hasan majidi; mahdi piroozfar
Abstract
The creation of different movements in region during last decades has led to huge amount of studies on these movements to distinguish their reason, state and aims. This essay focuses on descriptive-analytic method and comparative method to study Ikhvan al Moslemin movement and Fethullah Gülen movement, ...
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The creation of different movements in region during last decades has led to huge amount of studies on these movements to distinguish their reason, state and aims. This essay focuses on descriptive-analytic method and comparative method to study Ikhvan al Moslemin movement and Fethullah Gülen movement, and to name their similarities and differences. The hypothesis is that these movements resemble in their methods and differ in the way of looking at religion and politics. The results of the study show that the two movements are different in subjects like religion, government and secularism and are similar in topics like democracy and mysticism. The results also certify that although the two movements have a world-inclusive aim, the Gülen movement included the whole world and Ikhvan al Moslemin movement included Islamic world only. It should be mentioned that although both of these movements have done economic, advertising and social activities, Ikhvan's social activities were more than Gülen's.
International Relations
Sajjad sadeghi
Abstract
Introduction Analyzing international relations (IR) theories reveals that non-Western theories are ...
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Introduction Analyzing international relations (IR) theories reveals that non-Western theories are yet to fully materialize. Some scholars argue that a significant impediment to the recognition of non-Western IR theories is the pervasive influence of the US in the field of IR. They point to the extensive body of IR articles, books, and theories generated by American academic institutions and scholarly communities as a compelling base for their claim. Despite its European origins, the field of IR is argued to have matured and thrived in the US, hence an American social science. In this respect, researchers worldwide have embarked on various studies to assess the impact of American IR on the development of IR science and theory. Some IR scholars posit that the US hegemony following World War II has further entrenched the profound influence of American IR within the scholarly domain of IR. They argue that the US foreign policy in the bipolar world order, due to the US extensive involvement in pivotal international events, has become an inseparable aspect of IR studies. The crux of the argument lies in the fact that IR researchers select their objects of analysis by considering international events and influential factors. In this context, the US has played a central role in virtually all significant international events for approximately a century. Consequently, IR researchers tend to examine international events in line with the influential role of US foreign policy as a crucial variable.Literature ReviewAssessing the approach of IR scholarship is a conventional method to understand the intra-disciplinary and extra-disciplinary factors shaping the discipline of IR. Concerning the explanations provided for the limited success of non-mainstream theorizing, scholars have consistently underscored the influence of US political domination on IR literature and theorization, leading to an academic hegemony characterized by the center–periphery dynamic. In light of these considerations, the extent of American influence on shaping academic scholarship in a given country is a recognized object of analysis, which can shed light on the status of IR discipline in the local and national contexts. Regrettably, the topic has not been examined in the Iranian scientific literature, except the author’s individual research titled “Research Approaches of Iranian International Relations Articles: A Review of Scientific Research Articles Published in 2021." The findings of this research helped discern the strong influence of US foreign policy on Iranian IR scholarship, notably in the selection of research topics and the research process.Materials and MethodsThe current research employed a random selection process and a specific software to choose 500 Persian articles from Iranian journals in the field of IR and political science, spanning from March 2019 to March 2022. The primary focus was to analyze the journal articles with regard to their being influenced by US foreign policy. Grounded theory was used as the research method, yet it is important to note that the aim was not to formulate a specific theory but to test the claim and present a confirmed proposition in light of the research findings. Actually, this method was used to gather information and align it with existing propositions and claims. The reliability of this research was ensured thanks to the systematic inductive process, which allows for an unbiased examination of the research proposition.Results and DiscussionThe findings revealed that Iranian IR researchers predominantly adhere to the framework of mainstream IR theories and exhibit limited inclination towards critical theories or globalized international relations theories. Notably, for every three Iranian articles on IR, one article was found to be focused on US foreign policy as a significant variable. There was the initially speculation that the substantial volume of articles on US foreign policy were attributed to the longstanding tense relations Iran and America over the past four decades. However, upon closer examination, it became apparent that only a limited number of these articles were directly related to Iran-US relations, and most of them were predominantly centered around Iran’s nuclear issue. A significant number of the journal articles had delved into US foreign policy in various world regions. For instance, for Iranian scholars of IR, US foreign policy is an important independent variable in the analysis of topics related to Iraq, ISIS, Afghanistan, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Israel. An evaluative analysis revealed that Iranian IR researchers tend to hold a pessimistic outlook on the performance of American foreign policy, which is closely aligned with the official foreign policy stance of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The prevailing opinion among Iranian IR scholars is that the active presence of America in international events is not motivated by humanitarian objectives. They contend that US decisions such as the military occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, the military presence in the Persian Gulf, or the provision of American aid to Israel are devoid of genuine humanitarian goals. Instead, they view American intervention as a source of instability in the international order and a disruptive factor of global peace. The pessimistic perspectives put forth by the majority of Iranian IR researchers echoes what is often termed as Kissinger Syndrome.ConclusionThe analysis of 500 articles led to several noteworthy conclusions. First, Iranian IR scholars tend to follow the mainstream IR theorizing, demonstrating a distinct separation from critical schools of thought. Second, Iranian IR does not seek to localize IR ideas or enrich its perspectives in line with global IR. Third, Iranian scholarship is critical of the US international role and perceives it as a disruptive factor of regional and global stability and peace, despite the US declared humanitarian foreign policy. Fourth, Iranian IR research focuses on US foreign policy as an independent variable, which can be attributed to America’s extensive involvement in regional and global crises. Finally, while Iranian IR scholarship dedicates itself to issues of significant relevance to the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it often overlooks the performance and impact of Iran’s foreign policy in these areas. Instead, it approaches the relevant issues from the perspective of other variables.
