Political Sociology
Taha Ashayeri; Akbar Zolfaghari; Tahereh Jahanparvar; Faezeh Raghami
Abstract
IntroductionPolitical–ethnic violence arises from abrupt, heterogeneous, and disruptive social development and changes that lead to social disorganization and multidimensional anomie. Related to the social structure, political violence results from the unequal distribution of opportunities, discrimination, ...
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IntroductionPolitical–ethnic violence arises from abrupt, heterogeneous, and disruptive social development and changes that lead to social disorganization and multidimensional anomie. Related to the social structure, political violence results from the unequal distribution of opportunities, discrimination, and deprivation, carrying destabilizing consequences for the political system. Experts identify several factors as causes of political–ethnic violence, including the erosion of social capital, increasing individualism, declining civil cohesion, economic pressures, widening class gaps, discrimination, and external provocations. In this respect, the present research aimed to investigate the factors underlying political–ethnic violence by adopting a meta-analysis approach, focusing on the researches conducted during 2007–2021. Materials and MethodsThe research method employed in this study is a quantitative meta-analysis. The researcher identified relevant studies by conducting a comprehensive review of the literature and researches conducted during 2007–2021, focusing specifically on political–ethnic violence. A sample size of 20 documents was selected after careful consideration of methodological rigor, reliability, and validity. The documents were then categorized and organized according to the research method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and publication year. The values of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, were entered into the second edition of Comprehensive Meta-Analysis (CMA) software. The Q-test, together with the funnel chart, was utilized to assess the homogeneity or heterogeneity of the studies. After confirming the heterogeneity hypothesis, the research employed a moderating (contextual) to measure its impact on political violence.Table 1. Summary of Meta-Analysis Research Results and DiscussionThe findings of the study revealed a significant relationship between various factors and the political–ethnic violence. The identified factors are related to discrimination (including social, political, and economic discrimination), identity (including religious identity, ethnic identity, ethnic subculture patterns, and national identity), deprivation (including cultural, political, and social deprivation), social capital (such as sociopolitical cohesion, trust, participation, awareness, and low political culture), psychological makeup (involving feelings of ethnic dignity, social satisfaction, ethnic tension and difference, alienation, and social isolation), and context (such as education, income, and social class). According to the results, there is a higher tendency towards political–ethnic violence among males (18%) compared to females (15%). Furthermore, the study indicates that the level of political–ethnic violence is higher Turkish (19%) and Lur and Arab ethnic groups (17%) followed by a more moderate level in Kurdish (12%) and Persian (11%) ethnic groups. The Baloch and Turkmen ethnic groups exhibit a lower tendency towards political-ethnic violence with the figure of 10%. In addition, the findings suggest that the inclination towards political violence is higher in less developed areas (18%), moderate in developing regions (13%), and lower in developed areas (10%). ConclusionThe results indicate that political violence is deeply rooted in society and culture, often triggered by rapid and sudden social changes, class and economic gaps, and social disorganization over time. The failure of social institutions to regulate class dynamics effectively creates a sense of multiple deprivation among ethnic groups, leading to the emergence of political–ethnic violence. Media advertisements, both domestic and foreign, and the influence of sectarian movements in the real world and cyberspace also play a significant role in initiating, perpetuating, and intensifying political violence. The decline in sociopolitical capital, widening social and class disparities, and a sense of multiple deprivation and multidimensional anomie provide fertile ground for violence to flourish. The greater the sense of failure, deprivation, and frustration, the higher the likelihood of aggression towards the perceived source of these problems. Moreover, the severity of deprivation directly correlates with the intensity of violence. Mass media amplifies and accelerates psychological pressure for radical and violent actions. The weakening management, control, organization, and efficiency of social structures provide the ground for anomie and social disorder, ultimately leading to the emergence of political violence as a response to the relative deprivation, discrimination, and social isolation.
Farshad Roomi; Ehsan Kazemi
Abstract
Mankind is facing one of the greatest events in contemporary history. The prevalence of corona disease has dramatic economic, political and social consequences and is changing the individual and collective culture and behavior of human beings. The research question is that “How the coronavirus ...
