- Strategic Research of Politics is an open-access, double-blind, peer-reviewed journal published by Allameh Tabataba’i... moreStrategic Research of Politics is an open-access, double-blind, peer-reviewed journal published by Allameh Tabataba’i University, the leading university in Humanities and Social Sciences in Iran. Strategic Research of Politics has been established to provide an intellectual platform for national and international researchers working on issues related to strategic research in politics. The Journal was founded in as a response to quick advancements in strategic research in politics and was dedicated to the publication of highest-quality research studies that report findings on issues of great concern to the profession of strategic research in politics.
To allow for easy and worldwide access to the most updated research findings, the journal is set to be an open-access journal. Yet, the journal does not charge any fee for reviewing, processing, and publishing research papers from the authors or from the research institutes and organizations. All the mentioned processes for paper publication are sponsored by Allameh Tabataba’i University press.edit
Introduction In the post-Cold War era, the international system continues to undergo a state of transition. In the emerging geopolitical landscape, the West Asia, and specifically the Persian Gulf region, occupies a unique role in the... more
Introduction
In the post-Cold War era, the international system continues to undergo a state of transition. In the emerging geopolitical landscape, the West Asia, and specifically the Persian Gulf region, occupies a unique role in the policy of major powers (e.g., the USA and China), thanks to its special geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic significance, alongside its stable oil and gas reserves. China, as a growing East Asian country, has increasingly directed its focus towards strategic regions, such as the Persian Gulf, in recent decades. This shift is driven by China’s growing need to maximize its increasing power. China’s critical need for fossil resources has been a primary driver compelling the Chinese political elite to consider the Persian Gulf as a pivotal region in their foreign policy. To be more specific, since the late 1980s, China has been reliant on oil imports to sustain its economic growth and move up the global power hierarchy. This fundamental issue has, in turn, prompted Beijing to adopt a pragmatic and non-ideological perspective to consider closer collaboration with major energy actors such as the Islamic Republic of Iran (in opposition to Washington) and Saudi Arabia (in alignment with Washington). Relying on a descriptive–analytical approach, the present study endeavored to address the questions of what role China assumes in the economic and political future of the Persian Gulf region, and how it can impact Iran’s national interests.
Literature Review
In “China–Iran Relations Through the Prism of Sanctions,” Scita (2022) explains how China has dealt with the sanctions imposed on Iran. Scita not only delves into Beijing’s response and approach to the imposed sanctions, but also assesses the extent to which China complies with the these sanctions. The author notably argues that China–Iran relations are influenced by their relations with the US as well as their status in the international arena. In their article titled “Iran, China and the Persian Gulf: An Unfolding Engagement,” Shariatinia and Kermani (2022) address the question of how Iran views China’s growing involvement in the Persian Gulf region, particularly in light of China’s strong ties with Iran’s primary regional competitors.
Materials and Methods
Neoclassical realists posit that a country’s ambitions are primarily shaped by the capabilities of its government in the realm of foreign policy, as well as by its position in the international system. They contend that a government’s relative capability in mobilizing domestic resources forms the basis for formulating a balanced strategy in the international scene. In this light, it can be observed that conditions are indeed conducive to China’s economic growth and realization of its potential, owing to the recent significant changes in China’s foreign and domestic policies and the ensuing normalization of relations between this growing Asian country and the capitalist West. China’s vast geographic expanse, a population numbering in billions, the young and large workforce, and efficient management, have enabled China to achieve rapid and substantial economic growth. For over four decades, China has consistently maintained remarkable economic growth, averaging around 8%. However, to sustain the economic growth, China needs access to foreign markets, cheap and abundant raw materials, and notably, energy resources. Focusing on a country’s domestic capacitates and the structure of the international system (i.e., possibilities and limitations), the theory of neoclassical realism can explain the overt and covert competition between Washington and Beijing in the Persian Gulf.
Results and Discussion
The analysis revealed two scenarios about China’s presence in the Persian Gulf and its impact on Iran. The first scenario pertains to the maintenance of the status quo. In this case, the USA would continue its presence in the Persian Gulf region. If the Arab nations in the Persian Gulf trust the American presence and the alliance commitments, and the US exerts more pressure on its regional partners, it is conceivable that strategic industrial cooperation with China may be halted somehow without further progress. The second scenario revolves around the decline of the US presence in West Asia, including the Persian Gulf region. This essentially signifies the dominance of the Great Power Competition doctrine and the strategic prioritization of the Indo–Pacific region, specifically China, in American foreign policy.
Conclusion
What is particularly noteworthy here is the fact that the nature of the strategic relations between China and the countries in the Persian Gulf has not only placed the US in a strategic quandary in the region but has also significantly influenced Tehran–Beijing relations. Not solely relying on Iran to achieve all its regional objectives, China has tried to diversify and deepen its relations with the Arab countries in the region in order to diversify its energy supply sources. However, this approach does not imply ignoring Iran. China, given its strategic stance, has consistently aimed to maintain the most positive relations possible with Tehran, albeit at a more limited level. The findings point to the conclusion that China’s approach to the Persian Gulf region should not be viewed solely in terms of the energy economy and cooperation in the energy sector. It is also essential to analyze its implications within the context of regional security and solidarity. In fact, the Persian Gulf is recognized both as a focal point for global energy production and distribution, and one of the most unstable parts of the world.
Keywords: China, Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, Energy Security, Strategic Approach, Regionalism
In the post-Cold War era, the international system continues to undergo a state of transition. In the emerging geopolitical landscape, the West Asia, and specifically the Persian Gulf region, occupies a unique role in the policy of major powers (e.g., the USA and China), thanks to its special geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic significance, alongside its stable oil and gas reserves. China, as a growing East Asian country, has increasingly directed its focus towards strategic regions, such as the Persian Gulf, in recent decades. This shift is driven by China’s growing need to maximize its increasing power. China’s critical need for fossil resources has been a primary driver compelling the Chinese political elite to consider the Persian Gulf as a pivotal region in their foreign policy. To be more specific, since the late 1980s, China has been reliant on oil imports to sustain its economic growth and move up the global power hierarchy. This fundamental issue has, in turn, prompted Beijing to adopt a pragmatic and non-ideological perspective to consider closer collaboration with major energy actors such as the Islamic Republic of Iran (in opposition to Washington) and Saudi Arabia (in alignment with Washington). Relying on a descriptive–analytical approach, the present study endeavored to address the questions of what role China assumes in the economic and political future of the Persian Gulf region, and how it can impact Iran’s national interests.
Literature Review
In “China–Iran Relations Through the Prism of Sanctions,” Scita (2022) explains how China has dealt with the sanctions imposed on Iran. Scita not only delves into Beijing’s response and approach to the imposed sanctions, but also assesses the extent to which China complies with the these sanctions. The author notably argues that China–Iran relations are influenced by their relations with the US as well as their status in the international arena. In their article titled “Iran, China and the Persian Gulf: An Unfolding Engagement,” Shariatinia and Kermani (2022) address the question of how Iran views China’s growing involvement in the Persian Gulf region, particularly in light of China’s strong ties with Iran’s primary regional competitors.
Materials and Methods
Neoclassical realists posit that a country’s ambitions are primarily shaped by the capabilities of its government in the realm of foreign policy, as well as by its position in the international system. They contend that a government’s relative capability in mobilizing domestic resources forms the basis for formulating a balanced strategy in the international scene. In this light, it can be observed that conditions are indeed conducive to China’s economic growth and realization of its potential, owing to the recent significant changes in China’s foreign and domestic policies and the ensuing normalization of relations between this growing Asian country and the capitalist West. China’s vast geographic expanse, a population numbering in billions, the young and large workforce, and efficient management, have enabled China to achieve rapid and substantial economic growth. For over four decades, China has consistently maintained remarkable economic growth, averaging around 8%. However, to sustain the economic growth, China needs access to foreign markets, cheap and abundant raw materials, and notably, energy resources. Focusing on a country’s domestic capacitates and the structure of the international system (i.e., possibilities and limitations), the theory of neoclassical realism can explain the overt and covert competition between Washington and Beijing in the Persian Gulf.
Results and Discussion
The analysis revealed two scenarios about China’s presence in the Persian Gulf and its impact on Iran. The first scenario pertains to the maintenance of the status quo. In this case, the USA would continue its presence in the Persian Gulf region. If the Arab nations in the Persian Gulf trust the American presence and the alliance commitments, and the US exerts more pressure on its regional partners, it is conceivable that strategic industrial cooperation with China may be halted somehow without further progress. The second scenario revolves around the decline of the US presence in West Asia, including the Persian Gulf region. This essentially signifies the dominance of the Great Power Competition doctrine and the strategic prioritization of the Indo–Pacific region, specifically China, in American foreign policy.
Conclusion
What is particularly noteworthy here is the fact that the nature of the strategic relations between China and the countries in the Persian Gulf has not only placed the US in a strategic quandary in the region but has also significantly influenced Tehran–Beijing relations. Not solely relying on Iran to achieve all its regional objectives, China has tried to diversify and deepen its relations with the Arab countries in the region in order to diversify its energy supply sources. However, this approach does not imply ignoring Iran. China, given its strategic stance, has consistently aimed to maintain the most positive relations possible with Tehran, albeit at a more limited level. The findings point to the conclusion that China’s approach to the Persian Gulf region should not be viewed solely in terms of the energy economy and cooperation in the energy sector. It is also essential to analyze its implications within the context of regional security and solidarity. In fact, the Persian Gulf is recognized both as a focal point for global energy production and distribution, and one of the most unstable parts of the world.
Keywords: China, Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, Energy Security, Strategic Approach, Regionalism
Research Interests:
Introduction Distribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the... more
Introduction
Distribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action.
Literature Review
Mehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard.
Materials and Methods
The present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory.
Conclusion
Both statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.
Keywords: Distribution, Redistribution, Islamic Republic of Iran, Participation, Political Apathy
Distribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action.
Literature Review
Mehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard.
Materials and Methods
The present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory.
Conclusion
Both statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.
Keywords: Distribution, Redistribution, Islamic Republic of Iran, Participation, Political Apathy
Research Interests:
Introduction One of the most contentious issues in the realm of political science and governance revolves around defining the boundaries and scope of individual and social freedoms in the human society. Additionally, a significant... more
Introduction
One of the most contentious issues in the realm of political science and governance revolves around defining the boundaries and scope of individual and social freedoms in the human society. Additionally, a significant intellectual concern among Islamic thinkers pertains to the extent to which individuals and civic groups can freely act in public domains, and where they must adhere to governmental laws and social requirements. The present study, employing the conceptual framework of hypothetical intuitionism, aimed to address the following question: What is the extent of political freedoms in Islamic society? Essentially, the objective of this article was to delineate the boundaries of individual and social freedoms in the Islamic society and state.
Literature Review
Many articles have been dedicated to exploring the concepts of freedom and liberty within an Islamic state. The prime examples are: “Fundamentals and Principles of Free Thinking from an Islamic Perspective with an Emphasis on the Thoughts of Allameh Tabataba’i” by Hossamuddin Khaltabari, “Islamic State and Political Freedom in Islam from the Perspective of Allameh Mohammad Taqi Jafari” by Hossein Moin Abadi, “Thematic Analysis of Security and Freedom of Thought from the Perspective of Imam Khamenei” by Asghar Eftekhari, and “Review of the Definition of Freedom and Public Freedoms in the Islamic State” by Yaser Rustaee. However, none of these articles approached the topic within the framework of hypothetical intuitionism.
Materials and Methods
The present article adopted the methodology of hypothetical intuitionism. The term intuition is used here in its conventional philosophical sense, distinct from its popular interpretation in mystical discussions among Muslims. The study employed Rawls’s hypothetical intuitionism approach to construct a specific hypothetical condition which, based on the individual intuition, serves to provide a rational explanation for the research process and its ultimate outcome.
Conclusion
According to the Islamic perspective, the Islamic state upholds freedom of thought, research, expression, and even freedom of belief within scientific domains. However, the extent of freedom of propaganda and freedom of social action depends on considerations of public and national interests. Concerning freedom of political thought, there is an absolute freedom, meaning there are no imposed limitations on political thinking. Furthermore, individuals in scientific
and specialized circles enjoy the freedom to express their views and research various political matters, enabling them to share their political perspectives with relevant experts. As individuals share their views and ideas with Muslim political thinkers, a space is created for the exchange of differing opinions and ideas. In addition, freedom of belief indicates that individuals cannot be compelled to adopt a specific political ideology or belief through the use of force or coercion. When individuals decide to disseminate their political ideas in the public sphere, the Islamic state has a responsibility to intervene, considering the significance and potential impact of the issue, in order to prevent the proliferation of harmful and erroneous political ideas. Concerning freedom of speech, it is essential to underline that when political discourse extends beyond scientific and specialized circles and permeates public sphere at large, it falls under the category of freedom of propaganda, encompassing media activities of political movements. In this respect, in order to prevent the manipulation of public opinion, address rumors, and counter the spread of fake news, the government sets some parameters that these movements have to adhere to when conducting media and public activities. For example, it becomes necessary to adhere to certain legal provisions and obtain official permits for publishing a newspaper. In situations where the impact of expression holds greater sensitivity, the response from the Islamic state naturally becomes more robust and prominent. Within the Islamic state, if an individual privately and discreetly engages in activities that oppose the principles and policies of the political system, the government does not have the right to conduct surveillance of the private sphere. However, should the activities against Islamic principles come to the government’s attention, it is incumbent upon the governance system to offer guidance through enjoining good and forbidding evil. Nevertheless, when an individual’s actions and behavior pose a significant and serious threat to the political stability and security, the state resorts to more stringent
measures, which in turn may involve restricting some of the individual freedoms of the wrongdoer.
One of the most contentious issues in the realm of political science and governance revolves around defining the boundaries and scope of individual and social freedoms in the human society. Additionally, a significant intellectual concern among Islamic thinkers pertains to the extent to which individuals and civic groups can freely act in public domains, and where they must adhere to governmental laws and social requirements. The present study, employing the conceptual framework of hypothetical intuitionism, aimed to address the following question: What is the extent of political freedoms in Islamic society? Essentially, the objective of this article was to delineate the boundaries of individual and social freedoms in the Islamic society and state.
Literature Review
Many articles have been dedicated to exploring the concepts of freedom and liberty within an Islamic state. The prime examples are: “Fundamentals and Principles of Free Thinking from an Islamic Perspective with an Emphasis on the Thoughts of Allameh Tabataba’i” by Hossamuddin Khaltabari, “Islamic State and Political Freedom in Islam from the Perspective of Allameh Mohammad Taqi Jafari” by Hossein Moin Abadi, “Thematic Analysis of Security and Freedom of Thought from the Perspective of Imam Khamenei” by Asghar Eftekhari, and “Review of the Definition of Freedom and Public Freedoms in the Islamic State” by Yaser Rustaee. However, none of these articles approached the topic within the framework of hypothetical intuitionism.
Materials and Methods
The present article adopted the methodology of hypothetical intuitionism. The term intuition is used here in its conventional philosophical sense, distinct from its popular interpretation in mystical discussions among Muslims. The study employed Rawls’s hypothetical intuitionism approach to construct a specific hypothetical condition which, based on the individual intuition, serves to provide a rational explanation for the research process and its ultimate outcome.
Conclusion
According to the Islamic perspective, the Islamic state upholds freedom of thought, research, expression, and even freedom of belief within scientific domains. However, the extent of freedom of propaganda and freedom of social action depends on considerations of public and national interests. Concerning freedom of political thought, there is an absolute freedom, meaning there are no imposed limitations on political thinking. Furthermore, individuals in scientific
and specialized circles enjoy the freedom to express their views and research various political matters, enabling them to share their political perspectives with relevant experts. As individuals share their views and ideas with Muslim political thinkers, a space is created for the exchange of differing opinions and ideas. In addition, freedom of belief indicates that individuals cannot be compelled to adopt a specific political ideology or belief through the use of force or coercion. When individuals decide to disseminate their political ideas in the public sphere, the Islamic state has a responsibility to intervene, considering the significance and potential impact of the issue, in order to prevent the proliferation of harmful and erroneous political ideas. Concerning freedom of speech, it is essential to underline that when political discourse extends beyond scientific and specialized circles and permeates public sphere at large, it falls under the category of freedom of propaganda, encompassing media activities of political movements. In this respect, in order to prevent the manipulation of public opinion, address rumors, and counter the spread of fake news, the government sets some parameters that these movements have to adhere to when conducting media and public activities. For example, it becomes necessary to adhere to certain legal provisions and obtain official permits for publishing a newspaper. In situations where the impact of expression holds greater sensitivity, the response from the Islamic state naturally becomes more robust and prominent. Within the Islamic state, if an individual privately and discreetly engages in activities that oppose the principles and policies of the political system, the government does not have the right to conduct surveillance of the private sphere. However, should the activities against Islamic principles come to the government’s attention, it is incumbent upon the governance system to offer guidance through enjoining good and forbidding evil. Nevertheless, when an individual’s actions and behavior pose a significant and serious threat to the political stability and security, the state resorts to more stringent
measures, which in turn may involve restricting some of the individual freedoms of the wrongdoer.
Research Interests:
Despite decades of expansion in international academic fields, the concept of social capital is still an under-researched area in Iranian domestic fields. This term has become a controversial and multidimensional concept, as each branch... more
Despite decades of expansion in international academic fields, the concept of social capital is still an under-researched area in Iranian domestic fields. This term has become a controversial and multidimensional concept, as each branch in the humanities has adopted and applied their own definition of the term, social capital. Giving a functional explanation of the term, this research aims at evaluating the quantitative and qualitative situation of youth’s political socialization process. The focus of this research is on the relationship between the concepts of ‘social capital,’ ‘socialization’ and ‘political affair.’ For the case study, this research focuses on university as a government institution in charge of political socialization in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Specifically, the research tries to explore the effects of social capital on political socialization process of undergraduate students in public universities in the city of Tehran. The hypothesis of this research is that the higher the level of social capital in public universities in Tehran, the more successful the universities are in realizing the political socialization function of their undergraduate students. Eventually, this study will investigate effective contexts in the process of political socialization to highlight the political functions of social capital.
Research Interests:
This article examines the role of unconventional oil resources on the internal structure and decisions taken by OPEC. The way members of OPEC are interacting shows that new shale oil resources influence the mutual behavior and decision... more
This article examines the role of unconventional oil resources on the internal structure and decisions taken by OPEC. The way members of OPEC are interacting shows that new shale oil resources influence the mutual behavior and decision making of the OPEC.
Since the position and power of this international organization has always been influenced by its structural disagreements and production from the unconventional resources of oil, which its majority part is out of territory of OPEC members, Could end in depending differences inside the organization or it will repair them, any majority changes in the OPEC’s impact on the global economy, may influence it’s total existence.
This research by using historical variables of differences within the OPEC and its adaptation with future quantity scenarios of the oil production from the conventional and unconventional sources comes to the conclusion that entry and continuity of the shale oil variable into the international energy market at the same time, could be the element for the continuity and strength of opec organization or may cause breakdown of this organization after several decades of its activity in the world energy market.
این مقاله به بررسی نقش منابع غیرمتعارف نفت بر ساختار درونی و تصمیمگیریهای سازمان اوپک میپردازد. نحوه تعامل اعضا در سازمان اوپک نشان میدهد که منابع جدید نفت شیل نحوه رفتار متقابل و تصمیمگیری درون این سازمان را تحت تاثیر قرار میدهد. از آنجا که جایگاه و قدرت این سازمان بینالمللی، همواره تحت تأثیر اختلافات ساختاری درون این سازمان بوده است و تولید از منابع نامتعارف نفت که قسمت عمده آن در خارج از حوزه سرزمینی اعضای اوپک است، میتواند به تعمیق اختلافات در درون این سازمان و یا ترمیم آنها بینجامد، هرگونه تغییر اساسی در میزان تأثیرگذاری اوپک در اقتصاد جهانی میتواند کلیت وجودی آن را تحت تأثیر قرار دهد. این نوشتار با استفاده از متغیر تاریخی اختلافات درون سازمان اوپک و انطباق آن با سناریوهای کمی آتی تولید نفت از منابع متعارف و غیرمتعارف به این نتیجه میرسد که ورود و تداوم متغیر نفت شیل به بازار بینالمللی انرژی، همزمان میتواند عامل تداوم و استحکام سازمان اوپک و یا از همگسیختگی این سازمان بینالمللی بعد از چندین دهه فعالیت در بازار انرژی جهانی شود.