Developments in the Islamic world
Saeed Sorkhi khozani; Ali Abedi Renani; Ali Karbalaie Pazouki
Abstract
Introduction Each Islamic denomination follows its respective beliefs to forge connections with other ...
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Introduction Each Islamic denomination follows its respective beliefs to forge connections with other Islamic denominations and even non-Islamic religions. Religion plays a pivotal role in shaping their comprehension of Self, Other, and the approach towards communicating with others, ranging from acceptance to excommunication. In other words, religious beliefs constitute a foundation that governs the relations between different religions. A precise and nuanced understanding of diverse Islamic denominations is essential for avoiding the one-size-fits-all perspective that may see the diverse groups in the same way. Such an understanding paves the way for recognizing historical, religious, and social distinctions, facilitating more informed and effective approaches to interact with different religious groups.The teachings of the Quran and the prophetic tradition prohibit sectarian conflicts, underscoring the unity and convergence among followers of different Islamic denominations. The empathy and convergence seem to be crucial, especially considering the constant efforts by the Western world to sow discord and division within Islamic countries. For example, the establishment of ISIS in the Middle East involved the Muslim nations, with the ultimate aim of ensuring security for Israel. Recently, the resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan has made it essential to reassess their foundational beliefs, laying the groundwork for fostering more symbiotic relations with them.The Deoband school of thought is considered one of the influential Islamic denominations in the recent developments of the region. Deobandis adhere to the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and Maturidism as a school of Islamic theology. The Deobandi movement emerged with the purpose of opposing the British East India Company. Due to their concerted efforts, Deobandis rapidly spread across the Indian subcontinent, later establishing a significant base in Pakistan and Afghanistan and founding religious schools and educational centers there. The Taliban group is one the movements developed out of the adherence to the religious beliefs of the Deoband school of thought. Against this backdrop, the present research aimed to examine three key issues: the fundamental religious beliefs of the Taliban, the distinction between the Taliban and Salafism, and suggestions for Iran’s strategic foreign policy towards these groups with an eye to their religious beliefs.Literature ReviewAuthored by Khalil Ahmad al-Saharanpuri, the book Al-Muhannad 'ala al-Mufannad [The Sword on the Disproved] not only provides responses to the inquiries posed by Wahhabi scholars but also elaborates on the beliefs of the scholars from Darul Uloom Deoband. The book unveils the conspiracies of adversaries and elucidates the true teachings of the venerable figures of Maturidism. The collection of essays titled Maghalat Al-Kawtheri [Kawtheri’s Essays] includes miscellaneous essays written by Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthari. The collection contains some essays that oppose the Wahhabi thought. While dismissing Wahhabism, al-Kawthari delves into the core beliefs of the Deobandi school of thought. In the article titled “Taliban and Deobandism” (2018), Mohammad Bagher Hassani examined the relationship between the Taliban and the Deobandi school. The author compared some Deobandi concepts with Wahhabism and other Sunni sects, highlighting their shared aspects as well as distinctions. Hassani’s descriptive–analytical research also focused on Islamic groups, such as the Taliban, which are recognized for their adherence to the theological doctrines of Maturidism.In addition to comparative studies, there are also reference works on the theological beliefs of Maturidism and Wahhabism. A notable work is Kitab al-Tawhid [Book of Monotheism] by Abu Mansur al-maturidi, considered the canonical source for followers of the maturidi school of theology. Abu Mansur al-Maturidi refers to imitation in belief and faith as a wrong approach, focusing on the logical and narrative-based examination of the theological foundations of Maturidism. The book Minhaj al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah [The Path of Sunnah of the Prophet] was written by ibn Taymiyyah, a prominent Hanbali scholar considered as a founder and iconic figure of Salafism. The book deals with religious beliefs as well as several jurisprudential opinions and fatwas of Ibn Taymiyyah, including his unconventional views on refraining from visiting graves, and resorting to blessings and supplications. In addition, the article titled “Investigation of the Factors Affecting the Change in Iran’s Political–Defense Approach Towards the Taliban” (Parizad & Shahrestani, 2022) examined Iran’s foreign policy strategies concerning the Taliban group, highlighting the role of environmental factors and global structures.Materials and MethodsThe present study used the library method to collected and analyze the data.Results and DiscussionAccording to the research results, the Taliban originated from Maturidi theology and Deobandi religious centers in Pakistan, and Salafism has its roots in the Wahhabi theology. Despite common origins, there are fundamental differences between the Taliban and salafism, manifesting in salient theological and religious issues such as monotheism in worship, intercession, and the stance towards the shia. Notably, the Taliban, in contrast to Salafism, exhibits a broader, universalist approach to acceptance of and interactions with other groups, particularly the Shia. According to the religious teachings, unity and convergence are not merely tactical considerations but fundamental principles of the Islamic faith. Therefore, the foreign policy strategy of Islamic states should be aligned with religious teachings. