Public policy
Amir mohammad Izadi; Hosein Harsij
Abstract
IntroductionPolitical corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either to further personal interests or to protect group interests. ...
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IntroductionPolitical corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either to further personal interests or to protect group interests. It entails the manipulation of political institutions and internal regulations, thereby impacting government bodies and the overall political system. Consequently, political corruption is often anticipated to result in institutional deterioration. However, since the 1980s, globalization has influenced the way through which categories of modern politics, including political corruption, are addressed. In the context of globalization, the examination of political corruption transcends the confines of the nation–state and should be viewed as a global concern.Literature ReviewA review of primary studies concerning the impact of globalization on political corruption reveals a spectrum of pessimistic and optimistic opinions among scholars. Optimists argue that globalization diminishes political corruption, while pessimists contend that it, in fact, increases political corruption. However, recent research indicates that the discrepancy between these viewpoints stems from their differing understandings of the relationship between globalization and political corruption. By adhering to a linear approach, both groups attempt to find the relationship between these variables, and consequently prescribe or discourage further engagement with globalization to exploit opportunities and avoid threats. To resolve this discrepancy, new studies, adopting a non-linear approach, posit that social and political globalization serves as a significant precursor to corruption. Economic globalization is perceived as both a prelude to and a consequence of varying levels of corruption.Materials and MethodsAs a quantitative research, the present study employed regression analysis as a highly practical quantitative method. Specifically, it utilized polynomial regression, which is supported by recent studies as well as by the secondary data sourced from the V-Dem Institute and the KOF Swiss Economic Institute.Results and Discussion According to the regression analysis, the normative nature of political corruption necessitates a redefinition of public and private interests at both the societal and governmental elite levels if the aim is to enhance the social dimension of globalization. The coefficient of the political dimension indicated that increased globalization can lead to a reduction in political corruption as global pressures compel the country to undertake structural and institutional reforms, including safeguarding property rights, enhancing transparency in decision-making processes, and improving the quality of public services. However, the results showed that there is no linear relationship between economic dimension of globalization and political corruption. Instead, the economic dimension influences the impact of other dimensions on political corruption in a non-linear, curved manner. As this dimension increases, political corruption decreases up to a certain point, but beyond that threshold, corruption levels begin to rise.One of the ideals and goals that emerged during the formation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran was the fight against the political corruption that had been rampant during the Pahlavi era, which required a revolutionary change as the only means to eliminate corruption. However, following the success of the Revolution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran inherited a political, governance, and administrative system that later fell into the depths of various forms of corruption. The present research aimed to address a fundamental question: What is the impact of Iran’s engagement with globalization on the level of political corruption in the country? The necessity of conducting such studies arises from the importance of understanding the effect of globalization on various political issues with the ultimate aim of leveraging the benefits and avoiding the threats. Considering Iran’s economic structure, the system of international sanctions against Iran, and the normative nature of political corruption, it is expected that the various dimensions of globalization may have a detrimental impact on political corruption in Iran. Conclusion In conclusion, given the concurrent influence of different dimensions of globalization on political issues, policymakers are recommended to follow a non-linear approach to leverage the opportunities and avoid the threats of globalization.
Political Sociology
Sara Sharifpour; Noori Hadi; Mohammad Reza Gholami Shekarsaraee
Abstract
IntroductionThe present research deals with the discrepancy between the hypothesized theory of the Asiatic mode of production and the empirical evidence from the Qajar era. Specifically, it explored whether the state–class relationship in the Qajar era can accurately be characterized as oriental ...