Since the position and power of this international organization has always been influenced by its structural disagreements and production from the unconventional resources of oil, which its majority part is out of territory of OPEC members, Could end in depending differences inside the organization or it will repair them, any majority changes in the OPEC’s impact on the global economy, may influence it’s total existence.
This research by using historical variables of differences within the OPEC and its adaptation with future quantity scenarios of the oil production from the conventional and unconventional sources comes to the conclusion that entry and continuity of the shale oil variable into the international energy market at the same time, could be the element for the continuity and strength of opec organization or may cause breakdown of this organization after several decades of its activity in the world energy market.
این مقاله به بررسی نقش منابع غیرمتعارف نفت بر ساختار درونی و تصمیمگیریهای سازمان اوپک میپردازد. نحوه تعامل اعضا در سازمان اوپک نشان میدهد که منابع جدید نفت شیل نحوه رفتار متقابل و تصمیمگیری درون این سازمان را تحت تاثیر قرار میدهد. از آنجا که جایگاه و قدرت این سازمان بینالمللی، همواره تحت تأثیر اختلافات ساختاری درون این سازمان بوده است و تولید از منابع نامتعارف نفت که قسمت عمده آن در خارج از حوزه سرزمینی اعضای اوپک است، میتواند به تعمیق اختلافات در درون این سازمان و یا ترمیم آنها بینجامد، هرگونه تغییر اساسی در میزان تأثیرگذاری اوپک در اقتصاد جهانی میتواند کلیت وجودی آن را تحت تأثیر قرار دهد. این نوشتار با استفاده از متغیر تاریخی اختلافات درون سازمان اوپک و انطباق آن با سناریوهای کمی آتی تولید نفت از منابع متعارف و غیرمتعارف به این نتیجه میرسد که ورود و تداوم متغیر نفت شیل به بازار بینالمللی انرژی، همزمان میتواند عامل تداوم و استحکام سازمان اوپک و یا از همگسیختگی این سازمان بینالمللی بعد از چندین دهه فعالیت در بازار انرژی جهانی شود.
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The events of North Africa, led to the overthrow of old dictatorships of Tunisia and Egypt are of the most interesting incidents of these years which have attracted the eyes of many scholars. The paper tries to take a new look at the... more
The events of North Africa, led to the overthrow of old dictatorships of Tunisia and Egypt are of the most interesting incidents of these years which have attracted the eyes of many scholars. The paper tries to take a new look at the causes of Egypt revolution in 2011 led to Hosni Mubarak overthrown. Thus, in order to find out the causes, the structural approach of neopatrimonialism is applied because it is believed that this approach can explain better the political, sociological and economic roots of the revolution altogether. In doing so, this hypothesis is going to be tested that The neo-patrimonial nature of the Egyptian government has led to the deterioration of the regime's ineffectiveness as a result of popular protests in 2011, with its specific characteristics, such as personal power, patronage, corruption, dependence on foreign power by manipulating the nature of civil society mechanisms such as parties, unions, the private sector.
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The United States of America and European Union are the two important actors in the international arena (world arena) whose roles are so effective in international interactions that the clash of their interests seems normal. But the... more
The United States of America and European Union are the two important actors in the international arena (world arena) whose roles are so effective in international interactions that the clash of their interests seems normal. But the conflicts between Brussels and Washington has been intensified by Donald Trump’s getting to power as the president of the United States of America. Now the Nuclear Agreement between Islamic Republic of Iran and 5+1 which is supported by Europe in one side and criticized by Trump in the other, has been faced with an ambiguous future. This article seeks to answer this question that what is the scenario which can be taken by European Union to deal with this matter? To come over (reply or answer) this question, four scenarios have been considered checking the American and European viewpoints to this matter: The United States and European Union moving away from each other and Divergence in Trans-Atlantic Relations, Convergence between EU and the US, Persuading Trump to maintain BARJAM having commitment to Convergence in Trans-Atlantic Relations and the US and Europe conservative politics in Trump era. The methodology in this article is scenario writing and based on games theory.
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The annual speeches of the political leaders at the UN General Assembly are the most visible opportunities for the members of the organization to present their international approach to their global government at the global platform. In... more
The annual speeches of the political leaders at the UN General Assembly are the most visible opportunities for the members of the organization to present their international approach to their global government at the global platform. In this paper, using content analysis methods and analyzing discourse, the text of the speeches of Hassan Rouhani and Donald Tramp at the general assembly of 2017 will be examined in quantitative and qualitative terms and discussed in the context of CMM as one of the ideas of the field of between Cultural communication. The application of this theory in our analysis showed that while Rouhani's speeches were mostly from the "protestor" position, he addressed regional issues and equal relations with Iran-the world; Tramp, adopting a top-down position as the "moderator of the world", depicted a pattern of the state and the nation of America As an action plan for other countries. Also, the use of three interpretive, critical, and applied levels of CMM theory clarified that, firstly, the identity contradictions presented in two speeches deriving from a different global pattern of culture were with each speaker, and secondly, the only solution was to adopt a third way that could have the threatening or objectionable side of the parties In a dignified and equitable manner, to engage in communication, dialogue and engagement, and provide for cross-border communication in the form of transnational organizations
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The most serious threat that is perceived by each of the carriers involved in the crisis in an international crisis is "the threat of their fundamental values." Through an analytical descriptive method, this paper seeks to understand why... more
The most serious threat that is perceived by each of the carriers involved in the crisis in an international crisis is "the threat of their fundamental values." Through an analytical descriptive method, this paper seeks to understand why Iran's direct violence to manage crises Syria. So the main question of the research is why Iran is using maximum violence to manage the Syrian crisis? The temporary response is that Iran has used the highest levels of violence to manage the crisis on the basis of the perception of the threat to its fundamental values in the Syrian crisis. In this study, using Stanford's model of crisis management, we conclude that the perception of the threat to Iran's fundamental values in the Syrian crisis that threatens Iran's territorial integrity, its strategic depth, the threat of the collapse of the resistance axis, and, ultimately, the imbalance of ideology in area in the Syrian crisis has called for a violent response from Iran. The data collection and information collection in this study is based on a library method that includes the use of internal books and articles and foreign, publications and press and internet sites are valid.
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This article studies the position of the political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran development programs. Development is a general concept and indivisible, in this article its political section is considered and the following... more
This article studies the position of the political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran development programs. Development is a general concept and indivisible, in this article its political section is considered and the following question is studied: what is the position of the political development in the third, fourth, fifth and sixth programs? In order to answer to this question, context analysis is used and development programs are selected as background. The findings of the research indicate that the political development in four development programs of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been considered. However, the amount of attention in each of the four programs was different. This amount of attention in the third, fourth, fifth and sixth programs is 31 Percent, 50 Percent, 29 Percent, and 43 Percent respectively. According to statistics, there is an increasing amount of attention to the political development in development plans, with the exception that this focus in the fifth and sixth programs have decreased compared to the other two programs.
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The root of the nature, the reasons and the quality of sociopolitical leaders' thought is hidden in their epistemological system. Understanding this system helps to recognize the influential components in analyzing sociopolitical issues... more
The root of the nature, the reasons and the quality of sociopolitical leaders' thought is hidden in their epistemological system. Understanding this system helps to recognize the influential components in analyzing sociopolitical issues from the viewpoint of the person. Although there are many scientific works regarding the thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei, there has not been a work which investigates his epistemological system in analyzing sociopolitical issues. Using a descriptive-analytical method and having an epistemological approach, seeks to discover the epistemological system of Ayatollah Khamenei in sociopolitical issues. In answering the question that what criteria Ayatollah Khamenei uses in analyzing sociopolitical issues, we came to the conclusion that his epistemological system analyzes the sociopolitical issues by relying on the four processes of recognition that is the possibility of recognizing political issues, the capability of accepting the truth or falsehood of political events, the possibility of recognizing the true political event from the false one and the relationship between political events. The most important distinction of his epistemological system from that of other political analysts is the combination of experiential data with logical evaluations and revelational adjustment.
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Since the triumph of the Islamic Revolution, when Iran became the center of Islamic political movement in the Islamic world, the West led by the US portrayed a hostile image of Islam and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Theorists and leaders... more
Since the triumph of the Islamic Revolution, when Iran became the center of Islamic political movement in the Islamic world, the West led by the US portrayed a hostile image of Islam and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Theorists and leaders of the Islamic Revolution such as Imam Khomeini, in order to counterbalance this move, portrayed the West as their other and the enemy. Ever since, such an image of the West formed Iran’s foreign policy. In this article, using Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analyses method and the post-colonial theoretical model, authors explore Imam Khomeini’s political discourse. The main question in this research is how the West as the other is represented in Imam Khomeini’s discourse, and how such a representation is affected Iran’s post-revolutionary foreign policy. Based on the hypothesis of this research؛ Imam Khomeini began to draw a boundary between the "us" of Iran and "the other" of the West and proceeded to produce an image of the West, which featured signs such as imperialist, exploiter, devil, tyranny, arrogant, and tyrannical, an image that has become the dominant attitude in our foreign policy. It has shaped the way that political activists are confronted with the outside world.
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This article focuses on the issue of authority and its relation to the modern free subject in Iran today. The hypothesis of the paper is that the political organization of the Iranian society from the time of the arrival of modern times,... more
This article focuses on the issue of authority and its relation to the modern free subject in Iran today. The hypothesis of the paper is that the political organization of the Iranian society from the time of the arrival of modern times, with the exception of a model, is not possible with a model of the relation between the authority and the subject of the modern society. The failure of this model has been an explanatory factor of political legitimacy in modern Iran. Of course, various attempts have been made to construct this duality in such a way that it can be argued that only ideas in the political arena of Iran have played a role in establishing a relationship between the modern Iranian subject and a model of political authority. In this article, the author tries to demonstrate that the intellectual heritage deriving from Dr. Ali Shariati's thoughts, although he himself needs to be criticized, provides a preliminary plan for rethinking political authority and modern subjects in today's Iran. This article specifically explores the relation between subject and authority in Dr. Shariati's thoughts.
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Being Familiar with Naseri era, due to it’s concurrency with the emerge of new civilization in west also the transition period of Iran moving to modern era is of a great importance. This article has been seeking the roots in the lack of... more
Being Familiar with Naseri era, due to it’s concurrency with the emerge of new civilization in west also the transition period of Iran moving to modern era is of a great importance.
This article has been seeking the roots in the lack of forming the neccessary struchures for modernization and subsequent human developments in Iranian society of the Haseriera.Recogniting the personality traits of NaserAl-Dinshah, due toth. Personalization of politics during that period it has helped to find the roots of the factors influencing the subject matter. Researcher whitphenomemology method has analyzed Naser AlDinshah’s character and it’s influence on his political behavior based on Abraham Maslow’s theory;and aswell analyzed the reflection ofking’s decisions on Iranian society based on Inglehart’s post-modernization theory,andthefactors influencinghuman underdevelopment in IranThe hypothesis of this research is that life environment of Qajar court were a barrier to NaserAl-Dinshah’s basic needsand coused his tyrant character to be shaped.The longterm reign of NaserAl-Dinshah led to his influence on all aspects of socity, so politics and government were fully influenced by the king’s personality traits in that period.The person who,due to various short comings and mistalcen decision, was an obstacle to modernization in the country,and as a result, he mode human development in Iranian culture in Naseri era concealed.
This article has been seeking the roots in the lack of forming the neccessary struchures for modernization and subsequent human developments in Iranian society of the Haseriera.Recogniting the personality traits of NaserAl-Dinshah, due toth. Personalization of politics during that period it has helped to find the roots of the factors influencing the subject matter. Researcher whitphenomemology method has analyzed Naser AlDinshah’s character and it’s influence on his political behavior based on Abraham Maslow’s theory;and aswell analyzed the reflection ofking’s decisions on Iranian society based on Inglehart’s post-modernization theory,andthefactors influencinghuman underdevelopment in IranThe hypothesis of this research is that life environment of Qajar court were a barrier to NaserAl-Dinshah’s basic needsand coused his tyrant character to be shaped.The longterm reign of NaserAl-Dinshah led to his influence on all aspects of socity, so politics and government were fully influenced by the king’s personality traits in that period.The person who,due to various short comings and mistalcen decision, was an obstacle to modernization in the country,and as a result, he mode human development in Iranian culture in Naseri era concealed.
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Some believe that in the years after the Islamic Revolution, their preservation and self-respect in foreign policy have been superior to national interests, and national interests have often been neglected. But it should be said that this... more
Some believe that in the years after the Islamic Revolution, their preservation and self-respect in foreign policy have been superior to national interests, and national interests have often been neglected. But it should be said that this amount of attention and dignity can be derived from the "decent dignitaries" of Iranians. In fact, this is not necessarily after the Islamic Revolution, but for centuries, has been implicated in Iran's engagement with the outside world, which can be called the Safavits era as one of the first manifestations of the experience of a strategic culture of domination in contemporary Iran's foreign policy. Therefore, the present article, using the analytical concept of "dignity" and with a historical and descriptive analytical approach, seeks to prove that other concepts, other than the acquisition of power and security, such as "dignity," have the ability to explain Iranian foreign policy during the Safavits period And, in the end, the main question of the current research is whether other concepts, other than the acquisition of "power" and "security", such as "pride", along with the three components of "self-imposed restriction in conflict", the "priority of identity" and "dignity" have the capability for the explanation of Iran's foreign policy during the Safavits era?
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Postmodernism, as the current which has emerged out of developments in the modern world, and by enjoying the critical discourse of modernity, has created many effects on various spheres, including in the political arena. In this research,... more
Postmodernism, as the current which has emerged out of developments in the modern world, and by enjoying the critical discourse of modernity, has created many effects on various spheres, including in the political arena. In this research, by raising this question that, what is the relation between post-modernism and politics, this hypothesis is formulated that, postmodernism, when implemented in politics, under the influence of relativistic attitudes in the ontological, epistemological and ethical spheres, offers a cynical and skeptical approach to power and rule, which leads to suspension the possibility of any political judgment or political action. In order to test this hypothesis, and by taking advantage of a coherent conceptual framework, first, the genealogy of this current, based on modernity’s process of change and evolution, is investigated and then, by analyzing different aspects of postmodern though in the realm of ontological, epistemological, ethics and politics, the consequences of this approach, on the political and related areas of power and politics, are analyzed.
Research Interests:
The analytical and critical recognition of the place of Jihad's component in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior form the core of the paper. It has been attempted to answer the fundamental question based on the qualitative... more
The analytical and critical recognition of the place of Jihad's component in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior form the core of the paper. It has been attempted to answer the fundamental question based on the qualitative methodology of historical analysis and documentation and the means of pinpointing which component of jihad is in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior. The findings of the paper show that such as denial of defensive jihad and the emphasis on Jihad Fatah, placing jihad under the principles of religion, customary and individualizing jihad, expanding the scope of jihad inclusion, ignoring the rules of Jihad and emphasizing on total violence and new innovations in Jihad, such as jihad marriage, medicine, children, and cyber-media jihad constitute the basic components of the Islamic State's view of jihad. From the perspective of ISIL, jihad has become conceptualized and used as an instrumental means, and the result of their false and distorted religious views has been manifested in the form of a heinous and brutal act.
Research Interests:
The creation of different movements in region during last decades has led to huge amount of studies on these movements to distinguish their reason, state and aims. This essay focuses on descriptive-analytic method and comparative method... more
The creation of different movements in region during last decades has led to huge amount of studies on these movements to distinguish their reason, state and aims. This essay focuses on descriptive-analytic method and comparative method to study Ikhvan al Moslemin movement and Fethullah Gülen movement, and to name their similarities and differences. The hypothesis is that these movements resemble in their methods and differ in the way of looking at religion and politics.
The results of the study show that the two movements are different in subjects like religion, government and secularism and are similar in topics like democracy and mysticism. The results also certify that although the two movements have a world-inclusive aim, the Gülen movement included the whole world and Ikhvan al Moslemin movement included Islamic world only. It should be mentioned that although both of these movements have done economic, advertising and social activities, Ikhvan's social activities were more than Gülen's.
The results of the study show that the two movements are different in subjects like religion, government and secularism and are similar in topics like democracy and mysticism. The results also certify that although the two movements have a world-inclusive aim, the Gülen movement included the whole world and Ikhvan al Moslemin movement included Islamic world only. It should be mentioned that although both of these movements have done economic, advertising and social activities, Ikhvan's social activities were more than Gülen's.
Research Interests:
The Persian Gulf is one of the world's premier geographical areas. This region includes the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries plus Iran and Iraq. The study seeks to answer the question of which scenarios will be the future of the... more
The Persian Gulf is one of the world's premier geographical areas. This region includes the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries plus Iran and Iraq. The study seeks to answer the question of which scenarios will be the future of the relationship between Iran and the Cooperation Council at 1404 horizons. The present study uses 5methods of futuristic research, namely, cross-impact analysis, 5 key factors; the attitude of the rulers of Iran and the Cooperation Council countries towards each other; increasing the arms and military rivalry of the member states of the Council and Iran with the aim of hegemony in The region, fears of the Shiite Crescent Celestial Theory and the Centenary Revolutionary Guards have been identified with the aim of confronting Iran and identity differences, the future of Syria, Iraq, Yemen on the relationship between Iran and the future of Iran's nuclear program. These proxies were used as the underlying factors in the Scenarios program. Finally, with multiple analyzes, including a panel of experts, out of 128 possible scenarios, 4 possible scenarios were identified: war boats, warships, passenger ships, and shipwreck. Eventually, the scenario of Warship identified as a probable scenario with a high probability of introducing the passenger ship's scenario as a preferred and desirable scenario for Iran.
Research Interests:
The immigration is an important subject in the world and the Middle East. This subject has been affected economic, social and political factors. The main question of this research is why Iranians immigrants move to Kuwait and how could... more
The immigration is an important subject in the world and the Middle East. This subject has been affected economic, social and political factors. The main question of this research is why Iranians immigrants move to Kuwait and how could affect the political, social and economic relations between two countries? Hypothesis of this research is that we can explain the causes of immigration on the basis of two theories: the theory of attraction and repulsion and model of cost-benefit. The variables in the national, regional and international levels explain the trends of immigrations of Iranians to Kuwait including: Petrol, Islamic Revolution, the Persian Gulf War, Relationships between Iran and Saudi Arabia and etc. Research findings show Iranian immigrants are important minority in this country. But governments of two countries couldn’t have a share from this potential in extension of their relations. The causes of them are on vision of Kuwait government to immigrants as stranger, be Shia most of them and not pay attention of Iran government to them and their economical vision for business. The research with analytic and descriptive method try to study why and effect of immigration and Iranian immigrants on relations between Iran and Kuwait.
Research Interests:
This paper aims to measure the level of political trust and identify important variables and factors effect it in Kurdistan. The hypothesis was that: degree of political confidence in this province generally is lower than average and this... more
This paper aims to measure the level of political trust and identify important variables and factors effect it in Kurdistan. The hypothesis was that: degree of political confidence in this province generally is lower than average and this situation is influenced by the political background and status Security of province, ethnic policies of the state, performance of central and local institutions and officials, position and opportunities for social and political participation of citizens and regional and international factors. This hypothesis was tested by using the survey. Statistical population included 490 persons of 15 to 64 years old is the province.
The findings of the paper show that, first, the average political trust in the province is higher than the average. Secondly, the variable "satisfaction with the performance of government policies"(0/76) has been greatest effect on degree of the people political trust in the province and then there have been 'membership in associations and civil society organizations"(0/59), "socioeconomic status"(0/36), "regional and international factors"(-0.28), "Media and mass communication"(0/28), "religion(0/18), "inter-ethnic trust"(0/11) and "ethnic identity" (0/10) variables.
According to the findings of the article, it is necessary for the central government and local and regional authorities to further increase security policies and practices, employment opportunities, prosperity and participation opportunities in the province.
The findings of the paper show that, first, the average political trust in the province is higher than the average. Secondly, the variable "satisfaction with the performance of government policies"(0/76) has been greatest effect on degree of the people political trust in the province and then there have been 'membership in associations and civil society organizations"(0/59), "socioeconomic status"(0/36), "regional and international factors"(-0.28), "Media and mass communication"(0/28), "religion(0/18), "inter-ethnic trust"(0/11) and "ethnic identity" (0/10) variables.