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an Islamic state, seems to have anchored its foreign policy on this principle. Considering geopolitical borders and ideological considerations, Iran has established positive relations with the Taliban group, showing tolerance in border conflicts and water disputes. Iran’s foreign policy towards the Taliban is characterized by Iran’s concern about the formation of Salafi and Wahhabi groups in Afghanistan. Therefore, given the doctrinal differences between these groups, Iran views the relations with the Taliban as appropriate to prevent the establishment of Salafi groups in its eastern neighbor. Moreover, Iran’s foreign policy can pursue cooperation and relations with the Taliban against a common adversary, namely the United States.ConclusionA comprehensive understanding of Islamic intellectual and religious schools is crucial to reach an accurate interpretation of the foundations of Islam. Knowledge about different schools of thought can offer a better understanding of religious teachings, facilitating a more accurate interpretation of religious doctrines and beliefs. Moreover, as indicated by the findings, such an understanding can aid in devising foreign policy strategies in dealing with diverse religious groups.
International Relations
Seyed jalal Dehghani Firozabadi; Saeed Chehrazad
Abstract
IntroductionSome governments and organizations are preparing to exploit artificial intelligence (AI) in order to destabilize the world and benefit from numerous cyber-attacks. The rapid advancement of AI enables cybercriminals to amplify their destructive impact worldwide, as AI has the potential to ...
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IntroductionSome governments and organizations are preparing to exploit artificial intelligence (AI) in order to destabilize the world and benefit from numerous cyber-attacks. The rapid advancement of AI enables cybercriminals to amplify their destructive impact worldwide, as AI has the potential to reshape and disrupt global conditions in the coming years. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. To lay the groundwork for the practical implementation of national security measures based on grounded theory requires adopting a problem-oriented perspective on terrorism, warfare, and conflict. A strategic instance of this approach is the concept of algorithmic national security which has the potential for creating and developing a new security order. This article aimed to contribute to the existing body of scientific literature, as there is currently a dearth of research in this field, thereby paving the way for future investigations. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. The present research aimed to develop a comprehensive framework for the critical evaluation of the role of AI in the unethical utilization of its functions in security matters, both in theory and in practice. In this line, the main question is: How can national security topics be problematized in light of AI hegemony and within the framework of terrorism, war, conflict, and defense?Materials and MethodsAdopting a descriptive–analytical approach, the present research relied on library research and documentary method to collect the data from various printed and electronic sources, including websites and magazines. Note-taking was used as a tool in data collection stage. In this study, AI and national security were considered as the independent and dependent variables, respectively.Results and DiscussionThe debate surrounding the use of AI and its autonomy on future battlefields has predominantly centered on the ethical implications of granting complete authority to independent and autonomous weapons, often referred to as killer robots, capable of making life or death decisions. Is it truly feasible for these systems to operate without any human intervention, or does their deployment potentially violate the principles of warfare and international humanitarian laws? Avoiding such a predicament necessitates that those involved in warfare differentiate between combatants and civilians on the battlefield, prioritizing the preservation of civilian lives and minimizing harm to them to the greatest extent possible.Proponents of this emerging technology argue that machines will eventually possess enough intelligence to distinguish themselves from humans. Conversely, opponents maintain that machines will never possess the capability to make such a fundamental distinction. They argue that machines lack the capacity to make split-second decisions in the heat of war or exhibit timely empathy. In response to these concerns, several human rights and humanitarian organizations have launched the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, aiming to establish an international ban on the development and deployment of fully automated and autonomous weapon systems. In the meantime, a highly contentious debate is unfolding within the military sphere regarding the use of AI in the command and control systems governing how senior officers convey essential orders to their subordinate soldiers. Throughout history, generals and admirals have consistently sought to enhance the reliability of command and control systems to ensure the fullest realization of their strategic objectives.Nowadays, these systems are heavily relied upon to ensure the security of radio and satellite communication systems that connect headquarters to the front lines. However, strategists are concerned that in a future hyper-warfare environment, these systems could be vulnerable to disruptions caused by jamming, which would make the speed of military operations exceed commanders’ limited ability to receive battlefield reports, process data, and issue timely orders. It is important to go beyond these concerns and consider the practical definition of the uncertain fog of war, which is further complicated by the multiplication effect of AI and the potential for failure. Many military officers see a solution to this dilemma in relinquishing the control of machines to these systems. As stated in a report by the Congressional Research Service, AI algorithms can offer more reliable tools for real-time analysis of the battlefield and enable faster decision-making, thus being able to stay updated.ConclusionWe