International Relations
Mohammad Ali Basiri; Milad Mirinamniha
Abstract
Conceptually, identity refers to a set of perceptual characteristics of people and human societies to distinguish them from each other. This concept has always transformed into a pretext to satisfy the subjective interests of governments at transnational levels. Securitization is one of the important ...
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Conceptually, identity refers to a set of perceptual characteristics of people and human societies to distinguish them from each other. This concept has always transformed into a pretext to satisfy the subjective interests of governments at transnational levels. Securitization is one of the important strategies to implement this process, but the experiences resulting from the application of this strategy in different eras always show damage to the objective development of the countries in the long term. Therefore, the question is how identity securitization in foreign policy causes conflict between subjective and objective interests. Emphasizing Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union, and China as examples, the researchers' hypothesis states that identity securitization in foreign policy causes the deterioration of the objective development of the country and the crystallization of its conflict with the subjective interests of government due to the depletion of economic and human resources to impose semantic coercive on others, along with the obvious reaction of others to this action. Taking advantage of the innovative analytical orientation based on the Copenhagen school's securitization theory, ultimately led to the confirmation of the mentioned hypothesis in the end. The method of this research was descriptive-analytical combined with the use of library and
International Relations
Gholam Reza Haddad
Abstract
IntroductionOver the span of four decades, the islamic republic of iran (iri) has consistently prioritized the confrontation with the united states as a fundamental axis and ultimate objective in its foreign policy. This stance has not only endured until now but has also shaped the boundaries of iran’s ...
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IntroductionOver the span of four decades, the islamic republic of iran (iri) has consistently prioritized the confrontation with the united states as a fundamental axis and ultimate objective in its foreign policy. This stance has not only endured until now but has also shaped the boundaries of iran’s maneuverability in other arenas. The present research aimed to address different aspects of iran–u.s. enmity by answering the following questions: how has confrontation with the u.s. become entrenched as the axis and ultimate objective in the foreign policy of the iri? and what are the prospects for potential shifts in this approach in the future?Literature ReviewIran–U.S. relations, along with the underlying causes of their mutually confrontational policy, has been the subject of numerous research studies. Some studies dealt with Iran–U.S. relations from a historical standpoint, aiming to explain the origins of mutual hostility through a chronological description of events in their relations. For instance, in the book titled US Foreign Policy and Iran: American–Iranian Relations Since the Islamic Revolution, Murray (2010) explored the history of Iran–US relations during the tenure of five presidents. She focused on the role of ideology, the dichotomy of democratization/stability or idealism/realism, informational and cognitive errors, the lack of mutual understanding rooted in language and image-making, the impact of events and their timing, the tools and levers of foreign policy, and the missed opportunities to restore relations. Rubin (1981), in an article titled “American Relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran, 1979–1981,” focused on Iran–U.S. relations during the two years following the hostage crisis. For Rubin, the root of the mutual confrontation can be traced back to the perceptions of Revolution’s leaders of America’s role in supporting the Shah and attempting to thwart the success of the Revolution. In the article “US-Iran Relations: Issues, Challenges, and Prospects,” Hussain (2015) addressed the impediments to détente in the history of Iran–U.S. relations. Hussain emphasized various factors such as regional peace processes, terrorism, the nuclear issue, domestic policies in both countries, and America’s regional allies, namely Israel and Saudi Arabia. In Becoming Enemies: U.S.–Iran Relations and the Iran–Iraq War, 1979–1988, Blight et al. (2012) employed the methods of critical oral history, drawing on declassified documentation and interviews with key decision-makers in American foreign policy during the Iran–Iraq war. They argued that the roots of Iran–U.S. enmity would go back to the performance of American foreign policy during the war and its impact on the IRI’s foreign policy.Several studies tried to examine the role of other actors as mediating variables in Iran–U.S. relations. For instance, in the article Jafari-Movahhed (2022) argues that a major impediment to improving relations between Iran and the U.S. is intricately linked to the substantial and fundamental problems that the IRI has with Israel. According to Jafari-Movahhed, the identity ties between the U.S. and Israel, together with the influential role of the Zionist lobby in America, makes it almost impossible to normalize Iran–U.S. relations, at