According to the findings of the article, it is necessary for the central government and local and regional authorities to further increase security policies and practices, employment opportunities, prosperity and participation opportunities in the province.
Research Interests:
In the last two decades the concept of social capital and good governance has become one of the main topics of research in political science. The present study is concerned with explaining good governance and the obstacles facing it in... more
In the last two decades the concept of social capital and good governance has become one of the main topics of research in political science. The present study is concerned with explaining good governance and the obstacles facing it in terms of social capital. In line with this concern, and based on the claim of the study, the research question can be stated as follows: What is the relationship between social capital and good governance in Iran? Hypothesis with the question is consistent that the realization of good governance depends on the weakness or strength of social capital in Iran. This research, in terms of purpose, is foundational and of the methodology, is descriptive-analysis. Social capital is independent variable and the dependent variable is obstacles to good governance in Iran. The findings suggest the relationship between the failure to achieve good governance and the decline of social capital at the macro level and there are barriers to good governance in Iran. In addition, research shows that barriers in the form of a vicious cycle reproduces one another over the years, and this vicious cycle itself is the biggest obstacle to good governance in Iran.
Research Interests:
Postmodernism, as the current which has emerged out of developments in the modern world, and by enjoying the critical discourse of modernity, has created many effects on various spheres, including in the political arena. In this research,... more
Postmodernism, as the current which has emerged out of developments in the modern world, and by enjoying the critical discourse of modernity, has created many effects on various spheres, including in the political arena. In this research, by raising this question that, what is the relation between post-modernism and politics, this hypothesis is formulated that, postmodernism, when implemented in politics, under the influence of relativistic attitudes in the ontological, epistemological and ethical spheres, offers a cynical and skeptical approach to power and rule, which leads to suspension the possibility of any political judgment or political action. In order to test this hypothesis, and by taking advantage of a coherent conceptual framework, first, the genealogy of this current, based on modernity’s process of change and evolution, is investigated and then, by analyzing different aspects of postmodern though in the realm of ontological, epistemological, ethics and politics, the consequences of this approach, on the political and related areas of power and politics, are analyzed.
Research Interests:
The analytical and critical recognition of the place of Jihad's component in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior form the core of the paper. It has been attempted to answer the fundamental question based on the qualitative... more
The analytical and critical recognition of the place of Jihad's component in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior form the core of the paper. It has been attempted to answer the fundamental question based on the qualitative methodology of historical analysis and documentation and the means of pinpointing which component of jihad is in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior. The findings of the paper show that such as denial of defensive jihad and the emphasis on Jihad Fatah, placing jihad under the principles of religion, customary and individualizing jihad, expanding the scope of jihad inclusion, ignoring the rules of Jihad and emphasizing on total violence and new innovations in Jihad, such as jihad marriage, medicine, children, and cyber-media jihad constitute the basic components of the Islamic State's view of jihad. From the perspective of ISIL, jihad has become conceptualized and used as an instrumental means, and the result of their false and distorted religious views has been manifested in the form of a heinous and brutal act.
Research Interests:
The creation of different movements in region during last decades has led to huge amount of studies on these movements to distinguish their reason, state and aims. This essay focuses on descriptive-analytic method and comparative method... more
The creation of different movements in region during last decades has led to huge amount of studies on these movements to distinguish their reason, state and aims. This essay focuses on descriptive-analytic method and comparative method to study Ikhvan al Moslemin movement and Fethullah Gülen movement, and to name their similarities and differences. The hypothesis is that these movements resemble in their methods and differ in the way of looking at religion and politics.
The results of the study show that the two movements are different in subjects like religion, government and secularism and are similar in topics like democracy and mysticism. The results also certify that although the two movements have a world-inclusive aim, the Gülen movement included the whole world and Ikhvan al Moslemin movement included Islamic world only. It should be mentioned that although both of these movements have done economic, advertising and social activities, Ikhvan's social activities were more than Gülen's.
The results of the study show that the two movements are different in subjects like religion, government and secularism and are similar in topics like democracy and mysticism. The results also certify that although the two movements have a world-inclusive aim, the Gülen movement included the whole world and Ikhvan al Moslemin movement included Islamic world only. It should be mentioned that although both of these movements have done economic, advertising and social activities, Ikhvan's social activities were more than Gülen's.
Research Interests:
The Persian Gulf is one of the world's premier geographical areas. This region includes the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries plus Iran and Iraq. The study seeks to answer the question of which scenarios will be the future of the... more
The Persian Gulf is one of the world's premier geographical areas. This region includes the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries plus Iran and Iraq. The study seeks to answer the question of which scenarios will be the future of the relationship between Iran and the Cooperation Council at 1404 horizons. The present study uses 5methods of futuristic research, namely, cross-impact analysis, 5 key factors; the attitude of the rulers of Iran and the Cooperation Council countries towards each other; increasing the arms and military rivalry of the member states of the Council and Iran with the aim of hegemony in The region, fears of the Shiite Crescent Celestial Theory and the Centenary Revolutionary Guards have been identified with the aim of confronting Iran and identity differences, the future of Syria, Iraq, Yemen on the relationship between Iran and the future of Iran's nuclear program. These proxies were used as the underlying factors in the Scenarios program. Finally, with multiple analyzes, including a panel of experts, out of 128 possible scenarios, 4 possible scenarios were identified: war boats, warships, passenger ships, and shipwreck. Eventually, the scenario of Warship identified as a probable scenario with a high probability of introducing the passenger ship's scenario as a preferred and desirable scenario for Iran.
Research Interests:
The immigration is an important subject in the world and the Middle East. This subject has been affected economic, social and political factors. The main question of this research is why Iranians immigrants move to Kuwait and how could... more
The immigration is an important subject in the world and the Middle East. This subject has been affected economic, social and political factors. The main question of this research is why Iranians immigrants move to Kuwait and how could affect the political, social and economic relations between two countries? Hypothesis of this research is that we can explain the causes of immigration on the basis of two theories: the theory of attraction and repulsion and model of cost-benefit. The variables in the national, regional and international levels explain the trends of immigrations of Iranians to Kuwait including: Petrol, Islamic Revolution, the Persian Gulf War, Relationships between Iran and Saudi Arabia and etc. Research findings show Iranian immigrants are important minority in this country. But governments of two countries couldn’t have a share from this potential in extension of their relations. The causes of them are on vision of Kuwait government to immigrants as stranger, be Shia most of them and not pay attention of Iran government to them and their economical vision for business. The research with analytic and descriptive method try to study why and effect of immigration and Iranian immigrants on relations between Iran and Kuwait.
Research Interests:
This paper aims to measure the level of political trust and identify important variables and factors effect it in Kurdistan. The hypothesis was that: degree of political confidence in this province generally is lower than average and this... more
This paper aims to measure the level of political trust and identify important variables and factors effect it in Kurdistan. The hypothesis was that: degree of political confidence in this province generally is lower than average and this situation is influenced by the political background and status Security of province, ethnic policies of the state, performance of central and local institutions and officials, position and opportunities for social and political participation of citizens and regional and international factors. This hypothesis was tested by using the survey. Statistical population included 490 persons of 15 to 64 years old is the province.
The findings of the paper show that, first, the average political trust in the province is higher than the average. Secondly, the variable "satisfaction with the performance of government policies"(0/76) has been greatest effect on degree of the people political trust in the province and then there have been 'membership in associations and civil society organizations"(0/59), "socioeconomic status"(0/36), "regional and international factors"(-0.28), "Media and mass communication"(0/28), "religion(0/18), "inter-ethnic trust"(0/11) and "ethnic identity" (0/10) variables.
According to the findings of the article, it is necessary for the central government and local and regional authorities to further increase security policies and practices, employment opportunities, prosperity and participation opportunities in the province.
The findings of the paper show that, first, the average political trust in the province is higher than the average. Secondly, the variable "satisfaction with the performance of government policies"(0/76) has been greatest effect on degree of the people political trust in the province and then there have been 'membership in associations and civil society organizations"(0/59), "socioeconomic status"(0/36), "regional and international factors"(-0.28), "Media and mass communication"(0/28), "religion(0/18), "inter-ethnic trust"(0/11) and "ethnic identity" (0/10) variables.
According to the findings of the article, it is necessary for the central government and local and regional authorities to further increase security policies and practices, employment opportunities, prosperity and participation opportunities in the province.
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Despite decades of expansion in international academic fields, the concept of social capital is still an under-researched area in Iranian domestic fields. This term has become a controversial and multidimensional concept, as each branch... more
Despite decades of expansion in international academic fields, the concept of social capital is still an under-researched area in Iranian domestic fields. This term has become a controversial and multidimensional concept, as each branch in the humanities has adopted and applied their own definition of the term, social capital. Giving a functional explanation of the term, this research aims at evaluating the quantitative and qualitative situation of youth’s political socialization process. The focus of this research is on the relationship between the concepts of ‘social capital,’ ‘socialization’ and ‘political affair.’ For the case study, this research focuses on university as a government institution in charge of political socialization in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Specifically, the research tries to explore the effects of social capital on political socialization process of undergraduate students in public universities in the city of Tehran. The hypothesis of this research is that the higher the level of social capital in public universities in Tehran, the more successful the universities are in realizing the political socialization function of their undergraduate students. Eventually, this study will investigate effective contexts in the process of political socialization to highlight the political functions of social capital.
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In the last two decades the concept of social capital and good governance has become one of the main topics of research in political science. The present study is concerned with explaining good governance and the obstacles facing it in... more
In the last two decades the concept of social capital and good governance has become one of the main topics of research in political science. The present study is concerned with explaining good governance and the obstacles facing it in terms of social capital. In line with this concern, and based on the claim of the study, the research question can be stated as follows: What is the relationship between social capital and good governance in Iran? Hypothesis with the question is consistent that the realization of good governance depends on the weakness or strength of social capital in Iran. This research, in terms of purpose, is foundational and of the methodology, is descriptive-analysis. Social capital is independent variable and the dependent variable is obstacles to good governance in Iran. The findings suggest the relationship between the failure to achieve good governance and the decline of social capital at the macro level and there are barriers to good governance in Iran. In addition, research shows that barriers in the form of a vicious cycle reproduces one another over the years, and this vicious cycle itself is the biggest obstacle to good governance in Iran.
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Leaving the Middle East by US ground troops and its concurrency with bolder presence of US western allies and more equipping of its regional allies, indicated a change in the approach of US toward the Middle East as a result of Pivot to... more
Leaving the Middle East by US ground troops and its concurrency with bolder presence of US western allies and more equipping of its regional allies, indicated a change in the approach of US toward the Middle East as a result of Pivot to Asia strategy. Therefore, this paper raises its main research question that “what is the new policy and strategy of US toward the Middle East? And how this strategy would be for fighting with terrorist groups with focus on ISIS?” The current study has applied a descriptive analysis method and has investigated US strategy towards the Middle East by using the theory of “Offshore Balancing Strategy”. It is concluded that some factors such as the absence of ground troops, transference of costs to other allies and delegation of duty, multilateralism and … are regarded as the main elements of new strategy of US. As a result, using local forces, regional allies, light footprint strategy and some cooperation like aerial cooperation against ISIS, equipping and instructing the troops, using navy and specific forces and utilizing the drones and rockets and… will be from the first priorities and choices of US.
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Since 1945, western countries and specially the United States have tried to secure their international interests by establishing international economic institutions, regional security organizations and dissemination of liberal political... more
Since 1945, western countries and specially the United States have tried to secure their international interests by establishing international economic institutions, regional security organizations and dissemination of liberal political norms, Known as international liberal order. But in recent years this order has been challenged by some newly emerged powers such as China. Inabilities in administration of some international affairs such as international order, global economy and terrorism have weakened west position more. This fact has risen an important question: what would be the future of international liberal order and whether we should expect emerge of a new international order as a replacement for liberal order in the future? With the aim of investigating statues of liberal international order in current situation and in the shadow of newly international emerged powers such as China, the article have put two questions forward: what is the view point of China to the current international liberal order and how the county efforts in regional institutional building specially in Central Asia could be analyzed? The finding of the research reveals that Chain is just interested to revise the current order and the country institution building effort is a part of its plan for this revision.
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The center of gravity of the world economy is shifting from the West to the Asian continent with China. China's new Silk Road initiative is one of the most important indicators of the shift in centrality. The key question is what strategy... more
The center of gravity of the world economy is shifting from the West to the Asian continent with China. China's new Silk Road initiative is one of the most important indicators of the shift in centrality. The key question is what strategy has Europe taken towards the Silk Road initiative? The research hypothesis suggests that European countries are skeptical about China's true aims and intentions in presenting the Silk Road initiative. In this regard, Europe seeks to pursue China's strategy of assimilating and then controlling it through prudent cooperation with China to advance the plan. The findings of the study showed that, from the perspective of the European Union, although China is trying to be transparent about its strategy, the purpose of the Silk Road strategy for cooperation with the European Union or some European countries has not been specified. The European Union believes China's approach is to trade unilaterally and export goods to Europe. The research topic is examined in accordance with the theoretical framework of the Beijing Consensus. The method of measuring and examining the subject is a descriptive-analytical method.
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Politics in its general sense is abstract-practical knowledge because it was in the first glance, better management of the city and society. This knowledge sought to understand the ends and objectives of the government, and also to seek... more
Politics in its general sense is abstract-practical knowledge because it was in the first glance, better management of the city and society. This knowledge sought to understand the ends and objectives of the government, and also to seek the means to achieve those goals. Although its theoretical aspect has become more prominent today, this knowledge is essentially applied and problem-oriented. This utilitarianism, which is the dominant concept of political thought in the West, has emerged most of all in American society through the combination of past meanings and the birth of the concept of legalism. Political scientists in the United States, and even activists who formulate the legal and political foundations of the US government, adopted important elements of its four religious, philosophical, Anglo-Saxon and institutional roots. They formulated these elements, mainly in the context of European society, in a new system of law. The rule of law, the pursuit of material welfare in the context of public participation and satisfaction, and the centrality of material and economic welfare have led to important results that have led to the foundation of knowledge on empirical foundations and methods and ultimately to the emergence of applied knowledge from its inevitable consequences.
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Noticing the media efforts of Islamophobia and the creation of a disproportionate image of Islam, the purpose of this paper is presenting perfect image of Islam in Press TV. The two letters of Iranian supreme leader to the youth of EU&USA... more
Noticing the media efforts of Islamophobia and the creation of a disproportionate
image of Islam, the purpose of this paper is presenting perfect image of Islam in Press TV.
The two letters of Iranian supreme leader to the youth of EU&USA and other statements
related to the subject gathered for the content analysis method. The outputs of the first
step categorized in 15 molds and 7 overall topics (Phobia making, history and civilization,
true Islam, current problems, Islam and other ideologies, Islam and the Westand the West Society).
By this step, 30 experts of media and religion field targeted to taking a semi- structured interview.
After analyzing the qualitative content of the interview texts, the output derived of this step divided
in two parts: Assessing the present condition of Press TV and offering the suitable strategies for its
content management. Proposed strategies were categorized and summarized in three
areas: the programing (audience research, content creation, message distribution and feedback),
the planning (in or out of Press TV), and organizational structure (human resources,
TV’s organizational issues and so problems of channel). Finally, the media cycles which presented
by this research recommended for Press TV in order to take an effective media strategy due to studying media and its language.
image of Islam, the purpose of this paper is presenting perfect image of Islam in Press TV.
The two letters of Iranian supreme leader to the youth of EU&USA and other statements
related to the subject gathered for the content analysis method. The outputs of the first
step categorized in 15 molds and 7 overall topics (Phobia making, history and civilization,
true Islam, current problems, Islam and other ideologies, Islam and the Westand the West Society).
By this step, 30 experts of media and religion field targeted to taking a semi- structured interview.
After analyzing the qualitative content of the interview texts, the output derived of this step divided
in two parts: Assessing the present condition of Press TV and offering the suitable strategies for its
content management. Proposed strategies were categorized and summarized in three
areas: the programing (audience research, content creation, message distribution and feedback),
the planning (in or out of Press TV), and organizational structure (human resources,
TV’s organizational issues and so problems of channel). Finally, the media cycles which presented
by this research recommended for Press TV in order to take an effective media strategy due to studying media and its language.
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The accumulation of values as an ideal with the realities of existence, in taking strategic decisions of the system in various cultural, political, social, and economic fields ... is one of the most important issues which has attracted... more
The accumulation of values as an ideal with the realities of existence, in taking strategic decisions of the system in various cultural, political, social, and economic fields ... is one of the most important issues which has attracted the minds of many elites since the early revolution. Regarding the importance of this issue, the purpose of this article is to explain and analyze the character of the realistic idealism (two basic components of the wise decision making model) in the strategic decisions of Imam Khomeini since 1357 to 68. Since this feature of Imam's leadership has not been scientifically investigated so far, In this research, the strategic decisions of Imam Khomeini in the domain of research are selected and the categories related to the two features of idealism and realism, using quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the words of Imam contained in 22 volumes of Imam Khomeini Sahifeh, extraction, classification, analysis and inference Has been done. The findings of the research show that all the strategic decisions studied in this study were within the framework of the wise decision-making features and has two components of idealism and realism. Thus, it can be concluded with certainty that Imam Khomeini, in making strategic decisions, was a realistic idealist.
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Border Rivers, as one of the most important natural terrain, are always the source of many differences in relations between states. The Hirmand River is the main artery of the Hamoon Lake, the borderline between Iran and Afghanistan,... more
Border Rivers, as one of the most important natural terrain, are always the source of many differences in relations between states. The Hirmand River is the main artery of the Hamoon Lake, the borderline between Iran and Afghanistan, which has caused many border controversies between the two countries to this day. Failure of Afghanistan's to adhere to 1973 agreement to provide the water right of the Hirmand River, and hence the land of Hamoon, as a lake that Sistan's life is dependent on, has exacerbated the increasing challenges in the Sistan region. There has been a lot of negotiation between Iran and Afghanistan. Authors intend to answer the question of what are the strategies of diplomacy for providing the water right to the Hirmand River between Iran and Afghanistan. In the framework of game theory, in the first stage, the Hirmand Water Crisis should be considered as an important priority in the field of Iranian policy. Then, in the process of negotiations between Iran and Afghanistan based on diplomacy, the rationality of actors, Afghanistan’s access to the Chabahar port and the provision of the Hirmand water right as the point of equilibrium and the best option for both countries.
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The purpose of the present study is to explain the silent threatening points in national macro policy in Iran and how these threatening issues are included in the policy calendar of policy makers. Iran's policy system seems to be... more
The purpose of the present study is to explain the silent threatening points in national macro policy in Iran and how these threatening issues are included in the policy calendar of policy makers. Iran's policy system seems to be influenced by normative, democratic approaches, scientific achievements and stakeholder interests in the "political calendar" section. Destructive threats are introduced into the system, which may be supported by the system itself with civil society, and the main focus of the research is to explain how these dormant cancers are activated and to propose a policy to address them. Theoretical Framework The present research is the theory of functional systems.
Using a causal explanation research method, the researcher explains how social threats can be activated by unnecessary policy interventions. The researcher uses the library method and documents to explain how threatening social issues are entered into the policy calendar of policy makers and causal relations of policy interventions and activation of potential threats in Iran. The problem-solving strategy is “problem pathology” and "the legal administrative" view to problem to provide a solution. An important solution to the problem is also institutional refinement.
Using a causal explanation research method, the researcher explains how social threats can be activated by unnecessary policy interventions. The researcher uses the library method and documents to explain how threatening social issues are entered into the policy calendar of policy makers and causal relations of policy interventions and activation of potential threats in Iran. The problem-solving strategy is “problem pathology” and "the legal administrative" view to problem to provide a solution. An important solution to the problem is also institutional refinement.
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The proliferation of political Structure and the activation of social cleavages led Iran to an exacerbating process of electoral competition in the past two decades. Despite the positive functions of elections in Iran, the dark sides of... more
The proliferation of political Structure and the activation of social cleavages led Iran to an exacerbating process of electoral competition in the past two decades. Despite the positive functions of elections in Iran, the dark sides of this process are less known. Elections in Iran has led to an increase in the internal conflicts of political system, created very severe discontinuities in the policy- making process, paved the way for activating and intensifying social cleavages (especially ethnic and religious cleavages), and formed a kind of Sponsorship-based policy making and intensify the economic corruption of politicians. One of the main negative consequences of this process is delegitimizing the electoral process. The role of delegitimizing has been linked to the anti-developmental role of elections in Iran. From the viewpoint of the pathology of democratic processes and the effort to improve the quality of electoral mechanisms, it is important to understand such dimensions. “Completion of the institutional chain of electoral politics” is a proposed framework for reforming these processes.