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Mankind is facing one of the greatest events in contemporary history. The prevalence of corona disease has dramatic economic, political and social consequences and is changing the individual and collective culture and behavior of human beings. The research question is that “How the coronavirus pandemic will impact on the domestic politics and international relations?” The authors believe that in the post-Corona period, we will see the rise of nationalism and the Strengthening the state role in governing the community and the transformation of public health into a matter of national security. In the foreign field, Governments will withdraw from the globalization process to save the lives of their citizens by restricting the free movement of people and goods and by tightening immigration policies and protecting borders. The research findings indicate that has changed the nature of threats in the 21st century and inequality in economic and social structures and a lack of health care can challenge the internal security of governments. Also, corona reminds us that global politics must be reformed, contrary to the principles of neoliberalism and minimal government.
ali bagheri dolatabadi
Abstract
The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has had widespread reflections in the region and in the world. Despite the fact that the greatest impact of the Islamic Revolution took place in the region and in Iran's neighbors, some evidence implying that the extent of the impact of the Iranian revolution ...
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The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has had widespread reflections in the region and in the world. Despite the fact that the greatest impact of the Islamic Revolution took place in the region and in Iran's neighbors, some evidence implying that the extent of the impact of the Iranian revolution on Central Asia countries has been limited. This research seeks to answer the question why the Islamic Revolution failed to have an outstanding effect on the region? The hypothesis of the research points to the existence of problems in the political structure of the Central Asian countries in accepting the revolution, as well as the problems inside Iran to export the revolution. For this purpose, causative method and diffusion theory have been used. The findings of the research show that Some problems in the Origin and destination of the diffusion, including the lack of proper attention of Iran to the region of Central Asia, the pragmatic approach of Iran's foreign policy, the existence of authoritarian governments in the above region, the existence of regional and transnational rivals and etc. have been the most important reasons for Iran's failure to export its revolution to the central Asian countries.
Majid Sharafkhani; Rahmat Hajimineh; Mohammad Reza Dehshiri
Abstract
From the time of mercantilism onwards, international trade has always been an arena of geopolitical rivalry, and the unipolar international order that emerged after the end of the cold war essentially created a special security architecture in the strategic Middle East so that it could maintain its status ...
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From the time of mercantilism onwards, international trade has always been an arena of geopolitical rivalry, and the unipolar international order that emerged after the end of the cold war essentially created a special security architecture in the strategic Middle East so that it could maintain its status quo. Powers inevitably have to choose between two options to work within the framework or to challenge it. This paper examines the competition between the US and china in the form of strategic hedging and under the global value chain structure. The authors will seek to answer the question: What is china's middle east economic strategy in competition with the US? The research hypothesis is that China's middle East economic strategy in competing with the US is targeted influence through the most effective sections of the international value chain. The research findings are based on its explanatory-analytical method, that in the Middle East look, China according to the United States' efforts to build a unified trade front to counter Beijing's state-owned capitalism and in order to reduce its energy security risk, has focused on technology security at targeting growth in the value chain hierarchy and gaining a foothold at its highest levels.
farzad rostami
Abstract
Human Rights issue, is among the fundamental achievements of the international relations and law. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an actor with different norms and ideologies than the norms that shape human rights, has always been exposed to various accusations by human rights activists and institutions. ...
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Human Rights issue, is among the fundamental achievements of the international relations and law. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an actor with different norms and ideologies than the norms that shape human rights, has always been exposed to various accusations by human rights activists and institutions. To the extent that this issue has gone beyond the legal nature and has been raised in a security and political framework. Now, this article seeks to examine the security situation of the human rights case of the Islamic Republic of Iran within the framework of the Copenhagen School and then examining the current situation of Trump coming to power, and finally to provide a solution in this regard. Accordingly, the question of the article is how the human rights dispute between Iran and the West is progressing. The available findings show that, given the differences in the norms shaping human rights between the West and the Islamic Republic of Iran, the process of securitizing of human rights has always been a lever to put pressure on Iran and its isolationist policy in the international environment will be on the agenda.
Gholamreza khajehsarvy; Mohammadbager khorramshad; abbas rahbar; Seyed Zakaria Mahmoodi Raja
Abstract
In heterogeneous cultural-religious systems, recognizing the variables affecting citizens' voting behavior and political participation is vital for good policy-making and management. The issue of research is the analysis of the factors influencing the Turkmen people to vote for the discourse of moderation ...