are currently witnessing a turning point in technology. The pace of advancements in AI is surpassing even the expert predictions. These breakthroughs offer significant advantages to humanity, enabling AI systems to tackle complex issues in medicine, the environment, and other fields. However, along with progress, there are also accompanying risks. The implications of AI for national security are becoming increasingly profound with each passing year. In this article, the aim was to assess the extent of these consequences in the years ahead. The findings indicate that AI is likely to highlight several, if not all, of the most challenging aspects of transformative military technologies. It thus becomes increasingly crucial to address its implications in examining how policymakers in the realm of national security respond to this technology.Unfortunately, AI carries the potential for risks comparable to those posed by previous technologies, and in some cases, its impact could be even more devastating, owing to the rapid pace of technological advancement and the intricate relationship between government and industry in the present era. While we appreciate the increasing number of high-quality AI reports published in recent years, we acknowledge that a certain degree of conservatism has somewhat impeded comprehensive analysis. In this article, the objective was to provide an honest description of the AI revolution as truly revolutionary rather than merely different. To address this challenge effectively, governments must approach the issue with ambition, emphasizing both research and development while considering its ramifications.The advancement of AI technology in the military, information technology, cybersecurity, and economic sectors over the next decade will lead to profound transformations worldwide. These changes are occurring at a faster pace than anticipated, and undoubtedly, they will present their own set of challenges, with implications extending to various aspects, including national security. AI introduces a level of complexity in the interactions between states, industries, and individuals, necessitating the deployment of skilled experts to respond quickly and effectively to the evolving landscape shaped by this phenomenon.
Elham Rasoli Sani Abadi
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, , Pages 1-22
Abstract
Abstract The main goal of this paper is the explanation of the integrations process in Latin America from International Relations Perspectives. These perspectives are realism and liberalism from the Main Stream and constructivism from reflectivist theories. So, in the first section of this paper we explain ...
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Abstract The main goal of this paper is the explanation of the integrations process in Latin America from International Relations Perspectives. These perspectives are realism and liberalism from the Main Stream and constructivism from reflectivist theories. So, in the first section of this paper we explain the concept of region and regionalism and then we show the main indicators of regional integration in Latin America. Finally we conclude that different International Relations theories such as realism and liberalism and constructivism provide different analysis and explanations about regional integration Latin America.
Ali Reza Agha Hosseini; Javad Emam Jome Zadeh; Atefeh forooghi
Volume 2, Issue 7 , December 2014, , Pages 125-146
Abstract
The authors of this paper try to explore the black box in the contemporarydomestic issues, the nature of the state, the identity and the impact of theseissues on the foreign policy approaches. Based on an appropriate theoreticalframework, using the principles of constructivism school with emphasis onenvironmental ...
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The authors of this paper try to explore the black box in the contemporarydomestic issues, the nature of the state, the identity and the impact of theseissues on the foreign policy approaches. Based on an appropriate theoreticalframework, using the principles of constructivism school with emphasis onenvironmental factors and cultural resources, values and norms, the authorsexplain how to plan the formation of identity in contemporary Iran’s foreignpolicy.The central idea of the paper is that Iran''s foreign policy orientation hasprofoundly influenced by the identity of the approaches, however, the weaknessor absence of civil society makes the government’s define identity through thepolitical elite rather than logical interaction with the nation. Such a process hassevere effects on Iran''s foreign policy and caused losing national interests insome cases
Shoja Ahmad vand; Mohsen Solgi
Volume 3, Issue 8 , December 2014, , Pages 141-168
Abstract
Abstract In this paper, it is tried to put a comparative analysis on the thought of Nietzsche and Iqbal Lahori in four bases of epistemology, ontology, methodology and purpose of anthropology. Nietzsche is in conflict with any of the first three, but inevitably signs of recognition can be found ...
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Abstract In this paper, it is tried to put a comparative analysis on the thought of Nietzsche and Iqbal Lahori in four bases of epistemology, ontology, methodology and purpose of anthropology. Nietzsche is in conflict with any of the first three, but inevitably signs of recognition can be found about the four abovementioned elements in his thoughts. Irrationalepistemology, is based on the concept of atheism and nihilist; instinctive- methodology relies on intuition, instinct or intuition heaven- and anthropology naturalist relies on the concept of Nietzsche against love oriented epistemology, ontology integrated, hybrid methodology consisting of intellect, science and illumination and anthropological interest is love oriented. The main question here is: what are theDifference and similarity between Nietzsche and Iqbal in four vertices? They thought that the basic outline of the original claims, are largely different, but also overlap with each other. Understanding these basics is urgent to comprehend the political philosophy of the both thinkers.
