Majid Abbasi
Abstract
The political upheaval known as the Islamic Awakening, which has gripped the Arab Middle East since 2011, in one case led to the overthrow of the ruling regime in Libya through Western military intervention. The military intervention came as Gaddafi's foreign policy shifted from an anti-Western orientation ...
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The political upheaval known as the Islamic Awakening, which has gripped the Arab Middle East since 2011, in one case led to the overthrow of the ruling regime in Libya through Western military intervention. The military intervention came as Gaddafi's foreign policy shifted from an anti-Western orientation to voluntary engagement with the West, and relations seemingly normalized. But despite these changes, the onset of the internal Libyan crisis led to a practical and immediate response by the Western coalition aimed at overthrowing Gaddafi. This study, while theoretically studying Libyan foreign policy in the framework of James Rosena's theory and using a descriptive-explanatory method, seeks to answer the main question of why Gaddafi pursued an interactive and participatory foreign policy with the West in the last decade of his rule. But after the beginning of the popular uprising, the Western countries in the form of NATO began to intervene militarily in this country? The main hypothesis is that despite pursuing a policy of interaction with the West; Lack of trust between the parties and the lack of social, economic and political reforms and the continuation of internal discontent led the Western countries to support the fall of Gaddafi as the crisis in Libya began.
fariborz samimi; mohammad ebrahim movahedi
Abstract
This study aims to investigate the effects of socio-economic status, the degree of religious faith, and media in the tendency of individuals to acceptance of principalism ideology. This research is applied type in terms of purpose, and descriptive and analytical in terms of the method used, and data ...
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This study aims to investigate the effects of socio-economic status, the degree of religious faith, and media in the tendency of individuals to acceptance of principalism ideology. This research is applied type in terms of purpose, and descriptive and analytical in terms of the method used, and data collection has been done through a survey. Sampling method was cluster multistage sampling and the sample size (n) was estimated to be 368 people. The data collection technique was a 32-item questionnaire and data were analyzed using SPSS and SMART PLS software. The results of the research indicate that the average score of those who have a low socio-economic status tends to be high for the ideology of principalism. In the context of media impact, there is a reverse relationship between the viewing of foreign media outlets and the tendency of people towards the principalism ideology, and in relation to the impact of domestic media, the results indicate an increase in people's tendency towards principalism ideology when longer viewing of domestic media channels happens. It was also revealed that the tendency towards principalism ideology varies in terms of the average religiosity of individuals, and those who have a high degree of religiosity are more inclined towards the ideology of principalism.
mohammad mahmoodikia; mohammad reza dehshiri
Abstract
This research attempts to answer this questions that what is the ratio between ideology and pragmatism in the Iran's Foreign Policy? And, which of this is more authentic in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The result showed that although in many countries values and ideologies are ...
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This research attempts to answer this questions that what is the ratio between ideology and pragmatism in the Iran's Foreign Policy? And, which of this is more authentic in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The result showed that although in many countries values and ideologies are influential in some way in the practice of foreign policy, these values and ideologies have a significant contribution to the policy and implementation of the foreign policy of Iran. In fact, despite the prevailing view that Iran's foreign policy is a pragmatic policy, the main hypothesis of this study is that the essence of Iran's foreign policy is ideological and the pragmatic approach to foreign policy -is based on the existence of conflicting interests in the international system and the constraints in national power sources- can be comprehend based on a tactical approach rather than strategic approach. This research with using a descriptive analytical method and library resources seek to examine the ratio of ideology and pragmatism in Iran's foreign policy behavior in the framework of a triple interactive model including national interests, ideological preferences, and the nature and structure of the international system.
Seyed Hassan Mirfakhraei; Mostafa khodaei
Abstract
Due to the Islamic Republic of Iran's approach to the West, and especially to the United States, Iran has been recognized as a threatening actor and has found an important place in NATO's security approach. NATO's concern over Iran's growing influence in the Arab world, as exemplified by its influence ...
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Due to the Islamic Republic of Iran's approach to the West, and especially to the United States, Iran has been recognized as a threatening actor and has found an important place in NATO's security approach. NATO's concern over Iran's growing influence in the Arab world, as exemplified by its influence in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Palestine, has led to policies such as NATO's expansion into Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, and close security and intelligence and economic cooperation with the Arab countries and the fringe of the Persian Gulf countries. This article tries to answer this question: "What is NATO's approach to confronting the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East?" by using an analytical-descriptive method. The findings show that NATO's expansion to the east, while having a negative impact on Iran's relations with the European Union, the Central Asian and Caucasus republics and the Gulf Cooperation Council, will make West, and the United States put more pressure on Iran. NATO seeks to reduce Iran's role and influence in the region with strategically controlling controlling energy and transportation routes and controlling ethnic, political and ideological movements.
Naser Asadi; Negar Ghanavati; Amir Rezaei Panah
Volume 4, Issue 12 , July 2015, , Pages 9-35
Abstract
After the Islamic revolution and the rise of the system of the Islamic Republic
of Iran over the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, a new wave of ideas and
opinions entered Iran's foreign policy domain and the international relations
structure. The principles and concepts of this revolution and the ...
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After the Islamic revolution and the rise of the system of the Islamic Republic
of Iran over the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, a new wave of ideas and
opinions entered Iran's foreign policy domain and the international relations
structure. The principles and concepts of this revolution and the newly emerged
political system are generally affected by Imam Khomeini's thought and action
as an ideologue and a leader. This article questions the semiotic structure and
articulatory system of Imam Khomeini’s foreign policy and about to give a
descriptive framework for analyzing it. According to the hypothesis, from the
writers' viewpoint, the articulating system of his foreign policy discourse is
describable in a three-dimensional framework of ideology, strategy and
diplomacy. Ideology beholds some principles and belief-related standards that
generally nurture from Islam's revolutionary-critical source. Strategy involves
the security-based calculations and the hardware policy. Moreover, diplomacy
includes the accepted diagrams of conversation and negotiation for achieving
national interests. The results of this discourse are represented in propositions
that are based on concepts of the revolutionary-critical, pragmatic-realist, and
prudent-modernist Islam.