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The position of transatlantic relations in the structure of the international system and the role of these relations in the processes of power structures is of great importance. The two power spectra that have the greatest degree of... more
The position of transatlantic relations in the structure of the international system and the role of these relations in the processes of power structures is of great importance. The two power spectra that have the greatest degree of coordination in the international system structures, but the relations have taken on a different form during the Tramp era, and in some cases it has been instable. What has been pointed out in this study is the critical components of the relationship between the two sides, the United States and the European Union, during the Tramp era, which can be expressed in the Paris Agreement, the common security and defense ties and the Middle East peace process. Research question: What are the critical components of EU-US relations during the Tramp era? The research hypothesis; what is more apparent in the foreign policy of Trump is a divergence in various fields with the European Union that the most important components of the crisis in its foreign policy; defense and security policies, the nuclear agreement, the Middle East peace deal and the Paris agreement. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and for information gathering, it is mainly used in library and site studies.
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Since the early of 1980s china has treated according to low profile foreign policy to protect itself from negative consequences of international crisis. Although china is ally of Iran and Russia in Syria but has tended to avoid tensions... more
Since the early of 1980s china has treated according to low profile foreign policy to protect itself from negative consequences of international crisis. Although china is ally of Iran and Russia in Syria but has tended to avoid tensions with opposite sides. Therefore china behavior is somehow against United States and its allies but it is not originated from the china desire to geopolitics competitions. China has not involved in Syria crisis directly but seeking to acquire proper economic position at post crisis era. In this article the researchers try to answer the following question: How has been the china approach in Syria Crisis? How will be the china role in post crisis Syria? The following hypothesis examines in the frame work of soft balancing theory. China has indirectly contributed to balance of power in Syria. But Beijing is more concerned about its economic status in the post-Crisis era, than the political and geopolitical fate of Syria. Evidence of this study shows improving the china role in post crisis era. This article has written by descriptive-analytical method.
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Given the significant influence of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China, their strategic beliefs and theories and perceptions of the objective international environment have had a profound... more
Given the significant influence of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China, their strategic beliefs and theories and perceptions of the objective international environment have had a profound impact on different aspects of Chinese political life and behavior. This article focuses on the economic implications and implications of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping's international objective environment and explores the hypothesis that our conceptions are explored through the perspective of the theoretical, conceptual, and empirical approach to Robert Jervis's international politics. Dong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China have had a decisive influence on the economic policies of the People's Republic of China, with Mao Zedong's conceptions of Communist economic policies and Deng Xiaoping's perceptions leading to reopening policy and economic reforms. That has had different economic implications for China. The findings of the article show that Deng Xiaoping's perceptions of the international objective environment are a determining factor in China's focus on improving living standards for citizens and the economic and military emergence of the People's Republic of China, which has significantly reduced poverty, increased wealth, strength and strengthened China's national security.
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"Eurasian regionalism", as a single phenomenon, has had different constructivist representations in the Russian identity macro-discourse of Eurasianism. These representations have been produced in the context of a two-way construction... more
"Eurasian regionalism", as a single phenomenon, has had different constructivist representations in the Russian identity macro-discourse of Eurasianism. These representations have been produced in the context of a two-way construction between Russia's identity and interests, and due to the severity and depth of identity boundaries with internal and external "others", among the various narratives of the Eurasian identity discourse, they have found different shapes. Different representations have inevitably led to different behaviors from imperialism to co-operation towards Eurasian regionalism in Russian foreign policy. In other words, the dual continuous superior/ lower in determining the position of the various narratives of Eurasianism, has unceasingly involved Russia in the process of adjustment between regional behavior and semantic systems. The following article, in response to the cause of Russians' different behaviors toward Eurasian regionalism, uses the theory of "critical constructivist regionalism" to seek to assess the truth / untruth of this notion: "different constructivist representations from Eurasian regionalism in various narratives of Russian identity macro-discourse of Eurasianism, has led to different behaviors in its foreign policy towards Eurasian regionalism".
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the change in Turkish strategy against ISIS from "support" to "battling". In order to understand is used the approach of the "structure of the international system," which is a synthesis of... more
The purpose of this paper is to examine the change in Turkish strategy against ISIS from "support" to "battling". In order to understand is used the approach of the "structure of the international system," which is a synthesis of "regional hegemonic structure" and "trans-regional repulse structure" to indicate why Turkey is carried out to the "big change".
For this purpose, is used descriptive-analytical method and relied on documentary sources through library research. The findings show because of the limitations of the regional structure due to superiority of Kurds, the axis of resistance and Russia as the dominant forces on the one hand and Trans-regional systemic pressures due to discredit front of the US, EU and international institutions / world public opinion, on the other hand, turkey was forced to strategic turn in its policy against ISIS. So, this kind of revisionism comes from a tradition based on realistic in order to restore power and national security not from the revolutionary tradition based on real determination to fight terrorism.
For this purpose, is used descriptive-analytical method and relied on documentary sources through library research. The findings show because of the limitations of the regional structure due to superiority of Kurds, the axis of resistance and Russia as the dominant forces on the one hand and Trans-regional systemic pressures due to discredit front of the US, EU and international institutions / world public opinion, on the other hand, turkey was forced to strategic turn in its policy against ISIS. So, this kind of revisionism comes from a tradition based on realistic in order to restore power and national security not from the revolutionary tradition based on real determination to fight terrorism.
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The purpose of this article is to survey the historic process of democracy in Iran after Islamic revolution by benefiting from Robert Dahl’s polyarchy model and qualifying his threefold indexes as political participation, political... more
The purpose of this article is to survey the historic process of democracy in Iran after Islamic revolution by benefiting from Robert Dahl’s polyarchy model and qualifying his threefold indexes as political participation, political competition and political supervision and their mixture through Boolean algebra technic as to show the historic fluctuation process of democracy in Iran after revolution. By periodization the history after Islamic revolution into four periods, i.e. first period (1979-82), second period (1982-98), third period (1988-2006), fourth period (2006-2013), the collected data show that the amount of democracy indicators has fluctuated over time except the period of 1979-1982, but, the fluctuation has leaned to up, not down. In spite of affluent sources which have surveyed this topic mostly qualitatively or have surveyed some parts of this topic, this article has attempted to survey the different parts of this topic methodically and quantitatively through mixed method; this article has also received an outcome that the historic process of democracy in Iran after revolution has progressed so far, and presumably it would progress in future if its looked through a historical sociology.
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In this essay, I have tried to make a comparative comparison of Shahid Motahari's and Isaiah Berlin's views on freedom with an analytical approach and by adopting a modified McCalm's definition of freedom as a theoretical framework and... more
In this essay, I have tried to make a comparative comparison of Shahid Motahari's and Isaiah Berlin's views on freedom with an analytical approach and by adopting a modified McCalm's definition of freedom as a theoretical framework and looked at how these concepts were constructed differently. Accordingly, under the component of "human actor", he compares the anthropological issues of two thinkers; The aims and ends of each of these two thinkers of freedom were compared. In Berlin's view, since man is an indeterminate being and must determine himself; freedom is not an instrumental value and is itself an end. Freedom is the most important value because it is used to realize its incomplete, incomplete and indeterminate aspects at will. But in Martyr Motahari's view, since man is a natural being who has a definite nature and therefore has definite ends, freedom is validated so that one can step in the path of his / her development. That is, freedom is a means by which one can only attain his or her ultimate goals.
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Sheikh Ismail Mahallati, known as a modernist scholar in Najaf, supported and defended the constitution with the beginning of the constitutional movement and after its establishment in Iran, along with other prominent scholars of that... more
Sheikh Ismail Mahallati, known as a modernist scholar in Najaf, supported and defended the constitution with the beginning of the constitutional movement and after its establishment in Iran, along with other prominent scholars of that seminary, such as Akhund Khorasani, Mazandarani, Naeini and Tehrani. Coinciding with the establishment of the first term parliament and about a year before of Naini's book "Tanbih-al-ummah and Tanzih-al-mellah", he wrote a treatise entitled "Leali al-Marbutah in the Necessity of the Constitution", all of which was in defense of the Constitution and in response to its religious opponents. Sheikh Ismail Mahallati's main concern was how to overthrow the authoritarian regime and then control and monitor the government's performance. The discourse of local political thought in this treatise is formed around three basic axes: limiting the power, power of the nation and religion and rationality. Each of the above three components have elements that can be combined to overlap the nature of each component. In total, these components have eleven basic elements. With a historical and analytical approach, this article seeks to explain various aspects of neighborhood political thought in defense of the Iranian constitutional movement.
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The classical discourse of the monarchy dominated the political arena of Iran for more than a thousand years. In this discourse, the king is a Nodal point, freedom is not a place, and the concept of justice is also based on the king's... more
The classical discourse of the monarchy dominated the political arena of Iran for more than a thousand years. In this discourse, the king is a Nodal point, freedom is not a place, and the concept of justice is also based on the king's personality. But in the pre constitutional era, the anti-discourse of the monarchy is gradually taking shape in Iran. Accordingly, the question to be discussed in this study is: What contributed to the collapse of the classical discourse of monarchy and the formulation of constitutional discourse? This article seeks to show that the general crisis and disorder in Qajar Iran on the one hand and the familiarity of Iranians with the Constitutionalist discourse in the West and the moments of its discourse, such as justice and freedom, the field of marginalization of the classical discourse of monarchy and the rejection of the earlier meanings of justice and caused freedom. To achieve this, this article uses the methodology of the discourses of Laclau and Mouffe.
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The present article seeks to explain the Iraqi Kurdistan independence from the perspective of the interests and strategy of the effective actors, and utilizes the Actor Analysis Approach and MACTOR method. In this regard the main question... more
The present article seeks to explain the Iraqi Kurdistan independence from the perspective of the interests and strategy of the effective actors, and utilizes the Actor Analysis Approach and MACTOR method. In this regard the main question is: what is the main convergences between interests and strategies of the main actors in Iraqi Kurdistan, and this circumstances how affects Kurdish independence? MACTOR method explicitly analyzes the relationships between actors and evaluates the relationships between actors and strategies. The main actors and strategies - including 11 main actors and 14 key strategies- were identified and then graphs were analyzed. The most important results regarding the Kurdistan independence are: the most influential actors in the subject; the actors competitiveness in the Kurdish independence; the most sensitive strategies; and the degree of convergence and divergence of actors regarding the strategies under consideration. The important result is that the sensitivity of the key actors and their relative consensus to disagree about establishment of Kurdish state and disintegration of Iraq and also concerns about creation of great Kurdistan state and as a result Increasing instability and Insecurity in the region, means that there are serious obstacles to ahead of Iraqi Kurds.
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The South Caucasus is one of the areas where, since the end of the Cold War, and the crises caused by geopolitical and geostrategic developments, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there have been rivalries and bargaining... more
The South Caucasus is one of the areas where, since the end of the Cold War, and the crises caused by geopolitical and geostrategic developments, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there have been rivalries and bargaining of major regional and sub-regional powers.
In recent years, The presence of the Zionist regime as one of the supranational powers in the South Caucasus as the periphery of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its strategic partnership with the countries of the region, and the further expansion of the field of cooperation and strategic plans with them, has created a serious challenge to our country's vital interests. The continuation of this presence has brought about a clear opposition in various political, security, economic and cultural spheres, which, in proportion to the emergence and level of cooperation and hostilities of the states of the region, in the absence of the maintenance of the ruling states of the region could spark a conflict Cause.
The methodology of this research is based on an argumentative approach and its research methodology has a descriptive-analytic character
In recent years, The presence of the Zionist regime as one of the supranational powers in the South Caucasus as the periphery of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its strategic partnership with the countries of the region, and the further expansion of the field of cooperation and strategic plans with them, has created a serious challenge to our country's vital interests. The continuation of this presence has brought about a clear opposition in various political, security, economic and cultural spheres, which, in proportion to the emergence and level of cooperation and hostilities of the states of the region, in the absence of the maintenance of the ruling states of the region could spark a conflict Cause.
The methodology of this research is based on an argumentative approach and its research methodology has a descriptive-analytic character
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Due to the Islamic Republic of Iran's approach to the West, and especially to the United States, Iran has been recognized as a threatening actor and has found an important place in NATO's security approach. NATO's concern over Iran's... more
Due to the Islamic Republic of Iran's approach to the West, and especially to the United States, Iran has been recognized as a threatening actor and has found an important place in NATO's security approach. NATO's concern over Iran's growing influence in the Arab world, as exemplified by its influence in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Palestine, has led to policies such as NATO's expansion into Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, and close security and intelligence and economic cooperation with the Arab countries and the fringe of the Persian Gulf countries. This article tries to answer this question: "What is NATO's approach to confronting the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East?" by using an analytical-descriptive method. The findings show that NATO's expansion to the east, while having a negative impact on Iran's relations with the European Union, the Central Asian and Caucasus republics and the Gulf Cooperation Council, will make West, and the United States put more pressure on Iran. NATO seeks to reduce Iran's role and influence in the region with strategically controlling controlling energy and transportation routes and controlling ethnic, political and ideological movements.
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The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has had widespread reflections in the region and in the world. Despite the fact that the greatest impact of the Islamic Revolution took place in the region and in Iran's neighbors, some... more
The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has had widespread reflections in the region and in the world. Despite the fact that the greatest impact of the Islamic Revolution took place in the region and in Iran's neighbors, some evidence implying that the extent of the impact of the Iranian revolution on Central Asia countries has been limited. This research seeks to answer the question why the Islamic Revolution failed to have an outstanding effect on the region? The hypothesis of the research points to the existence of problems in the political structure of the Central Asian countries in accepting the revolution, as well as the problems inside Iran to export the revolution. For this purpose, causative method and diffusion theory have been used. The findings of the research show that Some problems in the Origin and destination of the diffusion, including the lack of proper attention of Iran to the region of Central Asia, the pragmatic approach of Iran's foreign policy, the existence of authoritarian governments in the above region, the existence of regional and transnational rivals and etc. have been the most important reasons for Iran's failure to export its revolution to the central Asian countries.
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The Islamic Republic of Iran has experienced three levels of movement-movement, government-movement, and government-government relationship with Muslim Brotherhood. Although it is believed that Muslim Brotherhood have established good... more
The Islamic Republic of Iran has experienced three levels of movement-movement, government-movement, and government-government relationship with Muslim Brotherhood. Although it is believed that Muslim Brotherhood have established good relationships with the Islamic Republic after its coming into power, but in the regional affairs stood against the policies of Islamic Republic of Iran. Many political and academic societies of Iran, with emphasizing on the development of relations, recommend a change in the strategy of supporting Muslim Brotherhood in Sunni world.
The present paper uses library method along with a descriptive-analytical approach in order to answer the question that: at which level should the most suitable level of relations and Strategy between Islamic Republic and the Muslim Brotherhood be defined? Here is the research finding: Findings show that due to the ideological nature of the political system resulting from the Shiite movement in Iran and the Sunni movement of the Muslim Brotherhood and its rivalries and frictions, the most desirable level of relations between the Islamic Republic and the Muslim Brotherhood should be defined and pursued at the "government-movement" level" and based on the "state refusal, movement continuation" strategy.
The present paper uses library method along with a descriptive-analytical approach in order to answer the question that: at which level should the most suitable level of relations and Strategy between Islamic Republic and the Muslim Brotherhood be defined? Here is the research finding: Findings show that due to the ideological nature of the political system resulting from the Shiite movement in Iran and the Sunni movement of the Muslim Brotherhood and its rivalries and frictions, the most desirable level of relations between the Islamic Republic and the Muslim Brotherhood should be defined and pursued at the "government-movement" level" and based on the "state refusal, movement continuation" strategy.
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This research attempts to answer this questions that what is the ratio between ideology and pragmatism in the Iran's Foreign Policy? And, which of this is more authentic in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The result... more
This research attempts to answer this questions that what is the ratio between ideology and pragmatism in the Iran's Foreign Policy? And, which of this is more authentic in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran?
The result showed that although in many countries values and ideologies are influential in some way in the practice of foreign policy, these values and ideologies have a significant contribution to the policy and implementation of the foreign policy of Iran. In fact, despite the prevailing view that Iran's foreign policy is a pragmatic policy, the main hypothesis of this study is that the essence of Iran's foreign policy is ideological and the pragmatic approach to foreign policy -is based on the existence of conflicting interests in the international system and the constraints in national power sources- can be comprehend based on a tactical approach rather than strategic approach.
This research with using a descriptive analytical method and library resources seek to examine the ratio of ideology and pragmatism in Iran's foreign policy behavior in the framework of a triple interactive model including national interests, ideological preferences, and the nature and structure of the international system.
The result showed that although in many countries values and ideologies are influential in some way in the practice of foreign policy, these values and ideologies have a significant contribution to the policy and implementation of the foreign policy of Iran. In fact, despite the prevailing view that Iran's foreign policy is a pragmatic policy, the main hypothesis of this study is that the essence of Iran's foreign policy is ideological and the pragmatic approach to foreign policy -is based on the existence of conflicting interests in the international system and the constraints in national power sources- can be comprehend based on a tactical approach rather than strategic approach.
This research with using a descriptive analytical method and library resources seek to examine the ratio of ideology and pragmatism in Iran's foreign policy behavior in the framework of a triple interactive model including national interests, ideological preferences, and the nature and structure of the international system.
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The spread of the corona virus covid-19 has affected on different aspects of human life. International relations and world politics has been subjected to these effects, too. Regarding the linkage between the medical and the international... more
The spread of the corona virus covid-19 has affected on different aspects of human life. International relations and world politics has been subjected to these effects, too. Regarding the linkage between the medical and the international affair, the article aims to study the results of the corona outbreak for world politics. Hence, the main question here is how the medical and the international have related during the spread of corona virus covid-19. My hypothesis is that during the period, their linkage has led to paradoxical situations on different issues including actors, processes, and results. Given the breadth of the subject and the difficulty of applying traditional theories, eclecticism has been used to explain the argument. Therefore, based on this theory and using both explanatory and allegorical methods, the hypothesis is tested. In this regard, I’ll, first, select two instances for each of above-mentioned issues and, then, study the linkage between the medical and the international. Theoretically, I will use an eclecticism. Findings show that covid-19 has not left any critical change in world politics.
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The main question is why, at the same time as the outbreak of Covid-19 in the Middle East, military conflicts have become more persistent and intense? The research hypothesis is that the outbreak of Covid-19, and the involvement of... more
The main question is why, at the same time as the outbreak of Covid-19 in the Middle East, military conflicts have become more persistent and intense? The research hypothesis is that the outbreak of Covid-19, and the involvement of regional governments in the Corona virus and efforts to contain and combat it, have led to disruptions and a security vacuum, so that the groups involved decided to take this opportunity to take advantage of this security vacuum. The study concludes that governments' perceptions of security threats and the type of threats in the Middle East are still based on military threats, and the spread of the Corona virus has not changed that perception. Hence, the perception of a common threat from Covid-19, which requires the cooperation and joint efforts of governments and stakeholders to contain and counter it; which does not exist in the Middle East. The method of collecting materials and data in this research is based on the library and documentary method and also the research method is based on descriptive-analytical research method.
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The outbreak of coronavirus has had various effects on the geopolitical situation of the world. Therefore, given the negative effects of the coronavirus, planning to deal with its problems, it is necessary to examine the various scenarios... more
The outbreak of coronavirus has had various effects on the geopolitical situation of the world. Therefore, given the negative effects of the coronavirus, planning to deal with its problems, it is necessary to examine the various scenarios of the advancement of the geopolitical structure of the world and strategies related to the various scenarios to be on the agenda. This research is applied in terms of purpose and its method is descriptive-analytical. Data analysis is based on futures research techniques, including interaction analysis. In this study, a total of 40 cases (uncertainties) have been considered for 8 key factors. The research findings show that among the developed scenarios, 11 strong and probable scenarios are the future progress of the geopolitical situation caused by the outbreak of Corona virus. Of 11 strong and probable scenarios, 4 scenarios are unfavorable, 2 scenarios are favorable, and 5 scenarios are static and intermediate. The results show that the probability of occurrence of negative states of the geopolitical structure of the world in the face of the Corona virus is twice as likely as the occurrence of favorable states. Therefore, according to the main goal of geopolitical knowledge, which is to design the best strategy in the relationship between actors, the most appropriate strategies should be considered in relation to the negative consequences of this virus.