Abstract
Globalizalization of culture as a main paradigm and one of the vaguest term has been touched upon from diverse angels in scientific forums in late 20th century and early days of 21th century. On one hand, some scholars perceive it optimistically as a process-oriented issue that has been present from ...
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Globalizalization of culture as a main paradigm and one of the vaguest term has been touched upon from diverse angels in scientific forums in late 20th century and early days of 21th century. On one hand, some scholars perceive it optimistically as a process-oriented issue that has been present from the very first days of human life and it has been more prominent these days due to informatics revolution and finally it ends in internalization and expansion of welfare, advancement, peace, democracy for everyone. However, the more we head on in the era of rationalism and democracy not only these idealistic mottos have not been realized but the number of the poor increases and conflicts, segregation are at maximum. Further, a minority of society are getting richer and more powerful. These items make an investigatory background and pessimistic orientation of some people and particular countries to this issue. Regarding the actions of ninth and tenth government based on reformist and revisionist structures and prevalent events in the world in the form and frame of justice and management, and public participation in management of the world, questioning holocaust, terrorism sense and emphasizing the right of Iran for attaining nuclear energy
Bahram Mohseni; Mehdi Rahimipur
Volume 1, Issue 3 , December 2013, , Pages 157-180
Abstract
Rivers have geographical advantages and values; dependence of a country to the geographical values of the other states is considered as a geopolitical dependence which paves the way for contrast and dispute or cooperation among countries. Geopolitical crisis is the result of dispute over geographical ...
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Rivers have geographical advantages and values; dependence of a country to the geographical values of the other states is considered as a geopolitical dependence which paves the way for contrast and dispute or cooperation among countries. Geopolitical crisis is the result of dispute over geographical value which is very difficult to be relieved of. Islamic Republic of Iran with several international border rivers has always had hydro political issues and geopolitical crisis. Arvandrud due to several wars for taking some advantages of it and its boundary significance for the two countries, is more critical than any other boundary river in Iran and it has a special position in hydro political studies. This paper which is in documentary form uses descriptive-analytical method and is going to study the hydro political effects of Arvandrud on Iran-Iraq relations. Considering the Iraq geopolitical problems and due to cooperation approach in international rivers, the results of this study show that the two countries relations will be affected by Arvanrud in different political, economical environmental dimensions. Here some courses of action and recommendations are presented.
Elahe Kolaeei; Reza Niknam
Volume 3, Issue 11 , April 2015, , Pages 161-182
Abstract
Terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, tackled security system of the U.S. and entered the country into long term and costly wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Then global financial crises in 2008, led U.S. into an unprecedented stagnation. U.S. critical economy was placed in more vulnerable position than ...
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Terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, tackled security system of the U.S. and entered the country into long term and costly wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Then global financial crises in 2008, led U.S. into an unprecedented stagnation. U.S. critical economy was placed in more vulnerable position than before. On the other hand China's place in the global economy was promoted and trans-regional influence of the country was developed in these years. This article tries to answer the question that what impact has the china's power seeking in international political economy on the hegemony of the United States, by applying the theory of power displacement and with focus on Power transitions theories. The authors conclude that china's growing power intensified the decline of financial hegemony of United States, but has no significant effect on its political and security power and the United States’ weakness is much related to its macroeconomics.
Amir Hooshang Mirkooshesh; Mohammad Mehdi Mazaheri
Volume 2, Issue 4 , April 2013, , Pages 161-182
Abstract
Pakistan is one of the countries which have many political and security concerns in home, region and even in international arena. This country is facing with ethnic and religious extremism. Pakistan at the regional level is facing with both Afghanistan and Kashmir crisis and is struggling against the ...
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Pakistan is one of the countries which have many political and security concerns in home, region and even in international arena. This country is facing with ethnic and religious extremism. Pakistan at the regional level is facing with both Afghanistan and Kashmir crisis and is struggling against the pressures of international community for its nuclear weapons and it’s Islamism’ relationship with Al Qaeda. In this paper the problem of ethnic conflict as one of The Pakistan’s Baluchistan province has been studies. The main goal of this article is the roots of this conflict and its reflections. This dispute has been analyzed in geopolitical context. The findings of this paper are descriptive and analytical which shows the distribution of Baloch nationsalism and discrimination has led to separatist goals. These separatist trends have also negative consequences in the region including Iran
Abstract
Islamic civilization in its early days detected identity barriers with disbelievers as outsiders. Meanwhile, it showed tolerant and moderate attitude toward them. This factor led to spiritual extension and Islam durability among the residents of the Islamic newly conquered regions. But as Islamic civilization ...