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In heterogeneous cultural-religious systems, recognizing the variables affecting citizens' voting behavior and political participation is vital for good policy-making and management. The issue of research is the analysis of the factors influencing the Turkmen people to vote for the discourse of moderation in the twelfth presidential election. This research was descriptive in terms of orientation, application and type of research and the survey method was used. The statistical population is the citizens of Turkmen ethnic group in Golestan and 344 people were randomly selected as the statistical sample. Reliability and validity of the research instrument were measured using factor load coefficient, combined reliability, Cronbach's alpha, convergent validity and divergent validity. The data were analyzed using Smart-PLS and SPSS software. One-sample t-test and Friedman test were used to test the research hypotheses. Findings show that candidate personality traits, electoral expectations, influence of political-religious trustees, closeness to religious-ethnic ideologies, regional developments in the region and virtual networks had the greatest impact on the Turkmen people's vote for moderation in the twelfth presidential election. The findings of the ranking also show, respectively, election expectations, closeness to religious ideologies, historical factors, global-regional developments, the influence of political-religious trustees, candidate personality traits and virtual networks play the most important role in the tendency of the Turkmen people to the discourse of moderate.
Political Sociology
Majid Mohammadi; Ahmad Bakhshayeshi; Mohammad Tohidfam; Aliakbar Amini
Abstract
Kurdish counter-revolutionary movements are one of the causes of insecurity in the west of the country, which fled to northern Iraq after the imposed war. On the other hand, the fall of Saddam in 2003 changed the political structure of Iraq. In the context of Iraq's ethnic and religious heterogeneity, ...
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Kurdish counter-revolutionary movements are one of the causes of insecurity in the west of the country, which fled to northern Iraq after the imposed war. On the other hand, the fall of Saddam in 2003 changed the political structure of Iraq. In the context of Iraq's ethnic and religious heterogeneity, a consensus-based democracy was chosen to govern Iraq instead of Western-majority democracies. This model of government had effects and consequences that sometimes led to a change in the position and power of the Iraqi Kurds. Given the unified identity and identical historical and cultural background of the Kurds, this change will have implications for the Kurds of other countries, including the Iranian Kurdish counter-revolutionary parties. The purpose of this study was to provide an appropriate explanation regarding the impact of this trend on counter-revolutionary currents. This research is of applied type and qualitative method with descriptive and analytical approach. The theoretical framework of Lechfart's model of association democracy is based on 20 Kurdish counter-revolutionary experts and the Iraqi Kurdistan region to ensure the reliability of the research. It is suggested to increase the cost of hosting Iranian Kurdish anti-revolutionary parties for the Kurdistan region of Iraq.
Hossein Heidari; Bagher Saroukhani; Mehrdad Navabakhsh
Abstract
This paper tries to investigate the feeling of deprivation and justice and its evolution process in Azerbaijan with using the secondary analysis method and based on the data of the surveys of Iranians' values and attitudes on 2000 and 2015. Feeling of justice in this paper analyzed in three demission: ...
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This paper tries to investigate the feeling of deprivation and justice and its evolution process in Azerbaijan with using the secondary analysis method and based on the data of the surveys of Iranians' values and attitudes on 2000 and 2015. Feeling of justice in this paper analyzed in three demission: "Feeling of social justice", "judicial justice" and "ethnic justice". The results show that the feeling of justice -in all of the examined indicators- is moderate or higher than it. Based on the results of this research attitudes towards "the violation of individuals' rights if they haven't money and nepotism" and "professionals, experts and ordinary individuals not being appointed to the higher positions" from social justice indicators and also the attitude toward "implementing the same law on both officials and people" from judicial justice indicators have been improved but attitudes towards "enforcing the rights through legitimate ways" and "ethnic justice" have been diminished. The observed differences in the investigated variables are statistically significant except for the attitude towards "enforcing the rights through legitimate" means.
Seyed Mohammad Mehdi Hoseini Faegh
Abstract
Currently, some important Jewish communities in Israel live primarily in the media because of their particular lifestyle and isolationism. They have specific beliefs and particular personal and social lifestyles that are mainly rooted in ancient Judaism. The opinions and beliefs of this community are ...
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Currently, some important Jewish communities in Israel live primarily in the media because of their particular lifestyle and isolationism. They have specific beliefs and particular personal and social lifestyles that are mainly rooted in ancient Judaism. The opinions and beliefs of this community are in line with Jewish (pragmatic) fundamentalists, and therefore hold to the Jewish fundamentalist mandates. The ideas of the community in the social and political context, along with their growing importance - by rapid population growth and effective political presence - have made them an influential stream. Given their efforts to be more influential (in the context of fundamentalist discourse) - particularly in the political arena - and in view of their principles and objectives as well as the demographic and political structure of Israel, it seems that reinforcing this trend will increase tensions. And there will be an increase in extremist tendencies in the Israeli regime and even will include fundamental questions about the identity of the present Israel regime and its future.