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IntroductionThe present research deals with the discrepancy between the hypothesized theory of the Asiatic mode of production and the empirical evidence from the Qajar era. Specifically, it explored whether the state–class relationship in the Qajar era can accurately be characterized as oriental despotism (or an Asian state), or it reflects a state where the power of the king was limited by influential classes, such as the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs. The central focus of this research was to determine whether the Qajar state enjoyed power concentration or operated within a kind of power plurality. In this respect, the central question is: Was the power of the Qajar state limited by social classes, or did it wield absolute and supra-class authority?Theoretical FrameworkThe study examined the state–class relationship through the lens of Karl Marx’s theory of the state. Marx’s perspective on the state can be categorized into three distinct models: the powerless state, the state with relative power, and the state with absolute power. Applying these three models, the present study analyzed the dynamics of the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.According to Marx’s instrumentalist theory, the concept of a class state suggests that both the form and essence of the state are contingent upon prevailing classes. While the state may exhibit diverse variations and characteristics in different historical contexts, it fundamentally relies on classes. In all instances, the state functions as a dependent entity and a tool of the ruling class. Marx presented his theory of the Bonapartist state in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852) and The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850 (1850). Marx acknowledges that the state possesses a certain degree of independent power or relative autonomy from the ruling class. According to Marx and Engels, the absence of private land ownership and the existence of large-scale state-controlled water facilities, despite their apparent contradiction, are the defining characteristics of the Asian state, in which the autocratic state machinery exercises control over the production surplus and serves not only as the central apparatus for oppression but also as a tool for economic exploitation at the disposal of the ruling class. In such a setting, “the state reigns supreme.”As evident, Marx’s triadic model of the state analyzes the state–class relationship at three levels. The model of class state portrays a state that lacks power and relative autonomy from the ruling class. The Bonapartist state enjoys relative autonomy from the ruling class, while the Asian state wields absolute power and autocratic authority over all societal classes. The present research used Marx’s triadic model as the analytical framework to examine the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.Materials and Methods This research employed a historical case study approach, which involves gathering extensive information through various data collection methods over an extended temporal span. The collected information is systematically analyzed with the explicit objective of deriving theoretical insights. The documentary research method within the framework of recorded or written history was used to collect the relevant information. There are three strategies for data analysis: pattern matching, explanation building, and time series analysis. Given the descriptive nature of the current case study, the pattern matching method, specifically the type of rival explanations, was utilized. This method involves comparing the historical pattern derived from experience with the predicted theoretical pattern.Results and DiscussionThe central question addressed in the present article pertains to the extent of the Qajar state’s power; whether it was constrained by social classes or characterized by absolute and supra-class authority. According to the research findings, the influential clerics, relying on their social support base, exerted their influence over the state. This influence manifested openly through the issuance of fatwas in significant events such as the Russo-Persian Wars, the Persian Tobacco Protest, or the Constitutional Movement. Furthermore, the clerics often succeeded in establishing common interests through their relationships with statesmen, thereby exerting influence over high-ranking state officials. Notably, clerics comprised 20% of the social composition of the first parliament, which signifies their official entry into the power structure of the time.Prominent and affluent merchants, particularly in the first half of the 19th century, wielded influence by fulfilling the financial requirements of the state and cooperating closely with it. However, their role evolved in the second half of the 19th century marked by events like the Tobacco Protests and Monsieur Naus, when they joined the protesters and disrupted the country’s economic cycles due to conflicting interests. This class emerged as one of the most influential groups in Iran during the Qajar era. With the establishment of the Constituent Assembly, they secured a significant one-third of the parliament composition.The influential patriarchs of tribes and the heads of important clans held significant sway due to their independent geographic position and economic resources, military strength, and provision of manpower to the Qajar army. This enabled them to exert influence and even engage in direct conflicts with the state, such as during the Constitutional Movement.Given Iran’s population structure, which predominantly comprised farmers, the large landowners assumed the role of quasi-sovereigns within the territories under their ownership. Their possession of extensive estates, personal military forces, and substantial incomes derived from landownership, combined with a weak bureaucracy and an inefficient tax system, granted them considerable autonomy in areas under their influence.ConclusionAccording to the findings, it becomes highly challenging to conceive of the Qajar state as the entity possessing absolute power, as Marx suggests as the primary characteristic of the Asian state. In the Qajar Iran, influential social classes, including the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs, served as intermediary layers that limited the state’s power and prevented the establishment of a supreme master or an absolute ruler. Moreover, the Qajar state, originating from the Qajar tribe, was not practically reliant on the tribe itself or other social classes, so the Qajar state actually employed various methods, such as granting state positions or making discord between tribes, to control and even suppress them. Accordingly, the Qajar state cannot be categorized as a mere instrument of the ruling class or an entity with absolute power. It does not align with the concept of a class state or even a supra-class state. Instead, enjoying power and relative autonomy from the dominant class, the Qajar state could create a relative balance between social forces, leading to its characterization as a Bonapartist state.
Abolfazl Ghasemi; Morteza Alavian; Maryam Hosseini
Abstract
Governments in water-based civilizations have been stronger than society due to organizational consolidation, and water and its consumption have caused water to play its essential role in shaping the socio-political relations of nations and human societies. Therefore, the main question of the research ...
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Governments in water-based civilizations have been stronger than society due to organizational consolidation, and water and its consumption have caused water to play its essential role in shaping the socio-political relations of nations and human societies. Therefore, the main question of the research is what are the requirement of state and society interaction in Iran water governance? Findings of the research based on descriptive-analytical method show that the state in Iran due to its ability to penetrate, the ability to regulate social relations and resource allocation has made it stronger than society. Factors that strengthen the state in Iran in the field of water are: port transfer, licensing, water treatment, structural policy, pricing policy, obtaining permits for diversions, increasing population and raising living standards, agricultural and industrial growth, resolving disputes between water applicants, creating economic and socio-cultural incentives. To change water management, we need to change the behavior of state and society in the form of water governance. The strategic implication that should be considered in the interaction of the state and society in the water governance include: Sustainable Behavior Change, National Dialogue, Institutionalization and Creation Efficient and Effective Structure, holistic thinking, attention to the historical and cultural background, social learning, referential of the water governance.