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The main question of the present article is "How has Covid-19 affected the globalization discourse in the current crisis? And what will be the scenarios facing Corona and the globalization discourse?" The results of a future research... more
The main question of the present article is "How has Covid-19 affected the globalization discourse in the current crisis? And what will be the scenarios facing Corona and the globalization discourse?" The results of a future research method show that the discourse of globalization is hurting by the central sign of liberalism and by floating signs such as the free market and global trade before the Corona crisis. Corona's oversight has intensified, with states continuing to tighten their policies, such as blocking borders, controlling and restricting information and news, disregarding social justice and human rights, the spread of nationalism, authoritarianism and severe censorship. This practice gradually challenged the rest of the floating signs. Seems that there are five scenarios for the future of the globalization discourse, which are as follows: A) Favorable future: the return of globalization to the past and reunification between states. B) Probable future: 1. Reducing the speed of the globalization process and turning states to utilitarianism. 2. Reducing the speed of the globalization process, and temporarily shrink the international environment. C) Possible future: stopping the discourse of globalization, the failure of capitalist ideology and the emergence of new ideologies.
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The main question of the present article is "How has Covid-19 affected the globalization discourse in the current crisis? And what will be the scenarios facing Corona and the globalization discourse?" The results of a future research... more
The main question of the present article is "How has Covid-19 affected the globalization discourse in the current crisis? And what will be the scenarios facing Corona and the globalization discourse?" The results of a future research method show that the discourse of globalization is hurting by the central sign of liberalism and by floating signs such as the free market and global trade before the Corona crisis. Corona's oversight has intensified, with states continuing to tighten their policies, such as blocking borders, controlling and restricting information and news, disregarding social justice and human rights, the spread of nationalism, authoritarianism and severe censorship. This practice gradually challenged the rest of the floating signs. Seems that there are five scenarios for the future of the globalization discourse, which are as follows: A) Favorable future: the return of globalization to the past and reunification between states. B) Probable future: 1. Reducing the speed of the globalization process and turning states to utilitarianism. 2. Reducing the speed of the globalization process, and temporarily shrink the international environment. C) Possible future: stopping the discourse of globalization, the failure of capitalist ideology and the emergence of new ideologies.
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The Corona virus was one of the major challenges outbreak of facing the global community in early 2020. At the beginning of the crisis, the US was one of the safest countries but this country was at the top of the list of most infected... more
The Corona virus was one of the major challenges outbreak of facing the global community in early 2020. At the beginning of the crisis, the US was one of the safest countries but this country was at the top of the list of most infected people a little later. Corona Virus is an unresolved issue in the US system now. In this article the authors aim to answer this question: What are the main reasons for Trump's inability to control the coronavirus in the United States? And what are the most likely consequences of this Virus? The hypothesis, emphasizing Trump's narcissistic personality shows in his view, Corona's prevalence in the US was based on the conspiracies of China, WHO and the poor functioning of Obama administration. The findings of paper which are based on conspiracy theories, written and virtual sources and descriptive analytical methods, show that the inefficiency of Trump's economic policies towards China, ineffective policies again WHO and the weakness of American people laws passed by Trump are the most important reasons for this issue. The consequences of this could be a major economic crisis in US, escalating tensions with China and defeat in the upcoming presidential election.
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Coronavirus is the catastrophic achievement of modern mankind. The purpose of the present article is a normative proposal for the release of human being that is trapped in a corona; a virus that has isolated social man. The problematic of... more
Coronavirus is the catastrophic achievement of modern mankind. The purpose of the present article is a normative proposal for the release of human being that is trapped in a corona; a virus that has isolated social man. The problematic of the article is that the coronavirus has shaken the more or less orderly linkage of modern political society (government / civil society / people) that was a relic of European modernity; on the one hand, it has given government’s greater power, on the other hand, it has made the individual weaker. The difficulty with the pandemic disease is that the coronavirus invites the weakened person to segregation and wants the cohabiting person to be the perverted isolator. From a methodological point of view, the author has tried to achieve this reasoning idea by accepting the presupposition of the "three-pronged foundation of the state / civil society / individual in conjunction with a critical approach and by simultaneously using the two "how-is possible" / "how-should" methods; argue that the misnomer of social distancing is a turning point that has necessitated human need for a "virtual civil society". The normative finding of the paper is that one of the ways to reduce the various (physical / psychological) difficulties arising from quarantine / forced housing / displacement / social cohesion is through the corridor of virtual virtualization; A virtual civic community that makes physical segregation and social rapprochement accessible.
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Given that solidarity is at the heart of the European integration process in the post-World War II era, this article seeks to answer the question of how the Coronavirus crisis of 2020 affected European solidarity and how the weakness or... more
Given that solidarity is at the heart of the European integration process in the post-World War II era, this article seeks to answer the question of how the Coronavirus crisis of 2020 affected European solidarity and how the weakness or lack of solidarity in the European integration process Affected? The paper based on this assumption examines the fact that the weakness of the European solidarity in the face of the Coronavirus crisis has exacerbated nationalist approaches in EU member states, thus exacerbating divisions in Europe and neglecting the EU's transnational achievements. Findings from the article show that European citizens are frustrated by the existence of solidarity, the intensification of nationalist policies, the widening of the gaps between the north and the south are the most important effects of the Corona Crisis on the solidarity of the European Union.In response to the consequences of this crisis, the European Union is using the experience gained from the management of previous crises to strengthen governance and increase its resilience, albeit at a high political cost.
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Under the influence of political and economic nationalism, competition in the production and distribution of vaccines, and the strengthening of the new discourse of world order, the post-Coronation world is undergoing new developments. In... more
Under the influence of political and economic nationalism, competition in the production and distribution of vaccines, and the strengthening of the new discourse of world order, the post-Coronation world is undergoing new developments. In the meantime, it is necessary to study the interaction of these developments on the German program in the presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of 2020, as the first planned European policy after Corona, to understand the effects of this phenomenon. At the same time as chairing the Security Council as a non-permanent member, the presidency has provided a unique opportunity for the country to strengthen its role in Europe and the international arena. Content review of the statements of German officials and their plans in various fields, especially economic and foreign policy, helps the authors of this article to answer the main question: "How and what effects has the Corona crisis had on the Council of Europe?" This descriptive and analytical study concludes that Germany seeks to use "Corona Crisis Management" as an opportunity to repair and strengthen its economic and moral leadership and to strengthen its political position in line with "more responsibility" policies.
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Mankind is facing one of the greatest events in contemporary history. The prevalence of corona disease has dramatic economic, political and social consequences and is changing the individual and collective culture and behavior of human... more
Mankind is facing one of the greatest events in contemporary history. The prevalence of corona disease has dramatic economic, political and social consequences and is changing the individual and collective culture and behavior of human beings. The research question is that “How the coronavirus pandemic will impact on the domestic politics and international relations?” The authors believe that in the post-Corona period, we will see the rise of nationalism and the Strengthening the state role in governing the community and the transformation of public health into a matter of national security. In the foreign field, Governments will withdraw from the globalization process to save the lives of their citizens by restricting the free movement of people and goods and by tightening immigration policies and protecting borders. The research findings indicate that has changed the nature of threats in the 21st century and inequality in economic and social structures and a lack of health care can challenge the internal security of governments. Also, corona reminds us that global politics must be reformed, contrary to the principles of neoliberalism and minimal government.
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In recent months, the spread of Coronavirus encountered us with a contretemps situation. An event occurred in the guise of a virus that was beyond modern life imagination. Due to a virus, the defects and inadequacies of the mechanisms... more
In recent months, the spread of Coronavirus encountered us with a contretemps situation. An event occurred in the guise of a virus that was beyond modern life imagination. Due to a virus, the defects and inadequacies of the mechanisms that govern human societies have once again found the opportunity to outbreak. What seems impossible in coordinates of the history of present of international relations, was realized in the disguise of a contretemps event. In these circumstances, nation-states, in confrontation with new-found events like Coronavirus, entangled in some kind of distress, insolvency, and lack of preparation. Considering these circumstances, we would face different questions; what are the roots of the insolvency of nation-states in the confrontation of these new-found challenges? What are the consequences of handling the contretemps events such as Coronavirus in a traditional method based on survival and security of state? In this regard, we argue that the nature of new-found challenges like Coronavirus is as if the nation-state and the international order based on it, has birth defects in face of these kinds of events; On the other hand, it seems that the learning process and adaptation of nation-states has been frozen decades ago. In this paper, The way of information analysis is the explanatory method of research.
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Taiwan has long been one of the most developed tigers in East of Asia and an economic and political model of development, and today it is one of the most developed industrial, economic and political regions in the Asia. The main purpose... more
Taiwan has long been one of the most developed tigers in East of Asia and an economic and political model of development, and today it is one of the most developed industrial, economic and political regions in the Asia. The main purpose of the present study is to analyze the role of the Taiwanese government in managing and controlling the Coronavirus disease. Since the start of the epidemic, Taiwan has been one of the countries that have successfully managed to control the disease and it is admired by international audiences. Despite its proximity to mainland China and the city of Wuhan as the center of the virus outbreak, Taiwan, with its prudent management and transparent policy, has managed the crisis well without public quarantine. Accordingly, the main question of this research is what has been the most important factor in the success of Taiwan's experience in controlling and managing epidemic disease? In response to the research question, the paper, based on a descriptive method of analysis, emphasizes that democratic and transparent political governance in Taiwan, through the separation of the Politic sphere from the Policy area, controls and manages the Corona Pandemic Crisis without public quarantine.
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The Bahraini government tried to suppress the Bahraini people's movement on February 14, 2011, with the trial of mostly Shi'ite leaders. The political defenses of February 14th leaders in the Bahraini military tribunals can be seen as... more
The Bahraini government tried to suppress the Bahraini people's movement on February 14, 2011, with the trial of mostly Shi'ite leaders. The political defenses of February 14th leaders in the Bahraini military tribunals can be seen as another area of continuation of political contention against the government, so that the trial of revolutionary leaders has become a confrontation between two discourses. This article seeks to elucidate and analyze the attitudes of the leaders of the February 14th Bahrain Movement. Indeed, this study, by analyzing the discourse of the Bahraini leadership's defenses, is seeking to answer the question that the leaders of the February 14th movement, who have been in Bahrain since 2011, how do they defend themselves in response to al-Khalifa's allegations? The results of this paper, which are descriptive-analytic and library-based sources, show that these individuals have used the most from the use of quantitative and qualitative variables from vocabulary, metaphor and interests cases to defend themselves. The reason for this is the social position of the leaders, their level of knowledge and skills in speech and writing, because they all had high level of science and most of them are the leaders of the political groups and have been associated with different classes and groups. In the end, this research will express the imagined horizon facing this movement and will explain the type of political structure of power that has emerged in Bahraini society.
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This article aims to understand the nature and causes of reproducing bureaucratic corruption in transitional societies from the legal sociology view point. According to the authors, since the operation of bureaucratic system firstly is... more
This article aims to understand the nature and causes of reproducing bureaucratic corruption in transitional societies from the legal sociology view point. According to the authors, since the operation of bureaucratic system firstly is determined by the nature of power elites and the present structural relationships in the society; on this basis, the protector-nurturing mentality and surveillance lacking of dominant elites alongside lacking rule of law is the pivotal factor of growing corruption in transitional societies. This dilemma gradually leads to forming an anomic situation in various structures of bureaucracy and changing it into an arena for rent-based games and thus, causes the process of development to wane and accordingly, causes the society to involve mentally and morally in contradiction and turmoil and from the perspective of political economy subject to increasing passivity and devolution. The final resultant of this situation is social capital crisis and vulnerability in human capital. The article with an expressive approach and in the mold of combination of various sociological theories shows why and how bureaucratic corruption in transitional societies continues reproduction, and finally deals with the foundations of an anticorruption policy and its implications.
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JCPOA is a milestone in the nuclear diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has played a major role in policymaking and implementing institutions and organizations in shaping it. One of these decision-making bodies of the Islamic... more
JCPOA is a milestone in the nuclear diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has played a major role in policymaking and implementing institutions and organizations in shaping it. One of these decision-making bodies of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, especially the ninth and tenth assemblies. So, the main question to be asked is that what role the 9th and 10th parliaments have played in the process of Iran's nuclear diplomacy, especially in the JCPOA agreement? The research findings based on theoretical models of decision making in the field of foreign policy show that the positions and decisions of the parliament in nuclear diplomacy are based on the outsourcing of decisions of other institutions and organizations such as the Supreme National Security Council, Guardian Council, The Judiciary has been the executive branch. Based on the "limited rationality" of the parliament, the law enforced the government's obligation to maintain the nuclear and legal achievements of the Iranian people, the government's plan of appropriate and mutually beneficial action, the establishment of a special commission for the presentation of the six-month reports of the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission and approval Four bills called the AFTF.
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This study aims to investigate the effects of socio-economic status, the degree of religious faith, and media in the tendency of individuals to acceptance of principalism ideology. This research is applied type in terms of purpose, and... more
This study aims to investigate the effects of socio-economic status, the degree of religious faith, and media in the tendency of individuals to acceptance of principalism ideology. This research is applied type in terms of purpose, and descriptive and analytical in terms of the method used, and data collection has been done through a survey. Sampling method was cluster multistage sampling and the sample size (n) was estimated to be 368 people. The data collection technique was a 32-item questionnaire and data were analyzed using SPSS and SMART PLS software. The results of the research indicate that the average score of those who have a low socio-economic status tends to be high for the ideology of principalism. In the context of media impact, there is a reverse relationship between the viewing of foreign media outlets and the tendency of people towards the principalism ideology, and in relation to the impact of domestic media, the results indicate an increase in people's tendency towards principalism ideology when longer viewing of domestic media channels happens. It was also revealed that the tendency towards principalism ideology varies in terms of the average religiosity of individuals, and those who have a high degree of religiosity are more inclined towards the ideology of principalism.
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Today, public diplomacy, as a complement to formal diplomacy, has become an important tool in the realization of foreign policy goals through the use of modern information and communication technologies, and the Islamic Republic of Iran... more
Today, public diplomacy, as a complement to formal diplomacy, has become an important tool in the realization of foreign policy goals through the use of modern information and communication technologies, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is also given its potential cultural, religious and political capabilities tries to take advantage of this instrument to realize its principles and objectives in the international arena. The question of this research is whether the Islamic Republic of Iran, given its potential cultural, religious, and political capabilities, has been successful in its public diplomacy? It is also mentioned in the response that the Islamic Republic is weak in a structural, institutional and managerial context of public diplomacy and, accordingly, has failed to act in the field of public diplomacy as it deserves.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the relations between Iran and Iraq after the fall of Saddam. the main question is: Despite the wide-ranging and historic differences between Iran and Iraq, What contributed to the improvement and... more
The purpose of this article is to analyze the relations between Iran and Iraq after the fall of Saddam. the main question is: Despite the wide-ranging and historic differences between Iran and Iraq, What contributed to the improvement and expansion of bilateral relations between 2013 and 2017?The research hypothesis has been formulated using the "soft border" conceptual framework: "The expansion of ties between the people of Iran and Iraq over the period from 2003 to 2017, which results from a common religious identity, has increased the ties between the two countries and the development of a "soft border" between them. "The findings of the paper indicate thatwith the fall of Saddam and the rise of Shiites in Iraq, and the centralization of Marjaeit, the religious ties between the Shiites of Iran and Iraq have expanded; The findings of this paper are gathered from library and field resources and analyzed through descriptive-analytic methods.
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One of the main debates in the field of humanistic epistemology is the agent-structure debate, which is naturally the same in the theoretical field of international relations. In this field of study, based on the approaches toward agent... more
One of the main debates in the field of humanistic epistemology is the agent-structure debate, which is naturally the same in the theoretical field of international relations. In this field of study, based on the approaches toward agent or structure, views are divided into three types; structuralism, agent centered and hybrid. Now if we want to theorize a local theory on the basis of Islamic view, naturally it's needed to specify Islam's approach toward this debate. The purpose of the author of this article is the view of the creators of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, especially Imam Khomeini, on this issue, and secondly, to explain this type of view in the field of theory making on international relations. In this regard, the works and views of the main researchers in this field are reviewed and criticized and it is explained that despite the main view of these works that have seen the Islamic view as hybrid, in the view of Imam Khomeini and the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, while considering and accepting the existence of Structural constraints, agent-centricity, and human will are paramount.
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Political elites of different strategic cultures, in similar situations in the international arena, practice different foreign policy behavior. In fact, different norms in the strategic culture of governments cause different perceptions... more
Political elites of different strategic cultures, in similar situations in the international arena, practice different foreign policy behavior. In fact, different norms in the strategic culture of governments cause different perceptions of similar realities. Accordingly, the norms that shape the strategic culture of the Iranian political elite influence the foreign policy behavior of the country. The question, however, is how the foreign policy behavior of the Islamic Republic of Iran is affected by strategic culture. The main question of this article is how has the political culture of the political elite influenced the foreign policy of Iran? The researchers hypothesize that the specific norms of the political elite's strategic culture have shaped the national role of the mission-oriented state for the IR, and accordingly, have followed the behavioral indices of independence, transnationalism and revisionism in Iranian foreign policy. The theoretical framework of this paper is a combination of constructivism theory and strategic culture approach and has used qualitative deductive content analysis to understand the strategic culture of the IRI political elite.
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With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, then recruitment of Mujahedeen from all over the world, and ultimately formation of al-Qaeda; the world faced with a new phenomenon and that understanding the nature and origins of the group and... more
With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, then recruitment of Mujahedeen from all over the world, and ultimately formation of al-Qaeda; the world faced with a new phenomenon and that understanding the nature and origins of the group and became a serious priority. The purpose of this study is recognizing the Identity transformation trend of a group called Arab-Afghans, and understanding the roots of the identity gap under the concepts of "self" and "other" as a model in formation of al-Qaeda and fundamentalist Islamic groups. It done by Focusing on the process of Arab-Afghan actions in three phases: local jihad, jihad on the margins of Islamic countries, and global jihad; As well as consideration of identity components in three ways: Goals, Common norms, and Equivalence-differences, It seems that Transition process in the sacred Jihad and al-Qaeda agenda are influenced by the transformation of identity and changing norms due to changing circumstances. This study seeks to answer the factors affecting the formation and transformation of Arab-Afghan identities; and assessing the hypothesis that Globalization, and the formation of the network society as an independent variable, and not paying attention to the beliefs of Muslim groups has led to the formation of Resistance Identity among Arab-Afghans.
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Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as... more
Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as well as many other phenomena associated with the "emergence of China," has sparked a lot of controversy about the motives and consequences of this transformation, which has not yet been addressed in our country. In this regard, the present paper, regardless of the implications of this evolution, examines its causes and context by referring to Beijing's motivations as donors and the needs of African societies as recipients in the context of the core question of the article. The hypothesis that the article examines by descriptive-analytic method is that the rapid increase of Chinese foreign aid to African countries in recent years is primarily due to the international requirements for responding to structural changes in China's domestic political economy and the alignment of the needs of African with Beijing foreign assistance. So, it can be predicted that the presence of China in the Africa will continue to increase in the coming years, and foreign aid will continue to be considered by Beijing officials as one of the main means for establishing this wider presence.
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According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The... more
According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The question is that why the process of political changes has not been materialized in spite of this class increase in Saudi Arabia and Iraq? Based on the theory of transition to democracy and the comparative method, findings show that both countries are similar in increasing symbolic features of emerged middle classes, such as the development of higher education, bureaucracy and per capita income. However, due to cultural barriers, the rentier nature of the government, the patronage relationship, and the negative role of the external factor, any role in advancing democratization is excluded from this class, and tactical liberalization from above may lead to revolutionary change if democratic demands are not met, and may cause a general uprising. Political instability and structures imposed by American after the collapse of the Baathist regime are also responsible for dysfunction of this classes in Iraq in the establishment of democracy while Iraq has passed the first process of democratization by the collapse regime of Saddam and entered the second phase of democratic institutional consolidation, yet Saudi Arabia has faced serious barriers in her first phase.