Mohammad Reza Amiri fahlyiani; Taha Abin; Nazanin zahra Setoudeh
Abstract
Cities are a source of creativity and technology and engines for economic growth. cities are also a source of poverty, inequality and environmental health risks. In this study, the coronavirus environmental crisis that humanity is currently suffering from and challenging, in terms of power relations, ...
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Cities are a source of creativity and technology and engines for economic growth. cities are also a source of poverty, inequality and environmental health risks. In this study, the coronavirus environmental crisis that humanity is currently suffering from and challenging, in terms of power relations, intervention, appropriation in the urban environment that is the result of political ecology and its effects on urban space with the structural analysis approach is examined. The present study, in terms of applied purpose, has been carried out in terms of survey method at the exploratory level and based on the future research approach. In this study, the drivers of the impact of political ecology through text-mining in valid domestic and foreign documents and the opinion of a group of experts have been investigated. by holding a joint Delphi meeting of experts, the impact of the identified propulsions on each other has been weighed and discussed. Then the position of each propellant was checked through "Mikomak" software. The results indicate that the drivers of income deficit, income inequality, marginalization and social inequality, have been identified as key effective forces of political ecology by experts that are effective in the future spread of infectious diseases in the city.
Mohammad Hadi Raji; Abuzar Gohari Moqadam
Abstract
Research issues in the political sciences are becoming increasingly complex. The contemporary era, which is inspired by postmodernism, integration and complexity of knowledge, has created special conditions in research methods, issues and approaches. The transition from Newtonian physics to quantum physics ...
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Research issues in the political sciences are becoming increasingly complex. The contemporary era, which is inspired by postmodernism, integration and complexity of knowledge, has created special conditions in research methods, issues and approaches. The transition from Newtonian physics to quantum physics has brought about significant changes in social physics and related sciences, including political science. What is the political science framework based on the quantum approach? It is considered as the main question of this research. The main purpose of this research is to be able to explain the political science framework based on the quantum approach by criticizing the Newtonian framework of political science. In this work, for data collection, documentary method and for data analysis, while using the network framework and quantum physics, a qualitative technique with a descriptive and analytical approach has been used. Findings indicate that political science based on the quantum approach has undergone significant changes in the areas of political science, political methodology and political tools by emerging from Newtonian a priori and linear structures. In this process, power is seen as a quantum game and dynamic narrative.
Mostafa Maleki
Abstract
Under the influence of political and economic nationalism, competition in the production and distribution of vaccines, and the strengthening of the new discourse of world order, the post-Coronation world is undergoing new developments. In the meantime, it is necessary to study the interaction of these ...
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Under the influence of political and economic nationalism, competition in the production and distribution of vaccines, and the strengthening of the new discourse of world order, the post-Coronation world is undergoing new developments. In the meantime, it is necessary to study the interaction of these developments on the German program in the presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of 2020, as the first planned European policy after Corona, to understand the effects of this phenomenon. At the same time as chairing the Security Council as a non-permanent member, the presidency has provided a unique opportunity for the country to strengthen its role in Europe and the international arena. Content review of the statements of German officials and their plans in various fields, especially economic and foreign policy, helps the authors of this article to answer the main question: "How and what effects has the Corona crisis had on the Council of Europe?" This descriptive and analytical study concludes that Germany seeks to use "Corona Crisis Management" as an opportunity to repair and strengthen its economic and moral leadership and to strengthen its political position in line with "more responsibility" policies.
Seyed Hassan Mirfakhraei; Mostafa khodaei
Abstract
Due to the Islamic Republic of Iran's approach to the West, and especially to the United States, Iran has been recognized as a threatening actor and has found an important place in NATO's security approach. NATO's concern over Iran's growing influence in the Arab world, as exemplified by its influence ...
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Due to the Islamic Republic of Iran's approach to the West, and especially to the United States, Iran has been recognized as a threatening actor and has found an important place in NATO's security approach. NATO's concern over Iran's growing influence in the Arab world, as exemplified by its influence in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Palestine, has led to policies such as NATO's expansion into Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, and close security and intelligence and economic cooperation with the Arab countries and the fringe of the Persian Gulf countries. This article tries to answer this question: "What is NATO's approach to confronting the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East?" by using an analytical-descriptive method. The findings show that NATO's expansion to the east, while having a negative impact on Iran's relations with the European Union, the Central Asian and Caucasus republics and the Gulf Cooperation Council, will make West, and the United States put more pressure on Iran. NATO seeks to reduce Iran's role and influence in the region with strategically controlling controlling energy and transportation routes and controlling ethnic, political and ideological movements.