Mehdi Zibaei
Abstract
The recent uprisings in the Arab world that alike the previous ones were started from North Africa (Sudan and Algeria) have limitedly spilled over into Iraqi and Lebanese states; it made one more time necessary for scholars to consider the relations between state and society. In general, the social contract ...
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The recent uprisings in the Arab world that alike the previous ones were started from North Africa (Sudan and Algeria) have limitedly spilled over into Iraqi and Lebanese states; it made one more time necessary for scholars to consider the relations between state and society. In general, the social contract within the Arab world since the post-independence era to Arab uprisings is included in three sections in which the quality of relations between state and society are varied. In other words, the social contract of the Arab world in the modern era (after the First World War) was influenced more by the interests and policies of the major actors in the international environment than by the internal components. In the light of the historical sociological theory of international relations, this article intends to examine the social contract of the Arab world in a historical perspective. In this regard, while focusing on the social contract leading to the Arab unrest, some of the obstacles to the formation of a new and comprehensive social contract in the Arab world will be mentioned.
Gholamreza Khajehsarvy; Abbas Sohrab Zadeh
Abstract
Power as the most fundamental parameter on the politics has caught the attention of the public, socio-political forces, and the ruling bodies. The possession of power is the main objective of any political endeavor and the manner of acquiring and employing it establishes the bulk of the debates which ...
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Power as the most fundamental parameter on the politics has caught the attention of the public, socio-political forces, and the ruling bodies. The possession of power is the main objective of any political endeavor and the manner of acquiring and employing it establishes the bulk of the debates which are relevant to this concept. The main criterion for testing the correct use or abuse of power is certainly the law. Whenever a ruler utilizes the power on the basis of his or her own taste and opinion, irrespective of the established codes and legal institutions, this power is called the personalized power. This text is going to designate how and through which methods the media hinder personalization of depersonalization of power.
Yousof Torabi; Yousof Ali Majidi
Volume 3, Issue 11 , April 2015, , Pages 9-29
Abstract
Iran as a great nation is home to different tribes and cultures. The people under Iranian nationality always have lived together peacefully and respectfully. But sometimes, some of these tribes were not satisfied because for several reasons such as ignorance, poverty, discrimination, and poor management ...
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Iran as a great nation is home to different tribes and cultures. The people under Iranian nationality always have lived together peacefully and respectfully. But sometimes, some of these tribes were not satisfied because for several reasons such as ignorance, poverty, discrimination, and poor management of political elites, as well as the interferences of the colonialist countries. Those problems resulted in harms to national unity, integration and national security. The principle goal of this study is to investigate the methods for managing the ethnic gaps in Kordestan Province of Islamic republic of Iran. In all political systems consisting of ethnic and cultural diversities, governments have an important role in managing the ethnic gaps. Using rational approaches, governments can manage all the ethnic gaps based on scientific, fair and justice methods, ensuring that the right of all people would be preserved. This study is an applied research that has been done using an analytical and descriptive method based on documents and bibliographic techniques. At the end of this research, it is concluded that for a better management of ethnic gaps in Kordestan Province the following leads should be followed: Insisting on common values and common historical culture, Islamic identity, Iranian identity, overcoming the deprivation, and utilization of constitutional capacity of the Islamic republic of Iran.
Hassan Danaee fard; Ali Reza Hassan zadeh; Somayeh Nasrollahi
Volume 3, Issue 8 , December 2014, , Pages 101-118
Abstract
SurveyoftheKeyMethodsofImprovingPublicTrusttoGovernment Hasan Danaee Fard* - Ali Reza Hasanzadeh** - Somayeh Nasroallahi*** (Received: 2014/April/17 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Public Trust is considered as a strategic capital of any political system. Accordingly, ...
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SurveyoftheKeyMethodsofImprovingPublicTrusttoGovernment Hasan Danaee Fard* - Ali Reza Hasanzadeh** - Somayeh Nasroallahi*** (Received: 2014/April/17 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Public Trust is considered as a strategic capital of any political system. Accordingly, one of the main challenges facing governments is “public Trust management”. The governments should use mechanisms to achieve this objective. The final goal of this research is to suggest mechanisms for public Trust promoting to the Iranian government. It is provided in mix method. In the first stage, the mechanisms are provided through reviewing and a scale is developed along taken mechanisms and in the second stage, such scale is justified by public. Finally, 38 determined mechanisms are classified in 5 categories. The main ones are: social equity in using public service, making political and economic peace, and existence of efficient judicial institution. It is also analyzed the gap between the current and desired situation using the mechanisms in which there is significant difference between them in all identified mechanisms. *Associate Professor of Public Administration, Tarbiat Modarres University h.danaefard@modares.ac.ir **Associate Professor of Information Technology Management, Tarbiat Modarres University .ar_hassanzadeh@modares.ac.ir ***Master of Public Administration, Tarbiat Modarres University som.nasrollahi@gmail.com (corresponding author)