least in the short term. In the article entitled “The Role of Public Opinion Engineering in America on Iran–U.S. Relations,” Pourkhosh-Saadat (2015) attributed the origins of animosity between the two countries to the psychological operations orchestrated by adversaries of the Islamic Revolution. Specifically, Pourkhosh-Saadat points to the influence of the Israel lobby in the U.S, contending that any shift in Iran–U.S. relations would depend on the opinion and decision of the AIPAC lobby and Israel-affiliated media. He argues that AIPAC is actively engineering Iran–U.S. relations through its media. In “Great Power Rivalries and the Persistence of Iran–U.S. Adversarial Relations,” Lotfian and Faghih (2021) posit that as economic pressures on Iran increase due to the delayed lifting of sanctions by both Europe and America, Iran will increasingly turn to alternative allies. They argue that heightened antagonism from the U.S. will push Iran towards closer ties with China and Russia. In response, American policymakers are likely to become more determined to strengthen relationships with regional allies and partners. While the authors do not directly address the underlying causes of Iran–U.S. enmity, they contend that escalating tensions among the U.S., China, and Russia may contribute to the intensification of hostilities between Iran and the U.S. (Lotfian & Faghih, 2021).The literature has also focused on the process of Othering and the construction of Self/Other in Iran–U.S. relations. For example, Duncombe (2016), in the article titled “Representation, Recognition, and Foreign Policy in the Iran–US Relationship,” offered an understanding of Iran–U.S. enmity by focusing on the construction of states’ identity through representation of Self and Other. According to Duncombe, representation and misrecognition contribute to a mutual feeling of disrespect, thus exacerbating the tensions between the two countries.The novelty of the present research lies in its unique interpretation of the process of Othering, in which three types of Others are recognized: the historical Other, the domestic Other, and the foreign Other. The study tried to answer the research questions by examining how the interaction between the three Others has constructed the identity of the IRI. Materials and MethodsThe present study adopted a constructivist approach with a focus on identity, and used it in combination with the typology of states in political economy, incorporating both sub-national and transnational levels of analysis. The aim was to examine the formation and consolidation of the iri’s foreign policy with an eye to the process of othering the u.s. The analysis intended to offer insights that can explain the most endurable axis of the iri’s foreign policy, namely anti-arrogance within the culture of confrontation and conflict, and shed light on its inevitability as well as its structural consequences on domestic policy.ConclusionThe research findings were grounded in the conceptual constructs such as Othering identification, triple Others, projective identification, constitutive and regulative rules, and allocative and authoritative resources. Additionally, the analysis relied on the dichotomy of organic/instrumental state, highlighting structural sclerosis that challenges fundamental transformations. The study finally addressed the feasibility and evaluation of the capacities and requirements for change in the core axes and ultimate objectives of the IRI’s foreign policy.
International Relations
Majid Reza Momeni; Narges Khangol zadeh Sangroodi
Abstract
As two emerging Asian powers, India and China, have tried to expand their relations with Arab Countries of the Persian Gulf through public diplomacy which can be a platform for the realization of the foreign policy goals of these two countries. this study tries to address this important question that ...
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As two emerging Asian powers, India and China, have tried to expand their relations with Arab Countries of the Persian Gulf through public diplomacy which can be a platform for the realization of the foreign policy goals of these two countries. this study tries to address this important question that what are the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf between 2001and2021? The hypothesis in response to this question is that the importance of the concept and position of public diplomacy in order to acquire foreign policy goals and more influence in the region, as well as the use of language, literature and culture are similarities between the two countries; Methods of conducting public diplomacy including the film industry, the Confucius Institute, diaspora activity and the “Belt Road initiative” are the differences of Indo-Chinese public diplomacy. In this study, a comparative method is used to analyze the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Persian Gulf Arab countries. The finding of the research indicates that public diplomacy as the tool of national interests has been in the focus of India and China and this point is important for Iran based on the principle of neighborhood policy.
Goodarzi Mostafa; Ali Monavari; Gholamreza Karimi
Abstract
Messianism is one of the most important concepts in Judaism. The Zionist movement succeeded in establishing a Jewish state in the land of Palestine based on the changes it made to the traditional meaning of this concept. On the other hand, Messianism is the only common concept on which all the various ...