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Islamic civilization in its early days detected identity barriers with disbelievers as outsiders. Meanwhile, it showed tolerant and moderate attitude toward them. This factor led to spiritual extension and Islam durability among the residents of the Islamic newly conquered regions. But as Islamic civilization grew weak, getting away from original Islam and facing with external and aggressive otherness like Moguls, Crusaders and also dominance of Turks Caliphate System, extension of classes racked from Islam and xenophobic attitude among Takfiri group become widespread. This approach targeted outsiders from the beginning and represented the strictest treatment to them; but through time by with diversification of the derivations in Islamic world, Takfirist grew hostile toward other Islamic sects. In this paper we try to explain background of otherness and excommunication in the Islam world. It is elucidated that at the beginning the range of atheism and other definition was so narrow and restricted to Combat Unbelievers, but along with development of Salafi thoughts and using external factors, not only it was extended but it was turned into a tool for eliminating rival identities.
Homeira Moshir Zadeh; Fatemeh Salavati Toroghi
Volume 4, Issue 12 , July 2015, , Pages 163-191
Abstract
Egypt’s foreign policy as an Arab, Islamic, African country and an influential actor in the Middle East has always been an important issue and its constitutive factors, changes, and continuities in the course of time have attracted students of foreign policy and the Middle East. This article explores ...
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Egypt’s foreign policy as an Arab, Islamic, African country and an influential actor in the Middle East has always been an important issue and its constitutive factors, changes, and continuities in the course of time have attracted students of foreign policy and the Middle East. This article explores the ways in which Sadat’s and Mubarak’s foreign policies were formed on the basis of their perceptions of Egypt’s national role. Within the analytical framework of Role Theory and by relying on process-tracing method in which causal sequence of events are examined, the article shows how the two presidents’ foreign policy differences can be explained by their different role perceptions. It is argued that while Sadat followed a Pharaonicist national role, Mubarak’s perception of national role was that of the guardian of Arabs’ solidarit
Asghar Jaafari Valdani; Leila Rahmati Poor
Volume 2, Issue 6 , September 2014, , Pages 163-193
Abstract
Following the formation of the fourth debate in the field of international
relations theory, culture became important as well as the tangible elements
of shaping behaviors. In these theories, culture and strategic culture as
internal factors that shape the identity of actors in the international arena
became ...
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Following the formation of the fourth debate in the field of international
relations theory, culture became important as well as the tangible elements
of shaping behaviors. In these theories, culture and strategic culture as
internal factors that shape the identity of actors in the international arena
became highlighted, and influenced the attitudes of elites and governments
as well as the methods of crisis management of the countries. Thus,
identifying factors that shape the identity of a nation and its principles,
including strategic culture can help understanding the actions of nations in
international crises. This issue reveals its importance in the Middle East
crises (most notably the Syrian crisis) due to the great sensitivity of the
region. In this paper we attempt to answer this question that, how China's
strategic culture affects its behavior in international crisis management in
Syria.
Abstract
Before the emergence of ISIS, there was an idea that the danger of Neosalafism is limited in the Middle East but it is accepted that this kind of fundamentalism threatens international security. The growing number of European citizens joining Neosalafist groups such as ISIS shows that Europe is confronting ...
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Before the emergence of ISIS, there was an idea that the danger of Neosalafism is limited in the Middle East but it is accepted that this kind of fundamentalism threatens international security. The growing number of European citizens joining Neosalafist groups such as ISIS shows that Europe is confronting one of the most important security dilemmas after World War II. What are the most important reasons of joining the European young people to Neosalafist groups? What are the main security consequences of this phenomenon in Europe? On the basis of Casstell's theory, the process of “identity making project" in Europe could not attract European Muslims and led to creation of “identity resistance" in European Muslims and expansion on Neosalafism. The aim of this article is to examine the reasons of the Neosalafism expansion in Europe and security consequences of this expansion in the European society.
Shohreh Pirani
Abstract
Understanding the reasons of violence and political extremism has become one of the main areas of political psychology in the past two decades. Considering the role of cultural and religious components with the aim of motivating individuals to engage in violent acts, one of the most important reasons ...
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Understanding the reasons of violence and political extremism has become one of the main areas of political psychology in the past two decades. Considering the role of cultural and religious components with the aim of motivating individuals to engage in violent acts, one of the most important reasons for understanding political violence in this paper is attention. In this article, it will be attempted to analyze, critique and evaluate actions aimed at ISIS violence within the framework of cultural-religious theory.
The main question is: what are the reasons and the religious and cultural structures of the violence among the members of the ISIS group? The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that ISIS violence derives from factors such as reproduction of culture of violence, religious intolerance, crisis of meaning, feeling of humiliation, discrimination and a feeling of injustice and inequality. The main focus of this article is on the most important cultural-religious factors in the emergence of ISIS violence, including the culture of honor, religious fanaticism, the crisis of meaning and identity loss, the sense of discrimination and cultural-religious humiliation, and the desire for survival and overcoming the death anxiety.
Majid Abbasi; Jabbar Khoda Doost
Volume 4, Issue 13 , October 2015, , Pages 169-196
Abstract
After the end of the cold war and collapsing of the bipolar system, Germany has made significant changes in its foreign and security policy and has made itself ready to have an influential presence for international peace and security Preservation. This includes presence of German troops in Afghanistan ...
