in this article is scenario writing and based on games theory.
gholamreza karimi; Seyed Ali monavari; saeed mirtorabi; parviz sharifi
Abstract
This article aims to investigate the effective factors on economic interactions in Saudi Arabia during and after conducting Jam negotiations in 2013-2016 based on the economic game theory by “Thomas Shieling” and using the documental method, with putting emphasis on this hypothesis ...
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This article aims to investigate the effective factors on economic interactions in Saudi Arabia during and after conducting Jam negotiations in 2013-2016 based on the economic game theory by “Thomas Shieling” and using the documental method, with putting emphasis on this hypothesis that the negotiation procedure and performing JCPOA with changing the role and expanding Iranian regional penetration, challenges Iran and Saudi Arabia’s relationships in regional level, which is one of the most important findings of this study. Based on the fear of nuclear negotiation feedbacks and the operative JCPOA agreement, Saudi Arabia would be encountered Iran’s political, economic and civil position in both regional and international level. It makes Saudi to be one of the main important oil reactor in OPEC in 2013-2016 with enhancement procedure beyond global requirement, the productive range 9,140,000 barrels in June 2013 was about 10,720.000 barrels in November 2016with the aim of serious battle with Iran, so that the decision and intention with the aim of increasing oil production more than the global market requirement, some challenges in Iran’s plans and programs and particularly positive reflections due to JCPOA agreement.
mostafa delavarpour Aghdam; Seyed Jalal Deghani Firoozabadi
Abstract
Containment of Iran's nuclear, missile and space programs, Iranian regional movements to fight Takfiri terrorism, U.S. dual interpretation of Terrorism and human rights, increasing AIPAC regime lobbying in U.S. Congress and Iran's support for the region's liberation movements, have prompted U.S. Congressional ...
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Containment of Iran's nuclear, missile and space programs, Iranian regional movements to fight Takfiri terrorism, U.S. dual interpretation of Terrorism and human rights, increasing AIPAC regime lobbying in U.S. Congress and Iran's support for the region's liberation movements, have prompted U.S. Congressional legislators to take steps towards ratification of comprehensive sanctions against Iran before JCPOA.
Improving the economic and livelihoods and Iran phobia defeating through reducing sanctions pressure, was the most important priority of the Islamic Republic of Iran in accepting JCPOA. For this reason, Congressional post-JCPOA sanctions against Iran has focused toward making inefficient of economic, commercial and banking diplomacy, weakening missile power of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Engineering of regional arrangements through the accumulating, intelligent and aggregating of non-nuclear sanctions.
The most important innovation of this research is that using descriptive-analytical method and by collecting information through documentary and library studies, in addition to the comparison of the sanctions policies of the congresses in the pre and post-JCPOA, it has suggested ways to counter coercive diplomacy of U.S. congress.
