Political economy
Fatemeh Shayan; Mohammad Ali Basiri
Abstract
In the years after the relative domestic stability following the Islamic Revolution of Iran, regional and international issues became the most important concerns of the Iranian politicians. The Iran hostage crisis and the ensuing break in Iran–US relations as well as the Iraqi-imposed war on Iran ...
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In the years after the relative domestic stability following the Islamic Revolution of Iran, regional and international issues became the most important concerns of the Iranian politicians. The Iran hostage crisis and the ensuing break in Iran–US relations as well as the Iraqi-imposed war on Iran during the early years of the formation of the Islamic Revolution practically led to a crisis in Iran’s relations with the Western, Eastern, and Arab countries in the Persian Gulf.Later on, some analysts of Iran’s foreign policy pointed to the ideological nature of Iran’s foreign policy, the idealist viewpoint of Iran’s revolutionary leaders, and the attempt to export the Revolution to other countries. The foreign policy of Iran was based on the preference for nations over states in international relations, the emphasis on the political independence in planning and policymaking, on the preference for beliefs over economic and commercial interests in bilateral and multilateral relations, and the importance attached to political justice in the relations between states in international relations.Highlighting the convergence in intra- and extraregional cooperation, recent changes in Iran’s foreign policy have led to the current emphasis on convergence of issues such as expansion of bilateral and multilateral relations, cooperation and good-neighborliness with neighbors (esp. in the Persian Gulf region), and reduction of disputes. This new approach to foreign policy subscribes to the view that Iran has strategic depth due to its geographical and historical location, hence capable of attaining strategic-cum-global significance. For this purpose, it is necessary for Iran to resolve its problems and differences with its neighbors, establish friendly relationships based on good-neighborliness, and prepare the grounds for the convergence of countries by exporting strategic goods, for example, gas export to Oman. Iran–Oman relations in the field of energy can move to a transregional level, leading to the greater convergence and cooperation in the Persian Gulf region and even in the countries such as India and China.This article aims to evaluate one of the most important developments in Iran’s foreign policy in the last decade, that is, the focus on the surrounding regions, including the Persian Gulf, and the look to the East and Asian countries (e.g., India and China) for the purpose of reducing the disputes with neighbors and seeking extensive cooperation with the East concerning the export of natural gas. The main question is, how can Iran’s export of gas to Oman contribute to the expansion of convergence in Iran–Oman relations? The research hypothesis predicts that the expansion of communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas, to Oman) will prepare the ground for enhancing the convergence between the two countries in other fields. The research used Peter McLaughlin’s functional explanation as the method and convergence theory as well as Karl Deutsch’s communications theory as the conceptual frameworks.Considering the economic power and energy in the Persian Gulf region, the analysis indicates that Iran is able to be one of the important sources of income and set gas transit in the region, hence the transit hub of the Persian Gulf. Iran’s gas export to Oman faces challenges and advantages. Regarding the challenges, the enormous investment is required for transporting gas through pipelines over a long distance, which stresses the need to guarantee the gas consumption market and access to a large volume of gas reserves. The dispute between Oman and the UAE over determining the route of the gas pipeline constitutes an important challenge for Iran’s export of gas to Oman. Another challenge is the sanctions through which the US and the Western countries, unable to dominate the energy and resources of Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, tried to oppose Iran. The US has prevented Iran from reaching its desired goals. Despite the challenges, Iran’s gas export to Oman has advantages. For example, the construction of the gas pipeline is beneficial given the fact that Iran is supposed to export 30 million cubic meters gas to Oman and increase this figure to 70 million. This long-term contract enables Iran to achieve between 20 to 30 million dollars of gas revenue.The findings show that the increase in communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas) between the two countries can prepare the ground for increasing exchanges of other goods and services. Exporting gas to Oman is considered as the reason for meeting the country’s energy needs, energy security, and even as the basis for the expansion of the gas pipeline from Oman to India and China—which is the most effective factor for the implementation of Iran’s active foreign policy based on convergence between the countries of the Persian Gulf.
Hadi Ebrahimi kiapei; kamal zarei
Abstract
The South Caucasus is one of the areas where, since the end of the Cold War, and the crises caused by geopolitical and geostrategic developments, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there have been rivalries and bargaining of major regional and sub-regional powers. In recent years, The ...
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The South Caucasus is one of the areas where, since the end of the Cold War, and the crises caused by geopolitical and geostrategic developments, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there have been rivalries and bargaining of major regional and sub-regional powers. In recent years, The presence of the Zionist regime as one of the supranational powers in the South Caucasus as the periphery of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its strategic partnership with the countries of the region, and the further expansion of the field of cooperation and strategic plans with them, has created a serious challenge to our country's vital interests. The continuation of this presence has brought about a clear opposition in various political, security, economic and cultural spheres, which, in proportion to the emergence and level of cooperation and hostilities of the states of the region, in the absence of the maintenance of the ruling states of the region could spark a conflict Cause. The methodology of this research is based on an argumentative approach and its research methodology has a descriptive-analytic character.
behrooz namdari; Kayhan Barzegar
Abstract
This article examines the role of unconventional oil resources on the internal structure and decisions taken by OPEC. The way members of OPEC are interacting shows that new shale oil resources influence the mutual behavior and decision making of the OPEC.
Since the position and power of this international ...
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This article examines the role of unconventional oil resources on the internal structure and decisions taken by OPEC. The way members of OPEC are interacting shows that new shale oil resources influence the mutual behavior and decision making of the OPEC.
Since the position and power of this international organization has always been influenced by its structural disagreements and production from the unconventional resources of oil, which its majority part is out of territory of OPEC members, Could end in depending differences inside the organization or it will repair them, any majority changes in the OPEC’s impact on the global economy, may influence it’s total existence.
This research by using historical variables of differences within the OPEC and its adaptation with future quantity scenarios of the oil production from the conventional and unconventional sources comes to the conclusion that entry and continuity of the shale oil variable into the international energy market at the same time, could be the element for the continuity and strength of opec organization or may cause breakdown of this organization after several decades of its activity in the world energy market.
این مقاله به بررسی نقش منابع غیرمتعارف نفت بر ساختار درونی و تصمیمگیریهای سازمان اوپک میپردازد. نحوه تعامل اعضا در سازمان اوپک نشان میدهد که منابع جدید نفت شیل نحوه رفتار متقابل و تصمیمگیری درون این سازمان را تحت تاثیر قرار میدهد. از آنجا که جایگاه و قدرت این سازمان بینالمللی، همواره تحت تأثیر اختلافات ساختاری درون این سازمان بوده است و تولید از منابع نامتعارف نفت که قسمت عمده آن در خارج از حوزه سرزمینی اعضای اوپک است، میتواند به تعمیق اختلافات در درون این سازمان و یا ترمیم آنها بینجامد، هرگونه تغییر اساسی در میزان تأثیرگذاری اوپک در اقتصاد جهانی میتواند کلیت وجودی آن را تحت تأثیر قرار دهد. این نوشتار با استفاده از متغیر تاریخی اختلافات درون سازمان اوپک و انطباق آن با سناریوهای کمی آتی تولید نفت از منابع متعارف و غیرمتعارف به این نتیجه میرسد که ورود و تداوم متغیر نفت شیل به بازار بینالمللی انرژی، همزمان میتواند عامل تداوم و استحکام سازمان اوپک و یا از همگسیختگی این سازمان بینالمللی بعد از چندین دهه فعالیت در بازار انرژی جهانی شود.