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After the end of the cold war and collapsing of the bipolar system, Germany has made significant changes in its foreign and security policy and has made itself ready to have an influential presence for international peace and security Preservation. This includes presence of German troops in Afghanistan after 11th of September 2001attacks and the overthrow of Taliban. Now the question is that what role Germany has played for establishing and Preservation of peace and security in Afghanistan? The results in this study indicate, despite the fact that the presence and active engagement of German troops in Afghanistan under NATO and ISAF has not succeeded in eradicating terrorism, but has enabled Afghan government in good governance, in reconstructing socio- economic structures as well as bringing partial peace in this Country.
Morteza Nourmohammadi; Roohollah Talebi Arani
Volume 5, Issue 16 , June 2016, , Pages 169-192
Abstract
Technology always has played an increasingly vital role in shaping human life.
In terms of International Relations, the existence of nuclear weapons technology
affected politics during Cold War era, but, nowadays, in the Age of Information,
Information and communications technology play an increasingly ...
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Technology always has played an increasingly vital role in shaping human life.
In terms of International Relations, the existence of nuclear weapons technology
affected politics during Cold War era, but, nowadays, in the Age of Information,
Information and communications technology play an increasingly vital role in
international system, international security, war and conflicts. Thus, drawing a
content analysis on significant theoretical classic texts in international relations,
the article seeks to explain whether and to what extent three grand theoretical
approaches to international relations, realism, liberalism and constructivism,
have theoretically paid attention to a role played by the expansion of Information
and communications technology in international arena. The article concluded that
international relations theories would have experience a conceptual development.
The reflexivist criticism of the dominant theoretical approaches of international
relations grow more severe, and theories such as constructivism would be more
significant than ever.
Reza Eltyaminia; Ali Bagheri Dolat Abadi; Jaseb Nikfar
Abstract
Yemen crisis is not only emanating from the role of internal actors, but also is
because of engaging and intervening of the regional and extra-regional such as
Saudi Arabia, cooperation council of Persian gulf, America and Zionist regime
that has played the critical role in process of formation of ...
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Yemen crisis is not only emanating from the role of internal actors, but also is
because of engaging and intervening of the regional and extra-regional such as
Saudi Arabia, cooperation council of Persian gulf, America and Zionist regime
that has played the critical role in process of formation of Yemen crisis and its
exacerbation. findings of this research show that the official of policy making of
America argued that by engaging of Iran in the regional level and the regions
that consider as strategic depth of the social and political base of Iran, it led to
erosion of the regional and political power and capacity of Iran and the
resistance block .the main question of this paper is that what are the main
factors of formation of Yemen crisis and role of the external and internal actors
especially Saudi Arabia and America in Yemen crisis. Research method is
analytical- description. The theoretical framework of this research is focused on
using of the Jon Foran theory (causes of revolutions defeat and regional balance
in the heterogenetic systems in the ciaos making or creating strategic
environments.
nesa z; Ebrahim Sarparst Sadat; s a
Abstract
Turkey's constitutional referendum is a recent era of internal developments in Turkey. With the fragile victory of the Justice and Development Party on April 16, 2017, the study of this referendum and developments regarding the future of democracy in the country can be considered a matter worthy of further ...
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Turkey's constitutional referendum is a recent era of internal developments in Turkey. With the fragile victory of the Justice and Development Party on April 16, 2017, the study of this referendum and developments regarding the future of democracy in the country can be considered a matter worthy of further study. In this paper, the paper attempts to analyze the constitutional referendum of Turkey by using the theory of elite circulation as a theoretical framework. In this regard, the central question of the article is how does the referendum on the Turkish constitution affect the future of democracy and political stability in Turkey? This paper, based on descriptive and analytical documents, has strengthened the hypothesis that the recent constitution referendum of Turkey has undermined the future of the political system based on the circulation of the elites of the country, and it leads to mediation that competitive environment will be limited to other non-government elites, such as opposition parties, and the future of political stability and democracy in this country will be more fragile than the past, as well as the future of Turkish political and social security, more shaky than before.
Abstract
Variety of ethnic groups, different languages and cultural differences can cause conflicts and ethnic tensions in communities, but the emergence of an ethnic conflict depends on the government's approach in managing these diversity. One of the most important mechanisms for governments to manage ethnic ...
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Variety of ethnic groups, different languages and cultural differences can cause conflicts and ethnic tensions in communities, but the emergence of an ethnic conflict depends on the government's approach in managing these diversity. One of the most important mechanisms for governments to manage ethnic diversity, language and cultural differences, is federalism. Federalism can be defined as decentralization and granting administrative autonomy to a Region in terms of geographic divisions. But federalism function to reduce ethnic conflicts, is not necessarily positive and can lead to deterioration in some cases. Accordingly, this study tries to analyze the impact of federalism on ethnic conflicts in Iraq. The research hypothesis is: through a process of creating bureaucratic structures, development of political parties and the recognition and acceptance of cultural differences, federalism can reduce sectarian violence and ethnic conflicts. The methodology of research is descriptive-explanatory.