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Messianism is one of the most important concepts in Judaism. The Zionist movement succeeded in establishing a Jewish state in the land of Palestine based on the changes it made to the traditional meaning of this concept. On the other hand, Messianism is the only common concept on which all the various Jewish sects agree. Accordingly, after the establishment of the Jewish state in 1948, Messianism entered into all aspects of Israeli domestic and foreign policies. Also, simultaneously with the Islamic Revolution in Iran, right-wing and religious groups came to power in Israel in 1977 after thirty years. One of the common traits of rightists is that they are Messianic; thus, the variable of Messianism in the foreign policy of Israel towards Iran became an objective factor and appeared in a hostile manner. Therefore, the present article uses the theory of constructivism, which in addition to material issues such as power, also considers immaterial variables such as religion to be important in international relations; it seeks to answer the question of how Jewish Messianism led Israel to pursue a hostile foreign policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Javad Arabameri; Mohsen Eslami; Seyed Masoud Mousavi Shafaee; Mohammad Hosein Jamshidi
Abstract
Benyamin Netanyahu has been the main figure in the Israeli political scene for the past decade. Since he has played a major role in shaping the Israeli foreign policy in the international arena, this study seeks to examine his leadership style and personality traits as an influential and at the same ...
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Benyamin Netanyahu has been the main figure in the Israeli political scene for the past decade. Since he has played a major role in shaping the Israeli foreign policy in the international arena, this study seeks to examine his leadership style and personality traits as an influential and at the same time a neglected factor in the foreign policy behavior of the state of Israel. Hence, the main hypothesis is the fact that Israel’s foreign policy behavior has been more influenced by Netanyahu’s cognitive system and leadership style. The conceptual/methodological framework used in this paper is Leadership Traits Analysis (LTA) proposed by Margaret G. Hermann with a focus on the Conceptual Complexity variable in this regard. The results of this study, which itself are the quantitative content analysis of Netanyahu’s verbal material from 2009 to 2019; suggest that BIBI’s low conceptual complexity and his black and white thinking to foreign policy with high belief in ability to control events, a high desire for power, and a strong distrust to others have shaped Netanyahu’s aggressive and hawkish approach to Israeli foreign policy, which can be seen in exaggerating the Iranian threat and opposing to the idea of a Palestinian independent state.
Majid Abbasi
Abstract
The political upheaval known as the Islamic Awakening, which has gripped the Arab Middle East since 2011, in one case led to the overthrow of the ruling regime in Libya through Western military intervention. The military intervention came as Gaddafi's foreign policy shifted from an anti-Western orientation ...
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The political upheaval known as the Islamic Awakening, which has gripped the Arab Middle East since 2011, in one case led to the overthrow of the ruling regime in Libya through Western military intervention. The military intervention came as Gaddafi's foreign policy shifted from an anti-Western orientation to voluntary engagement with the West, and relations seemingly normalized. But despite these changes, the onset of the internal Libyan crisis led to a practical and immediate response by the Western coalition aimed at overthrowing Gaddafi. This study, while theoretically studying Libyan foreign policy in the framework of James Rosena's theory and using a descriptive-explanatory method, seeks to answer the main question of why Gaddafi pursued an interactive and participatory foreign policy with the West in the last decade of his rule. But after the beginning of the popular uprising, the Western countries in the form of NATO began to intervene militarily in this country? The main hypothesis is that despite pursuing a policy of interaction with the West; Lack of trust between the parties and the lack of social, economic and political reforms and the continuation of internal discontent led the Western countries to support the fall of Gaddafi as the crisis in Libya began.
saeed mirtorabi; mahtab sari aslani
Abstract
Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as well as many other phenomena associated with the "emergence of China," ...
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Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as well as many other phenomena associated with the "emergence of China," has sparked a lot of controversy about the motives and consequences of this transformation, which has not yet been addressed in our country. In this regard, the present paper, regardless of the implications of this evolution, examines its causes and context by referring to Beijing's motivations as donors and the needs of African societies as recipients in the context of the core question of the article. The hypothesis that the article examines by descriptive-analytic method is that the rapid increase of Chinese foreign aid to African countries in recent years is primarily due to the international requirements for responding to structural changes in China's domestic political economy and the alignment of the needs of African with Beijing foreign assistance. So, it can be predicted that the presence of China in the Africa will continue to increase in the coming years, and foreign aid will continue to be considered by Beijing officials as one of the main means for establishing this wider presence.