Iranian Domestic Policy
Nima Shabafrooz; Ali Morshedizad; Hoseenali Nozari; Hamid Ahmadi
Abstract
Introduction Both in pre- and in post-Revolution periods, Iran’s critical geopolitical and geostrategic position, as well as its revolutionary Islamic ideology, has made it a highly important player at both the regional and international levels. This sensitive and perilous position has exposed ...
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Introduction Both in pre- and in post-Revolution periods, Iran’s critical geopolitical and geostrategic position, as well as its revolutionary Islamic ideology, has made it a highly important player at both the regional and international levels. This sensitive and perilous position has exposed the country to various incidents and events, including economic sanctions, recreation and overt and covert support of terrorist groups, and the sale of advanced weapons to regional actors. The resulting scenarios and potential power vacuums could create a divide in political participation and society, leading to a legitimacy gap, questions of authority, and a disruption of national unity. Given the importance of the current moment and the conditions ahead, it is essential for scholarly community to analyze and provide solutions for potential crises related to political participation. Furthermore, numerous domestic and structural obstacles have emerged as significant challenges to political participation in the Islamic Republic of Iran over the past four decades, leading to a crisis and serious problems in political participation.The crisis of political participation is a clear indication of an ineffective political system. This crisis stems from a growing gap between the people and the governance system, eroding trust between political leaders and people and causing a rift between the state and the nation. This lack of trust in political leaders impedes people’s willingness to participate in the political process, resulting in political deadlocks and potentially dire consequences for society. The Purpose of ResearchThe purpose of this research was to examine the interrelated effects of multiple crises, including inefficiency, distribution, identity, influence, and legitimacy crises, on the political system, with a particular focus on the presidency of Hassan Rouhani. The research question is, what are the consequences of crises for active political participation?MethodologyThis research employed a descriptive–analytical method, utilizing a cross-sectional study of a particular time period. FindingsBy exploring the correlations and conflicts between data, the study confirms that any political crisis signals a decrease in authority and legitimacy, ultimately resulting in a decline in active political participation and a crisis in the political system. The events of December 2017, the rise in price of gasoline and the unrest of November 2019, the Ukrainian plane crash, the crisis of inefficiency in price control, broken promises, and the distribution crisis led to a growing class divide and the decline of the urban middle class. Moreover, the gap between the language used by the governance system and the language of the people, the people’s demands and how they interacted with the political system, and the quality of their influence on politics can only be evaluated by criteria such as political participation. It is important to note that various events and occurrences, influenced by political actors and competing, parallel forces both inside and outside the government’s decision-making, have contributed to the widening scope of the crisis. However, for the purposes of this study, the term crisis refers specifically to the period of Rouhani’s administration.Discussion and ConclusionThe analysis revealed that the inefficiency crisis and distribution crisis, along with more institutionalized crises of identity and influence, erodes legitimacy at different levels, thereby reducing political participation. This study aimed to demonstrate the relationship between crises and political participation, highlighting how the inefficiency of Rouhani’s government and its inability to distribute economic and political resources fairly led to a decline in legitimacy, increased dissatisfaction, and a drop in political participation. Specifically, four major failures of the 11th and 12th governments were identified, namely, foreign policy failures, mismanagement of the Ministry of Science, failure to control the monetary and financial crisis in various markets, and failure to manage COVID–19 pandemic.
seyyed abdollah razavi; mohammad nasr esfahani
Abstract
the dependence of the Iran economy on oil revenues has led to maintaining market share and the sale of crude oil at an optimum price to secure the economic security of the country. US sanctions on oil industry and the sale of Iranian crude oil, have stopped the cooperation and investments of oil companies ...
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the dependence of the Iran economy on oil revenues has led to maintaining market share and the sale of crude oil at an optimum price to secure the economic security of the country. US sanctions on oil industry and the sale of Iranian crude oil, have stopped the cooperation and investments of oil companies operating in development, and exports crude oil also experienced a significant decline. The present paper draws the channels of influence of the Trump strategies on the Iranian oil market with using the political economic theories. The results of the study indicate that with the recent pressure of the United States and the removal of some of Iran's crude oil from the global market, oil export opportunities for Iraq, the United States, … were made available to customers in the European and Asian markets to increase their market share Also, putting pressure by American on customers and helping rivals in Iran to provide space for the United States to increase its exports to Asia has put the security of the country's export markets at serious risk. recent agreement between OPEC member and non-members on reducing oil production has contributed greatly to the expansion of US production.
khalil sardarnia; Kooroush Badri; sina aminizadeh
Abstract
The main question of this research is, what is the relationship between trust to cyber social networks and social trust factors and institutional trust among students? The main hypothesis is that trust on social networks (facebook, twitter and etc) has meaningful impact on factors of social trust (family ...