Abstract
Producers and consumers of energy have sought to balance benefits and costs in production, trade and security of energy to afford their national interests. In this regard the study of Qatari and Russian energy polices as the two most important suppliers of oil and gas is important. The main question ...
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Producers and consumers of energy have sought to balance benefits and costs in production, trade and security of energy to afford their national interests. In this regard the study of Qatari and Russian energy polices as the two most important suppliers of oil and gas is important. The main question of the present article is as follows: how these actors use energy polices for upgrading national interests and which strategies they set to contribute energy diplomacy to foreign policy? The findings illustrate that despite both Qatar and Russia pursue a better position at regional and international levels and improve soft power in foreign policy, their achievements are not alike. While Russia has failed to generate soft power due to having a political and military approach to energy, Qatar has gained a torrent benefits such as socio-economic development and making a positive international image through economic diversification and avoiding political leveraging. moreover the export strategy and the kind of relations with the United states affects the energy diplomacy of Qatar and Russia.
Hassan Daheshiar
Volume 3, Issue 9 , February 2015, , Pages 179-201
Abstract
The main focus of detailed discussions in this essay was studying the reasonsthat caused Syria to turn into an important security issue for Iran. Given thelong history of relations between the two, the emergence of this crisis hasactivated Iran heavily and roughly to prevent and confront the West's powersince ...
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The main focus of detailed discussions in this essay was studying the reasonsthat caused Syria to turn into an important security issue for Iran. Given thelong history of relations between the two, the emergence of this crisis hasactivated Iran heavily and roughly to prevent and confront the West's powersince lagging in this issue will impose heavy prices on the Islamic Republic ofIran. The current essay has studied four important reasons for the securityimportance of Syria to Iran; Syria as a dam against the infiltration of the USanti-Iran policies in the Middle-East, Syria's common borders with Hezbollahand Israel, Syria as a place for adopting ideological defense-invasion strategyand its stance in the confluence point of the Islamic Iran and the Arabnationalism ideologies can be the main elements for forming Iran-Syriansecurity relations. As Iran's ally, Syria can be a key factor in preventing theWest's complete plundering of the region and given the four aforementionedcomponents, it can justify and redefine Iran's all-out support for Syria during thecrisis in the country.
Mojtaba Abdkhodaee; Zeinab Tabrizi
Volume 4, Issue 15 , March 2016, , Pages 179-200
Abstract
Recent movements in the Middle East, in addition to their diverse influences, have provided a good opportunity for foreign policy of some Arab countries to play a more active role in the region. Recent changes in the Middle East and the stance of governments towards the Islamic movements of the people ...
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Recent movements in the Middle East, in addition to their diverse influences, have provided a good opportunity for foreign policy of some Arab countries to play a more active role in the region. Recent changes in the Middle East and the stance of governments towards the Islamic movements of the people of the region indicate that the government of Qatar is following a specific role. On the other hand the dual positions of this country towards the issue of Palestine and its concurrency with the mentioned role has raised some questions: “What are the reasons of these dual positions?” ”What are the goals of the country’s foreign policy for such duality?”and “What is the relation between the role of Qatar in the issue and the recent movements in the Middle East?”This article attempts to review the factors involved in adopting a dual approach by Qatar in the issue of Palestine after Islamic awakening and the developments in the Arab world. It also suggests that the structural requirements of Qatar, and its dependence to Saudi Arabia and the United States caused this policies in recent developments.on the other hand, this role which returns to the issue of Palestine and Israel's security is in conflict with the culture and social beliefs of the country and has resulted in duality in positions.
Abstract
Islamic movements in the last two centuries in the Islamic world, especially after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, have raised many questions about their nature and their actions. After the new Arab revolutions in the region and the recruitment of violent religious groups, it has become a widespread ...
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Islamic movements in the last two centuries in the Islamic world, especially after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, have raised many questions about their nature and their actions. After the new Arab revolutions in the region and the recruitment of violent religious groups, it has become a widespread concern for the international system and global analysts. Meanwhile, one of the main questions is the understanding of their view of general satisfaction or the use of force and the conquest of the establishment of a religious government and its maintenance and survival.
In this paper, by comparing the views of Imam Khomeini and Sayyed Qutb, two contemporary revolutionary thinkers of the Islamic world, on republicanism and despotism, and the attention to the theoretical foundations and historical sources, and their reflection on the movements affected by each of these two views. And it turns out that the element of violence is to look at the negation of republicanism and the legitimacy of despotism. Imam Khomeini's positive attitude toward republicanism and the rejection of violence has led Islamic groups affected by the Islamic Revolution and Imam Khomeini to have a democratic and largely peaceful approach to their political encounters; on the contrary, a negative attitude toward republicanism and the acceptance of violence in the way of creation of an Islamic state by Sayyed Qutb has led to the formation and expansion of the spirit of militarism and zealot among his followers.