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Sayed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi, with a new look at wisdom and the introduction of a new classification of sciences, set a new age appropriate for political science and philosophy of politics and created a major change in public opinion of... more
Sayed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi, with a new look at wisdom and the introduction of a new classification of sciences, set a new age appropriate for political science and philosophy of politics and created a major change in public opinion of his time that had an impact until that time. The current foot is flat. In his view, wisdom should lead to change in the individual and society and bring about favorable effects for society. The present study seeks to show how Seyed Jamal defined this transformation of political wisdom and how this new perspective relates to religion. He seems to have done so by re-dividing the sciences, explaining the position of political philosophy and politics in contemporary times, critiquing and re-examining the functions of wisdom in the modern age, and providing reasonable and the emphasis on education and rational criteria for efficient social interpretation of the Qur'an and religion.
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The main issue of the present research is to explain the causes of the emergence of ethnic political actions in different status of governance in Iran with an emphasis on the dialectic of democracy and development, while the required mood... more
The main issue of the present research is to explain the causes of the emergence of ethnic political actions in different status of governance in Iran with an emphasis on the dialectic of democracy and development, while the required mood of interaction between the state and ethnicities has been identified. The research method is a qualitative comparative-historical that is used in the theoretical framework of Charles Tilly's social movements to explain two democracy and developmental components.
As a result of the research, the era before the Islamic Revolution was non-democratic state with low development capacity because of Assimilation and the early years of the revolution is democratic capacity with a low capacity because of tolerant approach. In the final stages of the war, Sazandegi, the ninth and tenth governments and the Etedal, the capacity of the government has risen, because of the necessity of the development of infrastructure, and the improvement of the economic and social situation but the level of democracy has diminished because of security and countering Separatism. Finally, the era of Eslahat is seen as an optimal state of a democratic state with a high development potential.
As a result of the research, the era before the Islamic Revolution was non-democratic state with low development capacity because of Assimilation and the early years of the revolution is democratic capacity with a low capacity because of tolerant approach. In the final stages of the war, Sazandegi, the ninth and tenth governments and the Etedal, the capacity of the government has risen, because of the necessity of the development of infrastructure, and the improvement of the economic and social situation but the level of democracy has diminished because of security and countering Separatism. Finally, the era of Eslahat is seen as an optimal state of a democratic state with a high development potential.
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In the Naseri era, significant changes have taken place in most areas of Iranian life. the focus of these changes can be found in Zoroastrian’s Collective life of Iran and especially in Yazd because these changes did not just cover the... more
In the Naseri era, significant changes have taken place in most areas of Iranian life. the focus of these changes can be found in Zoroastrian’s Collective life of Iran and especially in Yazd because these changes did not just cover the worldly aspects of their lives, but also their collective life. The main issue of this research, which is based on the method of historical sociology, is to describe and explain this changes by emphasizing the role of the Indian Persians. The findings of the study indicate that the few elites were found willing to share their accomplishments in Iran, and particularly in Yazd, for these achievements. They used various methods for influencing the Zoroastrian society of the country and for advancing their changes through a variety of ways, such as: asking for help from Britain lure, bribe, flattery and threat the rulers of the time, take advantage of the Qajar kings' limited attention to social reform and their own initiatives. This Elites at first transform the Zoroastrian community of Yazd through the establishment of Panjaits and through this they were able to bring about wide-ranging reforms in the social, cultural, educational spheres, Zoroastrians restriction and revived religious rituals.
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The dependence of the Iranian economy on oil revenue has made it important to maintain market share and sell oil at the optimal price of crude oil in order to ensure the country's economic security. This paper examines the hypothesis of... more
The dependence of the Iranian economy on oil revenue has made it important to maintain market share and sell oil at the optimal price of crude oil in order to ensure the country's economic security. This paper examines the hypothesis of Trump's energy policies, which increase the effectiveness of US government strategies on Iran's fossil fuels and reduce its market share. The question in this article is: "How has Trump's energy policies affected the security of Iran's oil markets?" The results of this article show that Trump's policies have drastically reduced the share of Iran's oil markets. In this regard, the opportunities for crude oil exports to Iraq, the United States, Russia and Saudi Arabia to Iranian customers have led to an increase in the market share of these countries. The return of Iran's crude oil export share to Asia and Europe, with the shaky JCPOA agreement, has caused the loss of the country's crude oil export markets. The recent agreement between OPEC members and non-members to reduce oil production has also helped expand US shale oil production and export markets.
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Human Rights issue, is among the fundamental achievements of the international relations and law. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an actor with different norms and ideologies than the norms that shape human rights, has always been... more
Human Rights issue, is among the fundamental achievements of the international relations and law. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an actor with different norms and ideologies than the norms that shape human rights, has always been exposed to various accusations by human rights activists and institutions. To the extent that this issue has gone beyond the legal nature and has been raised in a security and political framework. Now, this article seeks to examine the security situation of the human rights case of the Islamic Republic of Iran within the framework of the Copenhagen School and then examining the current situation of Trump coming to power, and finally to provide a solution in this regard. Accordingly, the question of the article is how the human rights dispute between Iran and the West is progressing. The available findings show that, given the differences in the norms shaping human rights between the West and the Islamic Republic of Iran, the process of securitizing of human rights has always been a lever to put pressure on Iran and its isolationist policy in the international environment will be on the agenda.
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The present research was performed to evaluate the Iran-US relationships in 2029 from the Iranian Professors’ point of view. Investigations were perfumed via future studies in two parts: The first part is based on library studies, and the... more
The present research was performed to evaluate the Iran-US relationships in 2029 from the Iranian Professors’ point of view. Investigations were perfumed via future studies in two parts: The first part is based on library studies, and the second part is questionnaire-based field surveys, with the acquired data analyzed using MicMac and Scenario Wizard software tools. Based on the results of the analysis in the MicMac software, a total of 20 driver forces for the Iran-US relationships were identified. Considering the driver forces as descriptors of the Iran-US relationships, the most significant driver forces were found to be the government institutions context followed by the relationship-interfering countries, the role of the two countries’ leaders, future of the international system, think tanks, lobbies and pressure groups, nuclear capabilities and missile program of Iran, the role of geography, and historical records of the relationships between the two countries. Based on the outputs of the Scenario Wizard software, five scenarios were identified, including highly favorable, favorable, moderate, unfavorable, and highly unfavorable, with the development of the Iran-US relationships under the moderate scenario being highly probable.
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The main issue in this article is the introduction, critique and pathology of the extent present model in future research. Future studies are generally limited to studying trends and events identified in the past and present, as well as... more
The main issue in this article is the introduction, critique and pathology of the extent present model in future research. Future studies are generally limited to studying trends and events identified in the past and present, as well as the development of today's imagination for the future, but it is considered as an unfinished project. Future studies do not entail familiar future, unthoughtful future and genus forecasting in the future cycle. At the same time, competition, complexity, contradiction, turmoil, increasing developments, the growing role of science, and uncertainty are among the main drivers of the future, and limiting future research to the study of current trends, events, and perceptions poses a serious risk. Nonetheless, futures studies provide for the states to make desirable future, and therefore is more advanced than explanatory studies. Our main question is: What is the common pattern in the future study of states behavior in foreign policy and what are the restrictions on it? In response to this hypothesis, the pattern in the future studies of states behavior in foreign policy is extent present, and in this model, the role of familiar future, genius forecasting and unthoughtful future in scenarios making are not clear. The pattern of the extent present will be shown in the future with an example of US sanctions against Iran until 2020. The research method is scenario writing based on the extent present pattern.
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With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, then recruitment of Mujahedeen from all over the world, and ultimately formation of al-Qaeda; the world faced with a new phenomenon and that understanding the nature and origins of the group and... more
With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, then recruitment of Mujahedeen from all over the world, and ultimately formation of al-Qaeda; the world faced with a new phenomenon and that understanding the nature and origins of the group and became a serious priority. The purpose of this study is recognizing the Identity transformation trend of a group called Arab-Afghans, and understanding the roots of the identity gap under the concepts of "self" and "other" as a model in formation of al-Qaeda and fundamentalist Islamic groups. It done by Focusing on the process of Arab-Afghan actions in three phases: local jihad, jihad on the margins of Islamic countries, and global jihad; As well as consideration of identity components in three ways: Goals, Common norms, and Equivalence-differences, It seems that Transition process in the sacred Jihad and al-Qaeda agenda are influenced by the transformation of identity and changing norms due to changing circumstances. This study seeks to answer the factors affecting the formation and transformation of Arab-Afghan identities; and assessing the hypothesis that Globalization, and the formation of the network society as an independent variable, and not paying attention to the beliefs of Muslim groups has led to the formation of Resistance Identity among Arab-Afghans.
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Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as... more
Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as well as many other phenomena associated with the "emergence of China," has sparked a lot of controversy about the motives and consequences of this transformation, which has not yet been addressed in our country. In this regard, the present paper, regardless of the implications of this evolution, examines its causes and context by referring to Beijing's motivations as donors and the needs of African societies as recipients in the context of the core question of the article. The hypothesis that the article examines by descriptive-analytic method is that the rapid increase of Chinese foreign aid to African countries in recent years is primarily due to the international requirements for responding to structural changes in China's domestic political economy and the alignment of the needs of African with Beijing foreign assistance. So, it can be predicted that the presence of China in the Africa will continue to increase in the coming years, and foreign aid will continue to be considered by Beijing officials as one of the main means for establishing this wider presence.
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According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The... more
According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The question is that why the process of political changes has not been materialized in spite of this class increase in Saudi Arabia and Iraq? Based on the theory of transition to democracy and the comparative method, findings show that both countries are similar in increasing symbolic features of emerged middle classes, such as the development of higher education, bureaucracy and per capita income. However, due to cultural barriers, the rentier nature of the government, the patronage relationship, and the negative role of the external factor, any role in advancing democratization is excluded from this class, and tactical liberalization from above may lead to revolutionary change if democratic demands are not met, and may cause a general uprising. Political instability and structures imposed by American after the collapse of the Baathist regime are also responsible for dysfunction of this classes in Iraq in the establishment of democracy while Iraq has passed the first process of democratization by the collapse regime of Saddam and entered the second phase of democratic institutional consolidation, yet Saudi Arabia has faced serious barriers in her first phase.
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Sayed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi, with a new look at wisdom and the introduction of a new classification of sciences, set a new age appropriate for political science and philosophy of politics and created a major change in public opinion of... more
Sayed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi, with a new look at wisdom and the introduction of a new classification of sciences, set a new age appropriate for political science and philosophy of politics and created a major change in public opinion of his time that had an impact until that time. The current foot is flat. In his view, wisdom should lead to change in the individual and society and bring about favorable effects for society. The present study seeks to show how Seyed Jamal defined this transformation of political wisdom and how this new perspective relates to religion. He seems to have done so by re-dividing the sciences, explaining the position of political philosophy and politics in contemporary times, critiquing and re-examining the functions of wisdom in the modern age, and providing reasonable and the emphasis on education and rational criteria for efficient social interpretation of the Qur'an and religion.
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The main issue of the present research is to explain the causes of the emergence of ethnic political actions in different status of governance in Iran with an emphasis on the dialectic of democracy and development, while the required mood... more
The main issue of the present research is to explain the causes of the emergence of ethnic political actions in different status of governance in Iran with an emphasis on the dialectic of democracy and development, while the required mood of interaction between the state and ethnicities has been identified. The research method is a qualitative comparative-historical that is used in the theoretical framework of Charles Tilly's social movements to explain two democracy and developmental components.
As a result of the research, the era before the Islamic Revolution was non-democratic state with low development capacity because of Assimilation and the early years of the revolution is democratic capacity with a low capacity because of tolerant approach. In the final stages of the war, Sazandegi, the ninth and tenth governments and the Etedal, the capacity of the government has risen, because of the necessity of the development of infrastructure, and the improvement of the economic and social situation but the level of democracy has diminished because of security and countering Separatism. Finally, the era of Eslahat is seen as an optimal state of a democratic state with a high development potential.
As a result of the research, the era before the Islamic Revolution was non-democratic state with low development capacity because of Assimilation and the early years of the revolution is democratic capacity with a low capacity because of tolerant approach. In the final stages of the war, Sazandegi, the ninth and tenth governments and the Etedal, the capacity of the government has risen, because of the necessity of the development of infrastructure, and the improvement of the economic and social situation but the level of democracy has diminished because of security and countering Separatism. Finally, the era of Eslahat is seen as an optimal state of a democratic state with a high development potential.
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In the Naseri era, significant changes have taken place in most areas of Iranian life. the focus of these changes can be found in Zoroastrian’s Collective life of Iran and especially in Yazd because these changes did not just cover the... more
In the Naseri era, significant changes have taken place in most areas of Iranian life. the focus of these changes can be found in Zoroastrian’s Collective life of Iran and especially in Yazd because these changes did not just cover the worldly aspects of their lives, but also their collective life. The main issue of this research, which is based on the method of historical sociology, is to describe and explain this changes by emphasizing the role of the Indian Persians. The findings of the study indicate that the few elites were found willing to share their accomplishments in Iran, and particularly in Yazd, for these achievements. They used various methods for influencing the Zoroastrian society of the country and for advancing their changes through a variety of ways, such as: asking for help from Britain lure, bribe, flattery and threat the rulers of the time, take advantage of the Qajar kings' limited attention to social reform and their own initiatives. This Elites at first transform the Zoroastrian community of Yazd through the establishment of Panjaits and through this they were able to bring about wide-ranging reforms in the social, cultural, educational spheres, Zoroastrians restriction and revived religious rituals.
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the dependence of the Iran economy on oil revenues has led to maintaining market share and the sale of crude oil at an optimum price to secure the economic security of the country. US sanctions on oil industry and the sale of Iranian... more
the dependence of the Iran economy on oil revenues has led to maintaining market share and the sale of crude oil at an optimum price to secure the economic security of the country. US sanctions on oil industry and the sale of Iranian crude oil, have stopped the cooperation and investments of oil companies operating in development, and exports crude oil also experienced a significant decline. The present paper draws the channels of influence of the Trump strategies on the Iranian oil market with using the political economic theories. The results of the study indicate that with the recent pressure of the United States and the removal of some of Iran's crude oil from the global market, oil export opportunities for Iraq, the United States, … were made available to customers in the European and Asian markets to increase their market share Also, putting pressure by American on customers and helping rivals in Iran to provide space for the United States to increase its exports to Asia has put the security of the country's export markets at serious risk. recent agreement between OPEC member and non-members on reducing oil production has contributed greatly to the expansion of US production.
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Human Rights issue, is among the fundamental achievements of the international relations and law. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an actor with different norms and ideologies than the norms that shape human rights, has always been... more
Human Rights issue, is among the fundamental achievements of the international relations and law. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an actor with different norms and ideologies than the norms that shape human rights, has always been exposed to various accusations by human rights activists and institutions. To the extent that this issue has gone beyond the legal nature and has been raised in a security and political framework. Now, this article seeks to examine the security situation of the human rights case of the Islamic Republic of Iran within the framework of the Copenhagen School and then examining the current situation of Trump coming to power, and finally to provide a solution in this regard. Accordingly, the question of the article is how the human rights dispute between Iran and the West is progressing. The available findings show that, given the differences in the norms shaping human rights between the West and the Islamic Republic of Iran, the process of securitizing of human rights has always been a lever to put pressure on Iran and its isolationist policy in the international environment will be on the agenda.
Research Interests:
The present research was performed to evaluate the Iran-US relationships in 2029 from the Iranian Professors’ point of view. Investigations were perfumed via future studies in two parts: The first part is based on library studies, and the... more
The present research was performed to evaluate the Iran-US relationships in 2029 from the Iranian Professors’ point of view. Investigations were perfumed via future studies in two parts: The first part is based on library studies, and the second part is questionnaire-based field surveys, with the acquired data analyzed using MicMac and Scenario Wizard software tools. Based on the results of the analysis in the MicMac software, a total of 20 driver forces for the Iran-US relationships were identified. Considering the driver forces as descriptors of the Iran-US relationships, the most significant driver forces were found to be the government institutions context followed by the relationship-interfering countries, the role of the two countries’ leaders, future of the international system, think tanks, lobbies and pressure groups, nuclear capabilities and missile program of Iran, the role of geography, and historical records of the relationships between the two countries. Based on the outputs of the Scenario Wizard software, five scenarios were identified, including highly favorable, favorable, moderate, unfavorable, and highly unfavorable, with the development of the Iran-US relationships under the moderate scenario being highly probable.
Research Interests:
The main issue in this article is the introduction, critique and pathology of the extent present model in future research. Future studies are generally limited to studying trends and events identified in the past and present, as well as... more
The main issue in this article is the introduction, critique and pathology of the extent present model in future research. Future studies are generally limited to studying trends and events identified in the past and present, as well as the development of today's imagination for the future, but it is considered as an unfinished project. Future studies do not entail familiar future, unthoughtful future and genus forecasting in the future cycle. At the same time, competition, complexity, contradiction, turmoil, increasing developments, the growing role of science, and uncertainty are among the main drivers of the future, and limiting future research to the study of current trends, events, and perceptions poses a serious risk. Nonetheless, futures studies provide for the states to make desirable future, and therefore is more advanced than explanatory studies. Our main question is: What is the common pattern in the future study of states behavior in foreign policy and what are the restrictions on it? In response to this hypothesis, the pattern in the future studies of states behavior in foreign policy is extent present, and in this model, the role of familiar future, genius forecasting and unthoughtful future in scenarios making are not clear. The pattern of the extent present will be shown in the future with an example of US sanctions against Iran until 2020. The research method is scenario writing based on the extent present pattern.
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The contemporary history of Khuzestan province is intertwined with issues such as ethnic segregation, security problems and some crimes and socio-political anomalies due to some economic, environmental, cultural and domestic problems as... more
The contemporary history of Khuzestan province is intertwined with issues such as ethnic segregation, security problems and some crimes and socio-political anomalies due to some economic, environmental, cultural and domestic problems as well as foreign historical interventions. The persistence of these internal problems, as well as the media propaganda of the Arab and trans-regional countries, has provoked the ethnic protesters, which has provided the ground for linking the thoughts of the ethnocentrists with the ideas of Wahhabism and Takfiri in parts of this province. The main aim of this research was to identify effective components in tendency of Shiite-youth towards Salafi-Takfiri thoughts in some parts of Khuzestan province. The research was a qualitative approach, conducting based on Grounded theory. Statistical population included people oriented to these thoughts and informed pundits who were purposefully selected. The results were obtained after17 deep interviews. Then, relying on a systematic data-based approach and open coding process, pivotal and selective, the paradigm model of the research was realized. The results and findings of the study indicated that cultural, economic, media, geographical and external components have played a major role and psychological and political components have played a facilitating role in the tendency of young people to these thoughts.
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The socio-political structures of villages in Iran have transformed. The scope and depth of these Transformations are such that the current socio-political environment of the villages is different from the past. This issue makes it... more
The socio-political structures of villages in Iran have transformed. The scope and depth of these Transformations are such that the current socio-political environment of the villages is different from the past. This issue makes it necessary to conduct new research about the rural society of Iran. Considering that most of these transformations occurred after the Islamic revolution, we raise our question as follows: This research seeks to answer the question, what transformations did the village in Iran go through after the revolution? This study deals with the why and how of these transformations and their consequences by benefiting from the approach of historical sociology and the use of library data and observation. The result of the research shows changes such as transformation in social structure, transformation in stratification in villages, transformation in rural lifestyle, increase in the level of literacy and its consequences, transformation in communication and mediazation of villages, transformation in land ownership in villages, moving towards a semi-commercial economy, change in social hierarchies, change from passive participation to independent and demanding political participation, increasing role of kinship loyalties in local political participation, predominance of religious and linguistic affiliations in the voting behavior of villagers, spread of citizenship system to villages.