Ehsan Fallahi; Nozar Shafiee
Abstract
Since the early of 1980s china has treated according to low profile foreign policy to protect itself from negative consequences of international crisis. Although china is ally of Iran and Russia in Syria but has tended to avoid tensions with opposite sides. Therefore china behavior is somehow against ...
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Since the early of 1980s china has treated according to low profile foreign policy to protect itself from negative consequences of international crisis. Although china is ally of Iran and Russia in Syria but has tended to avoid tensions with opposite sides. Therefore china behavior is somehow against United States and its allies but it is not originated from the china desire to geopolitics competitions. China has not involved in Syria crisis directly but seeking to acquire proper economic position at post crisis era. In this article the researchers try to answer the following question: How has been the china approach in Syria Crisis? How will be the china role in post crisis Syria? The following hypothesis examines in the frame work of soft balancing theory. China has indirectly contributed to balance of power in Syria. But Beijing is more concerned about its economic status in the post-Crisis era, than the political and geopolitical fate of Syria. Evidence of this study shows improving the china role in post crisis era. This article has written by descriptive-analytical method.
mohammad mahmoodikia; mohammad reza dehshiri
Abstract
This research attempts to answer this questions that what is the ratio between ideology and pragmatism in the Iran's Foreign Policy? And, which of this is more authentic in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The result showed that although in many countries values and ideologies are ...
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This research attempts to answer this questions that what is the ratio between ideology and pragmatism in the Iran's Foreign Policy? And, which of this is more authentic in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The result showed that although in many countries values and ideologies are influential in some way in the practice of foreign policy, these values and ideologies have a significant contribution to the policy and implementation of the foreign policy of Iran. In fact, despite the prevailing view that Iran's foreign policy is a pragmatic policy, the main hypothesis of this study is that the essence of Iran's foreign policy is ideological and the pragmatic approach to foreign policy -is based on the existence of conflicting interests in the international system and the constraints in national power sources- can be comprehend based on a tactical approach rather than strategic approach. This research with using a descriptive analytical method and library resources seek to examine the ratio of ideology and pragmatism in Iran's foreign policy behavior in the framework of a triple interactive model including national interests, ideological preferences, and the nature and structure of the international system.
لابال البب; Farshad Roomi; ehsan kazemi
Abstract
Purpose of the present study is to provide a theoretical framework for understanding foreign policy of countries (the case of Iran). The method by which the authors seek to understand and shape the foreign policy of countries is a "phenomenological method". Question of this Research is that based on ...
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Purpose of the present study is to provide a theoretical framework for understanding foreign policy of countries (the case of Iran). The method by which the authors seek to understand and shape the foreign policy of countries is a "phenomenological method". Question of this Research is that based on the phenomenological approach how can the logic of foreign policy of governments be understood and how is it formed? Hypothesis of the research is that based on the idea that "phenomenology with the suspension and epoche of dominant narratives and Imbued with the "intentionality" of foreign policy, it can help us understand our foreign policy, in other words, the phenomenology passes through scientific concepts developed to understand political phenomena and faces with "reality" and " Being " itself. The result is that the phenomenological method, in addition to the benefits of other common approaches and methodologies, to the understanding of foreign policy can offer different analytical concepts such as "transcendental ego", "Green World" and "Intersubjectivity". Along with these concepts, phenomenology is not unaware of the important element of "power" and its role in determining how foreign policy is shaped by the government.
Saeid Soleimanzadeh; Ali Omidi; Enayatollah Yazdani
Abstract
A series of events such as the Islamic revolution of Iran, occupation of the US embassy in Tehran, hostage crisis, and Iran's anti-American approach after 1979 resulted in the emergence of a phenomenon called Iran phobia in the West, especially in the US. Although it was assumed that the interaction ...
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A series of events such as the Islamic revolution of Iran, occupation of the US embassy in Tehran, hostage crisis, and Iran's anti-American approach after 1979 resulted in the emergence of a phenomenon called Iran phobia in the West, especially in the US. Although it was assumed that the interaction with the West and conclusion of the nuclear deal in Rouhani's government would weaken the Iran phobia propaganda; but no considerable change was observed in practice and the aggressive approach of Donald Trump and his administration towards Tehran indicate the persistence of Iran phobia in the US foreign policy. The main question of the paper is related to the reasons, purposes, and implications of Iran phobia in the US foreign policy in post-JCPOA era. The main hypothesis of the study is that the role of new McCarthyism in the marketplace of ideas, state identity, and speech acts are considered as the most important reasons and symptoms of Iran phobia in post-JCPOA era. Preventing Iran's economic recovery and making a kind of behavior change of Iran toward some domestic and regional issues are its main objectives of this policy. Breaching the JCPOA and reproduction patterns of antagonism and hostility between two countries may be the most important implications of Iran phobia.