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The main question of this research is, what is the relationship between trust to cyber social networks and social trust factors and institutional trust among students? The main hypothesis is that trust on social networks (facebook, twitter and etc) has meaningful impact on factors of social trust (family and religious & national identity) and institutional trust in two levels of government and civil institutions. The overall finding of this study shows that in the form of structural equations, 38% of the dependent variable,means institutional trust, was determined by independent variables, means trust in the social network and the mediating variables of social factors (family, national identity, and religious identity).Trust in social networks has a 26% negative effect on social factors of trust specially national identity, and this decrease in social trust also reduces institutional trust specially in governmental- sovereignty level. Among the components of social factors, national identity has the most negative impact on social networks with 23%; among institutional components, trust in political institutions indirectly has the highest negative impact on 14% of social networks, ultimately the main hypothesis of this research is proved.
Political Sociology
Reza Rastegarpour; Hasan Shafiee; Mohammad Reza Dehshiri
Abstract
Researchers, political parties and groups, and states have always been interested to understand the behavior and mental processes influencing the political choice, the reasons underlying participation or non-participation, and the behavior and motivation of voters. In addition to the contextual factors ...
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Researchers, political parties and groups, and states have always been interested to understand the behavior and mental processes influencing the political choice, the reasons underlying participation or non-participation, and the behavior and motivation of voters. In addition to the contextual factors (e.g., mass media, groups, political parties, states, ideologies, ethnicity, religions, regions, social classes, and the like), the behavioral processes of feeling, perception, motivation, or emotion can also play a determining role in the political attitude, understanding, and choice—alongside the prevailing conditions, culture, and atmosphere of a given society. This is a legitimate research topic in the field of political psychology worthy of further investigation. In this respect, the present research intends to examine emotion as one of the internal, behavioral states and processes influencing the political choice and the participation level.The motivation behind voters’ participation in elections depends on various factors. The first and perhaps the most important one is the acceptance of sovereignty and state by people, so the legitimacy of the governance system, trust in the health and fairness of elections, and confidence about the candidacy of real representatives of people are the determining factors influencing people’s participation. The second important factor is the general atmosphere prevailing in society, that is, the extent to which the most important issues of the day can motivate and encourage people’s participation in elections. Economic, social, and political crises or the events such as the possibility of war and internal disputes, together with healing and savior-like promises, can be considered as effective issues in the election process. Definitely influencing the participation level, the third significant factor is the candidacy of prominent, popular, charismatic, and influential figures. Moreover, a competitive and partisan atmosphere can increase the participation level to its high. Finally, by helping individuals, parties, and candidates in different ways, advertising and media performs a significant role in their victory or defeat. Besides these important reasons, the findings of political psychology show that in many cases the election result usually depends on emotion as a factor influencing the type and level of people’s participation in elections.Offering a brief overview of the Iranian presidential elections, the present research employs the theory of rational choice as a theoretical framework and the descriptive–analytical method in order to analyze the collected historical documents. The research tries to answer the key question of whether people’s tendency in elections is more influenced by rational choice or by emotion. In other words, which variable has a more influential role in the election process? and what spectrum of society, why, and under what conditions is affected by the emotional atmosphere? Assuming the rational choice as a logical goal, regardless of the positive and negative effects of emotion on the choice, an overview of the Iranian presidential elections confirms the hypothesis that influential events along with the presence of certain figures and competitors at different times can arouse emotion and create a passionate political and competitive atmosphere, leading to a high participation level.The study briefly reviews the results of the Iranian presidential elections from the beginning until now, but it especially focuses on the phases that witnessed the highest and lowest participation rates. The highest rate was seen in the third election (the election of Ayatollah Khamenei), the seventh election (the election of Mohammad Khatami) and the tenth election (the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad) while the sixth election (the election of Hashemi-Rafsanjani) and the thirteenth election (the election of Ebrahim Raisi) had the lowest level of people’s participation.There are various reasons behind the decrease and increase in the participation rate. The focus on motivational factors makes manifest the undeniable effect of changes in political emotion on the participation level. As an answer to the research questions, the findings generally confirm the theory of rational choice subscribing to the view that people naturally rely on rational calculations and consider personal interests in each choice, including the political one. However, the study of the presidential elections in Iran made clear that, in addition to motivational factors, other factors such as certain events and the presence of certain political figures at different times could arouse emotion and create a passionate political and competitive atmosphere, leading to an increase in the participation level.