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The disposition of disinheritance, which as part of the freedom of the assets disposition in the event of death, interferes with the legislative solutions protecting persons close to the deceased. This institution is not uniformly... more
The disposition of disinheritance, which as part of the freedom of the assets disposition in the event of death, interferes with the legislative solutions protecting persons close to the deceased. This institution is not uniformly understood and regulated in national laws of the EU countries. Moreover, the legal systems of some those countries do not provide for disinheritance. Therefore, in connection with the entry into force of the EU Regulation No. 650/2012 on succession, the practical application of this institution appears to be problematic even at first glance. Therefore, the author believes that it seems necessary to present the disposition of disinheritance and the possible consequences of its use arising from the entry into force of the EU Regulation No. 650/2012 on succession. Because it is not possible to present all European solutions in one [scientific] article, the subject of author's presentation is the situation in which the law applicable to inheritance cases a...
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In comparison to relations with other European major powers, Iran-Germany relations have been less fragile, more largely stable and expanding. Analysts consider historical, economic, and geopolitical reasons for this feature. One of the... more
In comparison to relations with other European major powers, Iran-Germany relations have been less fragile, more largely stable and expanding. Analysts consider historical, economic, and geopolitical reasons for this feature. One of the difficulties in studying German foreign policy is that the country has abandoned its geopolitical rivalries because of the tough lessons of world war II and has devoted most of its potential to the international economy. Moreover, Germany cannot regulate its foreign policy beyond the framework of its transatlantic commitments, as well as principles and norms of the common European foreign policy. For this reason, the analysis of German foreign policy should focus more on the relatively covert behavior of the country than usual positions by the officials. The study of Iran-Germany relations stands within this framework. This paper aims to focus on the question that why Germany has done its best to emphasize an interactive model in the face of the US confrontation with Iran, and to make the EU to follow this behavior? This paper provides a historical-analytical framework for a deeper understanding of German policy toward Iran, as well as focusing on Germany's approach toward Iran after the JCPOA, especially when Trump lost the presidency.
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The present article examines the role of the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relations with the United States between 1979 and 2021. Accordingly, the main question is: What effect did the identity of the Islamic Republic of... more
The present article examines the role of the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relations with the United States between 1979 and 2021. Accordingly, the main question is: What effect did the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran have on relations with the United States of America between 1979 and 2021? The temporary answer to the question of the present article, which has been done by descriptive-analytical method, is: The revolutionary-Islamic identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with its increasingly anti-unilateralist and domineering role, has been in opposition to the interests of the United States of America, which has led to the termination of relations between the two countries between 1979 and 2021. Iran-US relations include the institutionalized structure of conflict in the relations between two political units, which on the one hand is rooted in the nature and type of their political system, and on the other hand is rooted in internal, regional and international causes and factors. In fact, what prevented the establishment of normal relations between the parties is not at the level of discourse or behavior, but due to the confrontational identity of Iran and the United States.
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As two emerging Asian powers, India and China, have tried to expand their relations with Arab Countries of the Persian Gulf through public diplomacy which can be a platform for the realization of the foreign policy goals of these two... more
As two emerging Asian powers, India and China, have tried to expand their relations with Arab Countries of the Persian Gulf through public diplomacy which can be a platform for the realization of the foreign policy goals of these two countries. this study tries to address this important question that what are the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf between 2001and2021? The hypothesis in response to this question is that the importance of the concept and position of public diplomacy in order to acquire foreign policy goals and more influence in the region, as well as the use of language, literature and culture are similarities between the two countries; Methods of conducting public diplomacy including the film industry, the Confucius Institute, diaspora activity and the “Belt Road initiative” are the differences of Indo-Chinese public diplomacy. In this study, a comparative method is used to analyze the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Persian Gulf Arab countries. The finding of the research indicates that public diplomacy as the tool of national interests has been in the focus of India and China and this point is important for Iran based on the principle of neighborhood policy.
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Kurdish counter-revolutionary movements are one of the causes of insecurity in the west of the country, which fled to northern Iraq after the imposed war. On the other hand, the fall of Saddam in 2003 changed the political structure of... more
Kurdish counter-revolutionary movements are one of the causes of insecurity in the west of the country, which fled to northern Iraq after the imposed war. On the other hand, the fall of Saddam in 2003 changed the political structure of Iraq. In the context of Iraq's ethnic and religious heterogeneity, a consensus-based democracy was chosen to govern Iraq instead of Western-majority democracies. This model of government had effects and consequences that sometimes led to a change in the position and power of the Iraqi Kurds. Given the unified identity and identical historical and cultural background of the Kurds, this change will have implications for the Kurds of other countries, including the Iranian Kurdish counter-revolutionary parties. The purpose of this study was to provide an appropriate explanation regarding the impact of this trend on counter-revolutionary currents. This research is of applied type and qualitative method with descriptive and analytical approach. The theoretical framework of Lechfart's model of association democracy is based on 20 Kurdish counter-revolutionary experts and the Iraqi Kurdistan region to ensure the reliability of the research. It is suggested to increase the cost of hosting Iranian Kurdish anti-revolutionary parties for the Kurdistan region of Iraq.
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Based on the messages of the Ashura movement, the Arbaeen procession has formed elements of Islamic awakening such as unity and solidarity among the marchers, and the continuation of this ceremony has strengthened Islamic awakening and... more
Based on the messages of the Ashura movement, the Arbaeen procession has formed elements of Islamic awakening such as unity and solidarity among the marchers, and the continuation of this ceremony has strengthened Islamic awakening and countered its harms. This research is using a quantitative method and conducting a survey and collecting information through a questionnaire. Its statistical population includes Arbaeen pilgrims in 2018 and the sample size is 424 pilgrims from Iran and other countries who were randomly selected. The theoretical part of the article has been prepared based on the revolutionary leader's point of view about the Islamic awakening and the Arbaeen procession, and the main hypothesis is the relationship between the dimensions of the walk and the formation of Islamic awakening factors. While confirming this hypothesis, the findings also explain factors to strengthen Islamic awareness in dealing with the conspiracies of enemies; which include: the globalization of Islam, the convergence and unity of Muslims (Shia and Sunni), solving differences with the slogan "Hub Al-Hussein Yajamana", showing the high power of the Muslim mobilization, the preference of being a Muslim over nationality, insight and hostility, the enemy's fear of Shia unity, No difference in nationality, language and race.
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Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's... more
Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's development situation in comparison with these two countries in historical periods (1860-1926 and 1963-2010), within the framework of North, Acemoglu, and Robinson's institutional model. This approach focuses on formal rules, procedures, and organizations to explain the relationship between institutional structures and the success or failure of policies. The main question in this research is that despite the creation of political structure in Iran in the 19th century, compared to the experiences of Japan In the second half of the 19th century and South Korea in the early 20th century, why did the development program in Iran not go well and comprehensive political and economic institutional arrangements were not achieved? The obtained results show that the alignment of the government and the developing nation in Iran has not been successful due to the lack of institutional development.
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Given the significance of the Islamic Revolution role-playing and increasing importance of the role of new social movements in the world arena, the present paper investigates the relations between new social movements and the Islamic... more
Given the significance of the Islamic Revolution role-playing and increasing importance of the role of new social movements in the world arena, the present paper investigates the relations between new social movements and the Islamic Revolution and the effect of these movements on the promotion of the Islamic Revolution in the world arena. The research requires examining mutual relations between new social movements and the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, according to Alain Touraine’s theoretical basics about new social movements and using a qualitative method, this paper comparatively studied components of identity in the Islamic Revolution and the Environmental movement as one of the new social movements in the world arena. It also extracted, compared, and examined the relations between these movement-stimulant components using categorization and encoding techniques. According to the findings of this study, it can be said that the Islamic Revolution has an identity beyond environmental movement. However, there is no contradiction between their components and therefore there is an overlap between the Islamic Revolution and environmental movement in the world arena.
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An examination of the views of great thinkers such as Bourdieu, Foucault, and Habermas suggest that we live in a language age. Thus, questions of language and power are increasingly raised in politics and the public sphere, but have... more
An examination of the views of great thinkers such as Bourdieu, Foucault, and Habermas suggest that we live in a language age. Thus, questions of language and power are increasingly raised in politics and the public sphere, but have received less attention. Due to this issue, the purpose of this study is to critically analyze the metaphor of policy-making and policy implementation and provide alternative metaphors for them. To achieve this goal, the method of critical metaphor analysis was used. In this method, metaphor was recognized, interpreted and explained in three steps. The findings show that the metaphor of policy-making and policy implementation is a conventional and fruitful metaphor. Hence, the concepts of "approval", "notification", "order", "implementation", "mission", "report", etc. are derived from the generative metaphor of "policy-making and policy implementation" that affects the cognitive system of actors, and prevents them from acting. The results show that the metaphor of Policy making and Policy implementation indirectly and covertly values actors and persuades them to act. Hence the alternative metaphor of policy development and policy enactment were presented. Policy enactment is a theory that was endorsed in 2012 by Ball et al.
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New dynamics of power are emerging in the of Central Asia and the Caucasus region after the collapse of the Soviet Union which can be analyzed under the new power game conception. unlike the traditional great game, in this game many... more
New dynamics of power are emerging in the of Central Asia and the Caucasus region after the collapse of the Soviet Union which can be analyzed under the new power game conception. unlike the traditional great game, in this game many global and regional powers are competing. rise of Turkey and shaping smooth regional alliances, increasing economic investments by GCC countries and Israel in the region, as well as uncertainties about the future of the Iran-Russia-China axis, has created a new configuration of power game between regional and trans-regional powers. This article tries to analyze the geopolitical consequences for Iran in the future by identifying the megatrends of power dynamics in the Central Asia and Caucasus region. the question is that, what place will Iran have in the future of the geopolitical equations of the Central Asian region and the Caucasus? The hypothesis is that the continuation of regional security dynamics will lead to the decline of Iran's regional position. the method used in the article was based on trend analysis.
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Research issues in the political sciences are becoming increasingly complex. The contemporary era, which is inspired by postmodernism, integration and complexity of knowledge, has created special conditions in research methods, issues and... more
Research issues in the political sciences are becoming increasingly complex. The contemporary era, which is inspired by postmodernism, integration and complexity of knowledge, has created special conditions in research methods, issues and approaches. The transition from Newtonian physics to quantum physics has brought about significant changes in social physics and related sciences, including political science. What is the political science framework based on the quantum approach? It is considered as the main question of this research. The main purpose of this research is to be able to explain the political science framework based on the quantum approach by criticizing the Newtonian framework of political science. In this work, for data collection, documentary method and for data analysis, while using the network framework and quantum physics, a qualitative technique with a descriptive and analytical approach has been used. Findings indicate that political science based on the quantum approach has undergone significant changes in the areas of political science, political methodology and political tools by emerging from Newtonian a priori and linear structures. In this process, power is seen as a quantum game and dynamic narrative.
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How to read and understand historical texts, especially in the field of philosophy and political thought, has always been one of the main concerns of researchers in this field. Because of the fear of persecution of governments on one... more
How to read and understand historical texts, especially in the field of philosophy and political thought, has always been one of the main concerns of researchers in this field. Because of the fear of persecution of governments on one hand, and the fear of the consequences of the general public's acquaintance with philosophical ideas on the other hand, have usually been the two main reasons for philosophers to write esoterically. There are different methods have been presented in the form of different hermeneutic branches to understand the purposes and intentions of writers and political philosophers, each of which has its own strengths and weaknesses. One of these unknown methods in Iran is the method proposed by the contemporary political philosopher Leo Strauss under the title of esoteric writing or reading/writing between the lines. In this article, I attempt to extract the generalities of this method and to describe its advantages and capacities in reading and understanding classical philosophical texts.
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This study seeks to analyze, with a qualitative method and thematic analysis, the political behavior of individuals in a social unit in response to the economic behavior of the State. Governments, as influential institutions, communicate... more
This study seeks to analyze, with a qualitative method and thematic analysis, the political behavior of individuals in a social unit in response to the economic behavior of the State. Governments, as influential institutions, communicate with individuals, families, and society. Any strategy by these political units implies a response from other external spheres. People in society often react to the behavior of governments, especially in the economic sphere. Especially if this government interferes with normative implications such as justice. The economic activities of governments are essentially aimed at promoting justice. According to the findings, The Gini coefficient decreases in areas where financial resources have been driven. Considering the decrease in the Gini coefficient in rural areas in the time period mentioned and increasing equality and justice in these areas, a kind of political action took place in the form of political mobilization that emerged as social capital for the established state. This representation, especially in the 10th Presidential Election, has been identified as the result of this socialization and promotion of social capital as a political and objective consequence of the expansion of small enterprises in rural areas.
Research Interests:
Introduction Not only does Iran have a high emigration flow compared to other countries but also it has a high immigration flow with foreign nationals, such as Afghans and Iraqis, immigrating to the country. The political and social... more
Introduction
Not only does Iran have a high emigration flow compared to other countries but also it has a high immigration flow with foreign nationals, such as Afghans and Iraqis, immigrating to the country. The political and social circumstances prevailing in Iran’s Eastern and Western neighbors have led the immigration of their people into Iran, which in turn has extensively directed the national and international attention to policymaking and management of immigrants in Iran. Concerning the policymaking, several principles such as equality, multiple citizenship, dominant or effective citizenship, and human dignity should be taken into consideration by the officials. The issue in Iran manifests itself mostly in the immigration of Afghans, with more than 80% of the immigrant population. The common border as well as linguistic, religious, and cultural commonality between Afghanistan and Iran has provided the ground for the strong presence of Afghan immigrants in Iran, which is generally due to the principle of neighborliness. Sistan and Baluchestan Province is one of Iran’s provinces that are heavily involved with the immigration of Afghans, hosting a large number of legal and illegal Afghan immigrants every year. This widespread immigration has caused various problems and harms concerning security, social, cultural, and economic issues, hence the growing need for an appropriate immigration management model.
Method
As an applied–developmental study, the present article aimed to design an optimal model for management of Afghan nationals in Sistan and Baluchestan Province. The research used the qualitative method and the cross-sectional research design as the data collection procedure. The theoretical experts (university professors) and experimental experts (administrators of Sistan and Baluchestan Province) were considered as the statistical population of the research. Moreover, the theoretical sampling method was used to select the sample, which is an appropriate method for determining the sample size in the grounded theory methodology. A semi-structured interview was used to collect the data. To measure the research validity, the study relied on the criteria of validity, transferability, verifiability, and reliability.
The Holsti coefficient was used to evaluate the reliability of the qualitative part. To analyze the collected data, the study employed MaxQDA software to perform the grounded theory method (data-based theory) based on Strauss and Corbin’s approach.
To present the research model, the study relied on the viewpoints of eight selected experts and formulated six tentative questions: 1) What are the causal conditions at work in formulating policies for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 2) What is the central phenomenon in an optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 3) What are the influential bases and contexts in the process of formulating the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 4) What strategy should be used to implement the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 5) What are the effective intervening conditions in the process of formulating an optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchistan? 6) What are the consequences of implementing the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan?
Results
Having analyzed the results of the interviews by using the database method, the research obtained the main indicators and categories as follows: background conditions (main category: implementation of conditional ban in the province), causal conditions (main categories: full implementation of the law prohibiting the presence of foreign nationals; cultural, religious and political similarities; and establishment of centralized management), the central phenomenon (main category: management of Afghan immigrants), strategies and actions (main category: the amendment of law and legislation), intervening conditions (main category: condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals), consequences (main categories: crime reduction and development of sustainable security in the province, improvement of economic conditions in the province, increase in the people’s level of satisfaction).
Discussion and Conclusion
Concerning the main indicators and categories mentioned above, the full implementation of the law prohibiting the presence of foreign nationals; cultural, religious, and political similarities; and establishment of centralized management were considered as the basic factors affecting the management of Afghan immigrants. This specific method of management effects the strategic amendment of laws and legislation. Yet it should be taken into account that condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals acts as an intervening factor in this respect, and the implementation of a conditional ban in the province can provide the background conditions. The strategic amendment of laws will bring about the behavioral consequences such as crime reduction and development of sustainable security in the province, improvement of economic conditions in the province, and increase in the people’s level of satisfaction. The results also showed that condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals is a deterrent and intervening factor with negative effects on management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan, so it is necessary to eliminate it by adopting appropriate strategies.
Not only does Iran have a high emigration flow compared to other countries but also it has a high immigration flow with foreign nationals, such as Afghans and Iraqis, immigrating to the country. The political and social circumstances prevailing in Iran’s Eastern and Western neighbors have led the immigration of their people into Iran, which in turn has extensively directed the national and international attention to policymaking and management of immigrants in Iran. Concerning the policymaking, several principles such as equality, multiple citizenship, dominant or effective citizenship, and human dignity should be taken into consideration by the officials. The issue in Iran manifests itself mostly in the immigration of Afghans, with more than 80% of the immigrant population. The common border as well as linguistic, religious, and cultural commonality between Afghanistan and Iran has provided the ground for the strong presence of Afghan immigrants in Iran, which is generally due to the principle of neighborliness. Sistan and Baluchestan Province is one of Iran’s provinces that are heavily involved with the immigration of Afghans, hosting a large number of legal and illegal Afghan immigrants every year. This widespread immigration has caused various problems and harms concerning security, social, cultural, and economic issues, hence the growing need for an appropriate immigration management model.
Method
As an applied–developmental study, the present article aimed to design an optimal model for management of Afghan nationals in Sistan and Baluchestan Province. The research used the qualitative method and the cross-sectional research design as the data collection procedure. The theoretical experts (university professors) and experimental experts (administrators of Sistan and Baluchestan Province) were considered as the statistical population of the research. Moreover, the theoretical sampling method was used to select the sample, which is an appropriate method for determining the sample size in the grounded theory methodology. A semi-structured interview was used to collect the data. To measure the research validity, the study relied on the criteria of validity, transferability, verifiability, and reliability.
The Holsti coefficient was used to evaluate the reliability of the qualitative part. To analyze the collected data, the study employed MaxQDA software to perform the grounded theory method (data-based theory) based on Strauss and Corbin’s approach.
To present the research model, the study relied on the viewpoints of eight selected experts and formulated six tentative questions: 1) What are the causal conditions at work in formulating policies for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 2) What is the central phenomenon in an optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 3) What are the influential bases and contexts in the process of formulating the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 4) What strategy should be used to implement the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 5) What are the effective intervening conditions in the process of formulating an optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchistan? 6) What are the consequences of implementing the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan?
Results
Having analyzed the results of the interviews by using the database method, the research obtained the main indicators and categories as follows: background conditions (main category: implementation of conditional ban in the province), causal conditions (main categories: full implementation of the law prohibiting the presence of foreign nationals; cultural, religious and political similarities; and establishment of centralized management), the central phenomenon (main category: management of Afghan immigrants), strategies and actions (main category: the amendment of law and legislation), intervening conditions (main category: condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals), consequences (main categories: crime reduction and development of sustainable security in the province, improvement of economic conditions in the province, increase in the people’s level of satisfaction).
Discussion and Conclusion
Concerning the main indicators and categories mentioned above, the full implementation of the law prohibiting the presence of foreign nationals; cultural, religious, and political similarities; and establishment of centralized management were considered as the basic factors affecting the management of Afghan immigrants. This specific method of management effects the strategic amendment of laws and legislation. Yet it should be taken into account that condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals acts as an intervening factor in this respect, and the implementation of a conditional ban in the province can provide the background conditions. The strategic amendment of laws will bring about the behavioral consequences such as crime reduction and development of sustainable security in the province, improvement of economic conditions in the province, and increase in the people’s level of satisfaction. The results also showed that condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals is a deterrent and intervening factor with negative effects on management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan, so it is necessary to eliminate it by adopting appropriate strategies.
Research Interests:
Introduction The distribution of power in the international system and the relationship between the two are important indicators for the analysis of international crises. There is a direct relationship between the structure of the... more
Introduction
The distribution of power in the international system and the relationship between the two are important indicators for the analysis of international crises. There is a direct relationship between the structure of the international system and stability, conflict, and crisis; therefore, the nature, consequences, and management of international crises as well as behavioral patterns of international actors all vary according to the structure of the international system. The present research seeks to explain the relationship between the two by focusing on the negative and positive impact of the bipolar structure on the escalation of the Syrian crisis. It is assumed that the behavior of states is influenced by the structure of the international system, be it unipolar, bipolar, multipolar, or transitional.