mohammadjavad fathi; mojtaba abdekhodaei; sarem shiravand
Abstract
Sometimes using the concepts of science could be helpful in understanding political relations and international researchers. One of the conceptual interest in the geopolitical system is used, is the concept of "code" and "genome" in geopolitics. Geopolitical genome, the genetic map of each country's ...
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Sometimes using the concepts of science could be helpful in understanding political relations and international researchers. One of the conceptual interest in the geopolitical system is used, is the concept of "code" and "genome" in geopolitics. Geopolitical genome, the genetic map of each country's that affects domestic and especially foreign policy of the countries. Countries consider genomes of other actors as geopolitical codes. Interaction or confrontation of Code / genome of countries creates an atmosphere that can be aligned or inconsistent with national and regional interests. The authors of this paper attempt to identify factors affecting geopolitics of Iran and Saudi Arabia. To answer the question of "what impacts geopolitical tool in foreign policy with Iran and Saudi Arabia? The hypothesis of the paper is that the geopolitical genome and the heritability and geographic features of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran are very influential in the formation of geopolitical codes, orientations and strategies of the two countries in the external arena, and both actors are trying to turn off its negative gene and power generating forces and activating the positive and powerful genes, while the geopolitical approach dominates the relationship between the two actors.
Abstract
The Palestinian issue is a controversial issue in Egyptian foreign policy and its significance depends on the different internal and external factors. The importance of this issue, on one hand stems from the dynamics of the international system, especially the role of the United States and Israel, and ...
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The Palestinian issue is a controversial issue in Egyptian foreign policy and its significance depends on the different internal and external factors. The importance of this issue, on one hand stems from the dynamics of the international system, especially the role of the United States and Israel, and on the other hand from internal factors such as leadership and their conception of national role and active domestic groups such as Islamists. This article applying descriptive - analytical method seeks to answer this question that what is the most important factor for shaping Egypt's foreign policy toward the Palestinians after the Camp David Treaty? This article argues that after the Camp David Treaty, systematic factors such as United States and Israel, have been the most important factors that shapes Egypt’s foreign policy toward the Palestine. The role of systematic factors can be analyzed Egypt's strategic importance and its role in securing Israel and economic - military dependence on the United States.
Ali Akbar Jafari; Dayan Janbaz
Volume 5, Issue 16 , June 2016, , Pages 93-121
Abstract
Foreign policy as the most important international behavior of states has
always been the area of interaction between theory and practice. The analysis of
the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran from internal and external
sources has been interpreted from the traditional patterns of foreign ...
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Foreign policy as the most important international behavior of states has
always been the area of interaction between theory and practice. The analysis of
the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran from internal and external
sources has been interpreted from the traditional patterns of foreign policy and
based on the mainstream assumptions of positivist and utilitarian international
studies. But today it is seriously believed that a realistic analysis of the foreign
policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran will not be possible except in the
framework of our conceptual understanding of the Islamic Republic of Iran. On
this basis, we can say that after the victory of the Islamic Revolution we had saw
different effects of discursive constructs in the context of the totality of
knowledge in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the
question of this research is that how diversity discourse in foreign policy had
influenced Iran's nuclear diplomacy in different periods of time? In response to
this question, the hypnosis of this research is that the diversity of discourse on
foreign policy leads to mobilization of resource and consequently, different
diplomacy in foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran to resolve the nuclear
crisis in different periods of time.
Homeira Moshir Zadeh; Fatemeh Salavati Toroghi
Volume 4, Issue 12 , July 2015, , Pages 163-191
Abstract
Egypt’s foreign policy as an Arab, Islamic, African country and an influential actor in the Middle East has always been an important issue and its constitutive factors, changes, and continuities in the course of time have attracted students of foreign policy and the Middle East. This article explores ...