Khalil Sardarnia; Henghameh Alborzi
Abstract
The social and guild protests from 2017 onward are a turning point in Iran because of intrinsically and formal differences with the protests in past. This research has been done by street politics theory and exploration-content analysis method by emphasis a social- guild protesters and viewpoint of expert. ...
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The social and guild protests from 2017 onward are a turning point in Iran because of intrinsically and formal differences with the protests in past. This research has been done by street politics theory and exploration-content analysis method by emphasis a social- guild protesters and viewpoint of expert. The authors try to answer this question: What are the differences between intrinsic and formal past protests the social and guild protests from 2017 onward and the past protests and why have been happened? The main findings of this study follow that: This protest intrinsically have been spontaneous- direct in street, leaderless, innovation in protest tactics, distrust to civic- guild assemblies, serial-continues horizontal relation whit other protests and so on. The information of this study shows that economic, political, social, motivational, environmental and legal variables respectively have been impact on this protest, but the economic variables have been in the most effectives.
International Relations
Majid Reza Momeni; Narges Khangol zadeh Sangroodi
Abstract
As two emerging Asian powers, India and China, have tried to expand their relations with Arab Countries of the Persian Gulf through public diplomacy which can be a platform for the realization of the foreign policy goals of these two countries. this study tries to address this important question that ...
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As two emerging Asian powers, India and China, have tried to expand their relations with Arab Countries of the Persian Gulf through public diplomacy which can be a platform for the realization of the foreign policy goals of these two countries. this study tries to address this important question that what are the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf between 2001and2021? The hypothesis in response to this question is that the importance of the concept and position of public diplomacy in order to acquire foreign policy goals and more influence in the region, as well as the use of language, literature and culture are similarities between the two countries; Methods of conducting public diplomacy including the film industry, the Confucius Institute, diaspora activity and the “Belt Road initiative” are the differences of Indo-Chinese public diplomacy. In this study, a comparative method is used to analyze the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Persian Gulf Arab countries. The finding of the research indicates that public diplomacy as the tool of national interests has been in the focus of India and China and this point is important for Iran based on the principle of neighborhood policy.
Goodarzi Mostafa; Ali Monavari; Gholamreza Karimi
Abstract
Messianism is one of the most important concepts in Judaism. The Zionist movement succeeded in establishing a Jewish state in the land of Palestine based on the changes it made to the traditional meaning of this concept. On the other hand, Messianism is the only common concept on which all the various ...
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Messianism is one of the most important concepts in Judaism. The Zionist movement succeeded in establishing a Jewish state in the land of Palestine based on the changes it made to the traditional meaning of this concept. On the other hand, Messianism is the only common concept on which all the various Jewish sects agree. Accordingly, after the establishment of the Jewish state in 1948, Messianism entered into all aspects of Israeli domestic and foreign policies. Also, simultaneously with the Islamic Revolution in Iran, right-wing and religious groups came to power in Israel in 1977 after thirty years. One of the common traits of rightists is that they are Messianic; thus, the variable of Messianism in the foreign policy of Israel towards Iran became an objective factor and appeared in a hostile manner. Therefore, the present article uses the theory of constructivism, which in addition to material issues such as power, also considers immaterial variables such as religion to be important in international relations; it seeks to answer the question of how Jewish Messianism led Israel to pursue a hostile foreign policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Faez Dinparast; Samere Paryab
Abstract
Elections, both for the presidency and the parliament, have played an important role in shaping political discourses and shaping citizenship demands. The purpose of this study is to explain the plan of ethnic demands by members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly in the two cities of Urmia and Tabriz ...
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Elections, both for the presidency and the parliament, have played an important role in shaping political discourses and shaping citizenship demands. The purpose of this study is to explain the plan of ethnic demands by members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly in the two cities of Urmia and Tabriz in the tenth term. The data required for this study were collected through images, slogans, lectures and interviews. The data collected in this study were analyzed by process tracking method. Findings show that in a political opportunity such as elections, ethnic elites pursue the goal of maintaining their privileged position and mobilizing resources to win elections by resorting to two measures of manipulating symbols and strengthening the feeling of relative deprivation.
ALi Sabbaghian; Masoud Fathipour
Abstract
The United States is one of the countries with a strong emphasis on foreign aid strategy in foreign policy. This strategy has continued with ups and downs since World War II and has spanned many countries. A review of US aid to Pakistan shows that the country has experienced many ups and downs in the ...
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The United States is one of the countries with a strong emphasis on foreign aid strategy in foreign policy. This strategy has continued with ups and downs since World War II and has spanned many countries. A review of US aid to Pakistan shows that the country has experienced many ups and downs in the past decades based on geopolitical relations and necessities. This article seeks to answer the question of "what are the motives and goals of the United States in providing foreign assistance in the field of international relations, and specifically in Pakistan?" Based on this hypothesis, the paper examines that the United States pursues several goals in providing foreign aid that are intended to stabilize American hegemony. The research findings show that foreign aid is being used as a realistic lever to increase US power and influence, helping to establish US hegemony. As for Pakistan, although reducing its aid does not seem to stop Pakistan from pursuing its high-risk policies in support of terrorist groups, the US approach is pushing to avoid this policy.
Seyyed Rouhollah Hadj Zargarbashi; Morteza Shokri
Abstract
New dynamics of power are emerging in the of Central Asia and the Caucasus region after the collapse of the Soviet Union which can be analyzed under the new power game conception. unlike the traditional great game, in this game many global and regional powers are competing. rise of Turkey and shaping ...
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New dynamics of power are emerging in the of Central Asia and the Caucasus region after the collapse of the Soviet Union which can be analyzed under the new power game conception. unlike the traditional great game, in this game many global and regional powers are competing. rise of Turkey and shaping smooth regional alliances, increasing economic investments by GCC countries and Israel in the region, as well as uncertainties about the future of the Iran-Russia-China axis, has created a new configuration of power game between regional and trans-regional powers. This article tries to analyze the geopolitical consequences for Iran in the future by identifying the megatrends of power dynamics in the Central Asia and Caucasus region. the question is that, what place will Iran have in the future of the geopolitical equations of the Central Asian region and the Caucasus? The hypothesis is that the continuation of regional security dynamics will lead to the decline of Iran's regional position. the method used in the article was based on trend analysis.
Hadi Ebrahimi kiapei; kamal zarei
Abstract
The South Caucasus is one of the areas where, since the end of the Cold War, and the crises caused by geopolitical and geostrategic developments, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there have been rivalries and bargaining of major regional and sub-regional powers. In recent years, The ...
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The South Caucasus is one of the areas where, since the end of the Cold War, and the crises caused by geopolitical and geostrategic developments, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there have been rivalries and bargaining of major regional and sub-regional powers. In recent years, The presence of the Zionist regime as one of the supranational powers in the South Caucasus as the periphery of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its strategic partnership with the countries of the region, and the further expansion of the field of cooperation and strategic plans with them, has created a serious challenge to our country's vital interests. The continuation of this presence has brought about a clear opposition in various political, security, economic and cultural spheres, which, in proportion to the emergence and level of cooperation and hostilities of the states of the region, in the absence of the maintenance of the ruling states of the region could spark a conflict Cause. The methodology of this research is based on an argumentative approach and its research methodology has a descriptive-analytic character.
ALi Sabbaghian
Abstract
Given that solidarity is at the heart of the European integration process in the post-World War II era, this article seeks to answer the question of how the Coronavirus crisis of 2020 affected European solidarity and how the weakness or lack of solidarity in the European integration process Affected? ...
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Given that solidarity is at the heart of the European integration process in the post-World War II era, this article seeks to answer the question of how the Coronavirus crisis of 2020 affected European solidarity and how the weakness or lack of solidarity in the European integration process Affected? The paper based on this assumption examines the fact that the weakness of the European solidarity in the face of the Coronavirus crisis has exacerbated nationalist approaches in EU member states, thus exacerbating divisions in Europe and neglecting the EU's transnational achievements. Findings from the article show that European citizens are frustrated by the existence of solidarity, the intensification of nationalist policies, the widening of the gaps between the north and the south are the most important effects of the Corona Crisis on the solidarity of the European Union.In response to the consequences of this crisis, the European Union is using the experience gained from the management of previous crises to strengthen governance and increase its resilience, albeit at a high political cost.