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Egypt’s foreign policy as an Arab, Islamic, African country and an influential actor in the Middle East has always been an important issue and its constitutive factors, changes, and continuities in the course of time have attracted students of foreign policy and the Middle East. This article explores the ways in which Sadat’s and Mubarak’s foreign policies were formed on the basis of their perceptions of Egypt’s national role. Within the analytical framework of Role Theory and by relying on process-tracing method in which causal sequence of events are examined, the article shows how the two presidents’ foreign policy differences can be explained by their different role perceptions. It is argued that while Sadat followed a Pharaonicist national role, Mubarak’s perception of national role was that of the guardian of Arabs’ solidarit
Ali Asghar Davoodi
Volume 3, Issue 11 , April 2015, , Pages 103-127
Abstract
In the current history, diplomacy as the practice of conducting foreign relations between states through official representatives and peaceful methods had different types. Today, as a result of technological revolution, the importance of science and technology has been raised and most of politicians ...
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In the current history, diplomacy as the practice of conducting foreign relations between states through official representatives and peaceful methods had different types. Today, as a result of technological revolution, the importance of science and technology has been raised and most of politicians tend to use it as an instrument in developing their nation’s foreign policy. Hence, it seems that a new kind of diplomacy approaches and it can be labeled Science and Technology Diplomacy. In the age of Globalization and Interdependence, it will be one of the best devices to formulate and execute foreign policy as well as following national interests beyond the boundaries. During the last decades science and technology have been improved outstandingly in Islamic Republic of Iran. Due to the great stance of the neighbors in the Iranian foreign policy and common economic, cultural and historic relations in the past, we can conduct this kind of diplomacy in Afghanistan. Our focus, in this paper, is on the main challenges and opportunities that may be exist on conducting Science and Technology Diplomacy of Iran in Afghanistan. We concluded that despite of many ongoing challenges, there are so many factors that will facilitate the scientific and technologic presence of Iran in Afghanistan. Undoubtedly, removing the obstacles in conducting this kind of diplomacy in Afghanistan, will promote the political and economic relations between these two Islamic countries.
seyyed hassan Mirfakhrayi
Volume 3, Issue 8 , December 2014, , Pages 61-81
Abstract
Temporary Cabinet Foreign Policy: of Non – alignment to Neither West Nor East Principle Seyd Hasan Mir Fakhraei* (Received:2014/June/14 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Foreign policy of the Bazargan cabinet is one of the most controversial issues in the history ...
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Temporary Cabinet Foreign Policy: of Non – alignment to Neither West Nor East Principle Seyd Hasan Mir Fakhraei* (Received:2014/June/14 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Foreign policy of the Bazargan cabinet is one of the most controversial issues in the history of Iran's foreign policy which was based on non – alignment policy and neither west nor east principle. lack of a precise definition of this principle and absence of consensus on its meaning among political parties caused different interpretations and flow of various demands by political parties to the government based on their definition and this paper aims to analyze this government's challenges and problems via theoretical and practical analyze of non – alignment policy and neither west nor east principle in temporary cabinet and other contemporary political parties opinion . * Assistant Professor of Political Science at Allameh Tabataba’i University (for501520@yahoo.com)
Mohammad Mehdi Mazaheri; Azam Molaee
Volume 2, Issue 7 , December 2014, , Pages 125-146
Abstract
The authors of this paper try to explore the black box in the contemporarydomestic issues, the nature of the state, the identity and the impact of theseissues on the foreign policy approaches. Based on an appropriate theoreticalframework, using the principles of constructivism school with emphasis onenvironmental ...
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The authors of this paper try to explore the black box in the contemporarydomestic issues, the nature of the state, the identity and the impact of theseissues on the foreign policy approaches. Based on an appropriate theoreticalframework, using the principles of constructivism school with emphasis onenvironmental factors and cultural resources, values and norms, the authorsexplain how to plan the formation of identity in contemporary Iran’s foreignpolicy.The central idea of the paper is that Iran's foreign policy orientation hasprofoundly influenced by the identity of the approaches, however, the weaknessor absence of civil society makes the government’s define identity through thepolitical elite rather than logical interaction with the nation. Such a process hassevere effects on Iran's foreign policy and caused losing national interests insome cases
Ali Reza Agha Hosseini; Javad Emam Jome Zadeh; Atefeh forooghi
Volume 2, Issue 7 , December 2014, , Pages 125-146
Abstract
The authors of this paper try to explore the black box in the contemporarydomestic issues, the nature of the state, the identity and the impact of theseissues on the foreign policy approaches. Based on an appropriate theoreticalframework, using the principles of constructivism school with emphasis onenvironmental ...
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The authors of this paper try to explore the black box in the contemporarydomestic issues, the nature of the state, the identity and the impact of theseissues on the foreign policy approaches. Based on an appropriate theoreticalframework, using the principles of constructivism school with emphasis onenvironmental factors and cultural resources, values and norms, the authorsexplain how to plan the formation of identity in contemporary Iran’s foreignpolicy.The central idea of the paper is that Iran''s foreign policy orientation hasprofoundly influenced by the identity of the approaches, however, the weaknessor absence of civil society makes the government’s define identity through thepolitical elite rather than logical interaction with the nation. Such a process hassevere effects on Iran''s foreign policy and caused losing national interests insome cases
Abuzar Gohari Moqaddam
Volume 2, Issue 6 , September 2014, , Pages 117-141
Abstract
The Islamic awaking developments in the Middle East since 2011 havechanged the regional order in many different ways and influencedregional and trans- regional actors. In this situation, the United Stateswhich has defined many interest in the region, has been influenced morethan the other actors. This ...
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The Islamic awaking developments in the Middle East since 2011 havechanged the regional order in many different ways and influencedregional and trans- regional actors. In this situation, the United Stateswhich has defined many interest in the region, has been influenced morethan the other actors. This article describes the US interests in the MiddleEast and examines the Islamic awakening impacts on these interests. Theresults of this research prove that the Unites States is going to controland mange Islamic awakening impacts in the region through manydifferent ways including: direct military intervention, changing the rulingelites in some states, forcing internal reform in some countries, avoidingreliance on one ally in the region, promoting secular Islamic state,helping civil society of some countries, promoting human rights discourseand solving the Israeli-Palestinian peace process
Mohammad Hasan Khani; Mohammad Masoud Sadeghi
Volume 2, Issue 6 , September 2014, , Pages 141-132
Abstract
The US Foreign Policy towards Israel is based on an unconditional and comprehensive support for Israel. This strategy of offering absolute support for Israel has interests for the United States and has also brought huge costs for Washington. It is the purpose of this article to analyze the costs and ...
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The US Foreign Policy towards Israel is based on an unconditional and comprehensive support for Israel. This strategy of offering absolute support for Israel has interests for the United States and has also brought huge costs for Washington. It is the purpose of this article to analyze the costs and benefits of this strategy and to answer this question that what are benefits and costs of the US support of Israel for this country? Based on Rational Decision Theory this article argues that the costs of this support includes the financial burden over the US economy in terms of loans and assistances, altering America''s relationship with the Muslim World and the Arab world, also other social and political costs of conflicts caused by various wars in the Middle East, such as 33 and 22-days war of Lebanon and Gaza and also the occupation of Iraq, and finally the rise anti-Americanism around the world. The benefits of such a support can be: the vast support that the US administrations receives from Israel and the Zionist lobbies , and also the huge and overwhelming Profits made by US arms companies through their arms sale to the Middle Eastern countries due to the Middle East security situation.
Majid Abbasi
Volume 2, Issue 5 , June 2013, , Pages 9-41
Abstract
According to the Charter of the EU, human Rights is a cornerstone of theEU common foreign policy. In this context, European Union's politicalNegotiations urged with the Iranian authorities have criticized the humanrights situation in Iran and have urged improvement in that matter.These criticism neglects ...
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According to the Charter of the EU, human Rights is a cornerstone of theEU common foreign policy. In this context, European Union's politicalNegotiations urged with the Iranian authorities have criticized the humanrights situation in Iran and have urged improvement in that matter.These criticism neglects the cultural, historical, religious,and traditions ofIranian people. on the contrary, Islamic Republic of Iran believes that theimplementation of the human rights norms depends on social, cultural andreligious differences from one community to another.For example, Iran believes that eye for an eye retaliatory regulations arenecessary to preserve justice and human rights and derived from theIslamic law. Intersubjective disagreements has caused the human rightschallenge in the bilateral relations. European Union members havefrequently spoken.against the human rights situation in Iran. Iran has tried to resolve thedispute by all means to prevent the divergence between the two. In thisresearch endeavors concentrated on the study ofthe role of human rights in Europe and the Islamic Republic of Iran'spolitical divergence.