The study tries to answer the key question as to how the positive and negative role of the bipolar structure contributed to the escalation of the Syrian crisis. The research is based on the main hypothesis that the lack of systemic limitations particular to the bipolar structure of the Cold War restricted identity, ideological, and geopolitical conflicts in the Middle East region during the Syrian crisis, and that the crisis escalated—from both negative and positive perspectives—due to the emergence of the putative bipolar structure at the regional level through the zero-sum game between the two regional poles, namely Iran and Saudi Arabia, along with their regional allies and proxy arms. Despite the extensive literature both about the Syrian crisis and about the impact of the structure of the international system on international crises, no independent research seems to have been conducted on the negative and positive impact of the bipolar structure on the Syrian crisis, so the present research has novelty in this respect.
The structure of the international system and the Syrian crisis
This research argues that the distribution of power in the international system, also known as structure, undeniably affects the political and security dynamism at the level of the regional (sub)systems. During the Cold War, the two superpowers could not be indifferent to the instability in the strategic regions of the world because any instability and crisis therein would lead to an ideological vacuum and the possibility that the vacuum would be filled with rival ideologies—hence changes in the status of the satellite countries. However, the collapse of the bipolar system and the end of the Cold War resulted in a period of instability in the international system. According to Waltz and Mearsheimer, the systems that are not bipolar are unstable, and the instability undeniably affects the escalation of international crises and conflicts, such as the Syrian crisis.
The Syrian crisis was characterized by the lack of bipolarity, a transitional period in the international system, and the absence of a new system and establishment of new rules. As a result, the US, uncertain about its strategy for stepping in the crisis, transferred its responsibility for maintaining the stability of the system to its regional allies; consequently, the intervention of regional actors, as one of the main factors, contributed to the escalation of the Syrian crisis. Meanwhile, the lack of the stabilizing structure prepared the ground for the formation of a regional bipolar structure centered on Iran and Saudi Arabia and their proxy arms, which would escalate the instability. By defining their interests in the Syrian crisis within the zero-sum game (i.e., maintaining Assad/overthrowing Assad), the regional bipolarity played a big role in escalating the Syrian crisis, and Syria became the main field for the new regional cold war between Iran and Saudi Arabia.
Conclusion
Syria was considered as one of the Soviet satellites during the Cold War, so if the Syrian crisis had occurred during the Cold War, Russia would have stepped in the crisis, the US would have withdrawn from it, and regional actors (e.g., Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey) would not have been allowed to use their proxy forces (e.g., Hezbollah, the Free Army, and Salafi groups) in order to play an independent role in the crisis in line with their interests. The reason is that the bipolar system would not essentially allow the regional actor to play an independent role in the system. However, the Syrian crisis escalated as a result of the end of the bipolar system, the transitional situation in which the rules of the new system had not been established yet, the US strategic uncertainty about how to step in the crisis, its fear of military intervention and experience of Iraq and Afghanistan, its transfer of responsibility to its weak regional allies, the regional bipolarity centered on Iran and Saudi Arabia and their ensuing strong presence with their proxy forces—in line with their predetermined interests—and finally the historical opportunism of Russia to restore its dignity and historical status in the Middle East and support its historic ally.
The distribution of power in the international system and the relationship between the two are important indicators for the analysis of international crises. There is a direct relationship between the structure of the international system and stability, conflict, and crisis; therefore, the nature, consequences, and management of international crises as well as behavioral patterns of international actors all vary according to the structure of the international system. The present research seeks to explain the relationship between the two by focusing on the negative and positive impact of the bipolar structure on the escalation of the Syrian crisis. It is assumed that the behavior of states is influenced by the structure of the international system, be it unipolar, bipolar, multipolar, or transitional.
The study tries to answer the key question as to how the positive and negative role of the bipolar structure contributed to the escalation of the Syrian crisis. The research is based on the main hypothesis that the lack of systemic limitations particular to the bipolar structure of the Cold War restricted identity, ideological, and geopolitical conflicts in the Middle East region during the Syrian crisis, and that the crisis escalated—from both negative and positive perspectives—due to the emergence of the putative bipolar structure at the regional level through the zero-sum game between the two regional poles, namely Iran and Saudi Arabia, along with their regional allies and proxy arms. Despite the extensive literature both about the Syrian crisis and about the impact of the structure of the international system on international crises, no independent research seems to have been conducted on the negative and positive impact of the bipolar structure on the Syrian crisis, so the present research has novelty in this respect.
The structure of the international system and the Syrian crisis
This research argues that the distribution of power in the international system, also known as structure, undeniably affects the political and security dynamism at the level of the regional (sub)systems. During the Cold War, the two superpowers could not be indifferent to the instability in the strategic regions of the world because any instability and crisis therein would lead to an ideological vacuum and the possibility that the vacuum would be filled with rival ideologies—hence changes in the status of the satellite countries. However, the collapse of the bipolar system and the end of the Cold War resulted in a period of instability in the international system. According to Waltz and Mearsheimer, the systems that are not bipolar are unstable, and the instability undeniably affects the escalation of international crises and conflicts, such as the Syrian crisis.
The Syrian crisis was characterized by the lack of bipolarity, a transitional period in the international system, and the absence of a new system and establishment of new rules. As a result, the US, uncertain about its strategy for stepping in the crisis, transferred its responsibility for maintaining the stability of the system to its regional allies; consequently, the intervention of regional actors, as one of the main factors, contributed to the escalation of the Syrian crisis. Meanwhile, the lack of the stabilizing structure prepared the ground for the formation of a regional bipolar structure centered on Iran and Saudi Arabia and their proxy arms, which would escalate the instability. By defining their interests in the Syrian crisis within the zero-sum game (i.e., maintaining Assad/overthrowing Assad), the regional bipolarity played a big role in escalating the Syrian crisis, and Syria became the main field for the new regional cold war between Iran and Saudi Arabia.
Conclusion
Syria was considered as one of the Soviet satellites during the Cold War, so if the Syrian crisis had occurred during the Cold War, Russia would have stepped in the crisis, the US would have withdrawn from it, and regional actors (e.g., Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey) would not have been allowed to use their proxy forces (e.g., Hezbollah, the Free Army, and Salafi groups) in order to play an independent role in the crisis in line with their interests. The reason is that the bipolar system would not essentially allow the regional actor to play an independent role in the system. However, the Syrian crisis escalated as a result of the end of the bipolar system, the transitional situation in which the rules of the new system had not been established yet, the US strategic uncertainty about how to step in the crisis, its fear of military intervention and experience of Iraq and Afghanistan, its transfer of responsibility to its weak regional allies, the regional bipolarity centered on Iran and Saudi Arabia and their ensuing strong presence with their proxy forces—in line with their predetermined interests—and finally the historical opportunism of Russia to restore its dignity and historical status in the Middle East and support its historic ally.
Research Interests:
Pandemics are among the most important events affecting various economic, social, cultural, and political aspects, hence an acid test of functioning of states. Considered as a kind of intervention in social relations, the epidemic... more
Pandemics are among the most important events affecting various economic, social, cultural, and political aspects, hence an acid test of functioning of states. Considered as a kind of intervention in social relations, the epidemic disease, owing to its characteristics, targets the logic of established relationships and can potentially have an epoch-making capability. This internal characteristic renders the epidemic disease completely political. In this respect, the present research tries to answer the key question of what negative and positive effects pandemics exert on politics. The research is based on the hypothesis that pandemics have both negative and positive dimensions. The negative aspects include several issues imposed on societies, such as the increased instability, civil war, insecurity, increased power of the state and statism, rebellion, etc. Meanwhile, pandemics have positive aspects, such as the social and political cohesion, peace and cooperation between nation-states, growth of cyberspace activities and more pressure on the state, cessation of some wars, and growth of political and freedom-seeking movements—which are generally overlooked under the shadow of great challenges.
There is ample literature, both in English and in Persian, on epidemic diseases and the global coronavirus disease. In her book The Impact of Outbreaks of Infectious Diseases on Political Stability, Menzel (2018) argues that the spread of Ebola, tuberculosis, and influenza caused unrest in some countries. Examining about 120 countries during an eighteen-year-long period, she observes that the three diseases were significantly correlated with the level of political stability in the affected countries in a particular year. Moreover, the research on the US policies in prevention of AIDS in African countries observed that the HIV pandemic caused international instability and insecurity, especially in African countries, so HIV has become a priority for the US foreign policy. Despite the research attempts, it seems that the topic has not been dealt with in a focused manner. In this respect, the present article intends to examine each of these pandemics in a historical context in order to shed light on their impact on politics and the political. The present study is thus necessary given its innovative subject.
Focused on a novel research topic, the present study pursues the following objectives: the scientific explanation and analysis of the political effects of pandemics (esp. COVID–19), the analysis of the impact of the COVID–19 pandemic on the nature and performance of states, and the explanation of the effects of the COVID–19 pandemic on transparency, elections, and in general, on democratic processes in different countries.
Imposed on societies throughout history, crises such as pandemics are generally considered as a manifestation of the political. For example, due to the outbreak of plague, merchants closed their shops and fled to the outskirts, which left workers and artisans without a livelihood. The closure of stores caused unemployment, leading to conflict over resources and the ensuing insecurity and chaos. In addition, the pandemic was one of the apparent reasons underlying the population decline, the death of elders, and the death of political and intellectual elite, which gave rise to the urban and rural chaos, insecurity and disorder in social relations, and the political chaos. Cholera is another pandemic affecting political life throughout history. The cholera pandemic not only caused a decline in population and state power as well as an increase in protests in countries such as India, but also disturb the power of empires and the sense of security of Western powers and put their vulnerability at risk. It also created tensions over whether global communications would remain open or closed. The Spanish flu, which occurred during World War I, killed a large number of people, resulted in chaos in different parts of the world, and changed the war plans and peace negotiations. Concerning HIV, the children losing their parents due to the disease are more likely to be recruited to terrorist groups. Furthermore, individuals with HIV, especially women, are excluded from society and politics.
Despite their challenges, pandemics can have positive effects, albeit minimal, on politics. For instance, the plague pandemic caused a revolution of the elite and intellectuals and could stop the Hundred Years’ War between England and France. The influenza pandemic brought a sense of urgency to improve public health, leading to advances in medical science, public health planning, and international cooperation among states. Due to the cholera pandemic, the world states start international cooperation with each other, thus initiating the efforts to conclude international health agreements. HIV has also been an opportunity to correct fundamental injustices and mobilize positive political movements concerning issues such as women’s, children’s, and homosexuals’ rights.
Regarding the negative effects COVID–19, the pandemic challenged and questioned many political issues. For example, it challenged participation in elections and voting as an obvious form of political activity. Moreover, the outbreak of COVID–19 led to a decline in the process of consensus building in most countries, with the executive branch taking and implementing decisions. The pandemic was also used as a pretext for limiting media activities. More importantly, the outbreak of COVID–19 led to an unprecedented increase in injustice and discrimination around the world. Meanwhile, the pandemic created good opportunities, such as generating new forms of civil mobilization, providing the means for human convergence, and reducing defense costs at the national and global levels.
In general, although pandemics fundamentally challenge human life in various fields and particularly in politics, they intentionally or unintentionally open up a few opportunities for politics and politicians. Likewise, the COVID–19 pandemic brought about sweeping changes, created positive trends, and could revive many faded or forgotten areas in the political arena—the aspect which used to be hidden in the heavy shadow of the killing and harm caused by the virus.
There is ample literature, both in English and in Persian, on epidemic diseases and the global coronavirus disease. In her book The Impact of Outbreaks of Infectious Diseases on Political Stability, Menzel (2018) argues that the spread of Ebola, tuberculosis, and influenza caused unrest in some countries. Examining about 120 countries during an eighteen-year-long period, she observes that the three diseases were significantly correlated with the level of political stability in the affected countries in a particular year. Moreover, the research on the US policies in prevention of AIDS in African countries observed that the HIV pandemic caused international instability and insecurity, especially in African countries, so HIV has become a priority for the US foreign policy. Despite the research attempts, it seems that the topic has not been dealt with in a focused manner. In this respect, the present article intends to examine each of these pandemics in a historical context in order to shed light on their impact on politics and the political. The present study is thus necessary given its innovative subject.
Focused on a novel research topic, the present study pursues the following objectives: the scientific explanation and analysis of the political effects of pandemics (esp. COVID–19), the analysis of the impact of the COVID–19 pandemic on the nature and performance of states, and the explanation of the effects of the COVID–19 pandemic on transparency, elections, and in general, on democratic processes in different countries.
Imposed on societies throughout history, crises such as pandemics are generally considered as a manifestation of the political. For example, due to the outbreak of plague, merchants closed their shops and fled to the outskirts, which left workers and artisans without a livelihood. The closure of stores caused unemployment, leading to conflict over resources and the ensuing insecurity and chaos. In addition, the pandemic was one of the apparent reasons underlying the population decline, the death of elders, and the death of political and intellectual elite, which gave rise to the urban and rural chaos, insecurity and disorder in social relations, and the political chaos. Cholera is another pandemic affecting political life throughout history. The cholera pandemic not only caused a decline in population and state power as well as an increase in protests in countries such as India, but also disturb the power of empires and the sense of security of Western powers and put their vulnerability at risk. It also created tensions over whether global communications would remain open or closed. The Spanish flu, which occurred during World War I, killed a large number of people, resulted in chaos in different parts of the world, and changed the war plans and peace negotiations. Concerning HIV, the children losing their parents due to the disease are more likely to be recruited to terrorist groups. Furthermore, individuals with HIV, especially women, are excluded from society and politics.
Despite their challenges, pandemics can have positive effects, albeit minimal, on politics. For instance, the plague pandemic caused a revolution of the elite and intellectuals and could stop the Hundred Years’ War between England and France. The influenza pandemic brought a sense of urgency to improve public health, leading to advances in medical science, public health planning, and international cooperation among states. Due to the cholera pandemic, the world states start international cooperation with each other, thus initiating the efforts to conclude international health agreements. HIV has also been an opportunity to correct fundamental injustices and mobilize positive political movements concerning issues such as women’s, children’s, and homosexuals’ rights.
Regarding the negative effects COVID–19, the pandemic challenged and questioned many political issues. For example, it challenged participation in elections and voting as an obvious form of political activity. Moreover, the outbreak of COVID–19 led to a decline in the process of consensus building in most countries, with the executive branch taking and implementing decisions. The pandemic was also used as a pretext for limiting media activities. More importantly, the outbreak of COVID–19 led to an unprecedented increase in injustice and discrimination around the world. Meanwhile, the pandemic created good opportunities, such as generating new forms of civil mobilization, providing the means for human convergence, and reducing defense costs at the national and global levels.
In general, although pandemics fundamentally challenge human life in various fields and particularly in politics, they intentionally or unintentionally open up a few opportunities for politics and politicians. Likewise, the COVID–19 pandemic brought about sweeping changes, created positive trends, and could revive many faded or forgotten areas in the political arena—the aspect which used to be hidden in the heavy shadow of the killing and harm caused by the virus.
Research Interests:
In the years after the relative domestic stability following the Islamic Revolution of Iran, regional and international issues became the most important concerns of the Iranian politicians. The Iran hostage crisis and the ensuing break in... more
In the years after the relative domestic stability following the Islamic Revolution of Iran, regional and international issues became the most important concerns of the Iranian politicians. The Iran hostage crisis and the ensuing break in Iran–US relations as well as the Iraqi-imposed war on Iran during the early years of the formation of the Islamic Revolution practically led to a crisis in Iran’s relations with the Western, Eastern, and Arab countries in the Persian Gulf.
Later on, some analysts of Iran’s foreign policy pointed to the ideological nature of Iran’s foreign policy, the idealist viewpoint of Iran’s revolutionary leaders, and the attempt to export the Revolution to other countries. The foreign policy of Iran was based on the preference for nations over states in international relations, the emphasis on the political independence in planning and policymaking, on the preference for beliefs over economic and commercial interests in bilateral and multilateral relations, and the importance attached to political justice in the relations between states in international relations.
Highlighting the convergence in intra- and extraregional cooperation, recent changes in Iran’s foreign policy have led to the current emphasis on convergence of issues such as expansion of bilateral and multilateral relations, cooperation and good-neighborliness with neighbors (esp. in the Persian Gulf region), and reduction of disputes. This new approach to foreign policy subscribes to the view that Iran has strategic depth due to its geographical and historical location, hence capable of attaining strategic-cum-global significance. For this purpose, it is necessary for Iran to resolve its problems and differences with its neighbors, establish friendly relationships based on good-neighborliness, and prepare the grounds for the convergence of countries by exporting strategic goods, for example, gas export to Oman. Iran–Oman relations in the field of energy can move to a transregional level, leading to the greater convergence and cooperation in the Persian Gulf region and even in the countries such as India and China.
This article aims to evaluate one of the most important developments in Iran’s foreign policy in the last decade, that is, the focus on the surrounding regions, including the Persian Gulf, and the look to the East and Asian countries (e.g., India and China) for the purpose of reducing the disputes with neighbors and seeking extensive cooperation with the East concerning the export of natural gas. The main question is, how can Iran’s export of gas to Oman contribute to the expansion of convergence in Iran–Oman relations? The research hypothesis predicts that the expansion of communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas, to Oman) will prepare the ground for enhancing the convergence between the two countries in other fields. The research used Peter McLaughlin’s functional explanation as the method and convergence theory as well as Karl Deutsch’s communications theory as the conceptual frameworks.
Considering the economic power and energy in the Persian Gulf region, the analysis indicates that Iran is able to be one of the important sources of income and set gas transit in the region, hence the transit hub of the Persian Gulf. Iran’s gas export to Oman faces challenges and advantages. Regarding the challenges, the enormous investment is required for transporting gas through pipelines over a long distance, which stresses the need to guarantee the gas consumption market and access to a large volume of gas reserves. The dispute between Oman and the UAE over determining the route of the gas pipeline constitutes an important challenge for Iran’s export of gas to Oman. Another challenge is the sanctions through which the US and the Western countries, unable to dominate the energy and resources of Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, tried to oppose Iran. The US has prevented Iran from reaching its desired goals. Despite the challenges, Iran’s gas export to Oman has advantages. For example, the construction of the gas pipeline is beneficial given the fact that Iran is supposed to export 30 million cubic meters gas to Oman and increase this figure to 70 million. This long-term contract enables Iran to achieve between 20 to 30 million dollars of gas revenue.
The findings show that the increase in communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas) between the two countries can prepare the ground for increasing exchanges of other goods and services. Exporting gas to Oman is considered as the reason for meeting the country’s energy needs, energy security, and even as the basis for the expansion of the gas pipeline from Oman to India and China—which is the most effective factor for the implementation of Iran’s active foreign policy based on convergence between the countries of the Persian Gulf.
Later on, some analysts of Iran’s foreign policy pointed to the ideological nature of Iran’s foreign policy, the idealist viewpoint of Iran’s revolutionary leaders, and the attempt to export the Revolution to other countries. The foreign policy of Iran was based on the preference for nations over states in international relations, the emphasis on the political independence in planning and policymaking, on the preference for beliefs over economic and commercial interests in bilateral and multilateral relations, and the importance attached to political justice in the relations between states in international relations.
Highlighting the convergence in intra- and extraregional cooperation, recent changes in Iran’s foreign policy have led to the current emphasis on convergence of issues such as expansion of bilateral and multilateral relations, cooperation and good-neighborliness with neighbors (esp. in the Persian Gulf region), and reduction of disputes. This new approach to foreign policy subscribes to the view that Iran has strategic depth due to its geographical and historical location, hence capable of attaining strategic-cum-global significance. For this purpose, it is necessary for Iran to resolve its problems and differences with its neighbors, establish friendly relationships based on good-neighborliness, and prepare the grounds for the convergence of countries by exporting strategic goods, for example, gas export to Oman. Iran–Oman relations in the field of energy can move to a transregional level, leading to the greater convergence and cooperation in the Persian Gulf region and even in the countries such as India and China.
This article aims to evaluate one of the most important developments in Iran’s foreign policy in the last decade, that is, the focus on the surrounding regions, including the Persian Gulf, and the look to the East and Asian countries (e.g., India and China) for the purpose of reducing the disputes with neighbors and seeking extensive cooperation with the East concerning the export of natural gas. The main question is, how can Iran’s export of gas to Oman contribute to the expansion of convergence in Iran–Oman relations? The research hypothesis predicts that the expansion of communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas, to Oman) will prepare the ground for enhancing the convergence between the two countries in other fields. The research used Peter McLaughlin’s functional explanation as the method and convergence theory as well as Karl Deutsch’s communications theory as the conceptual frameworks.
Considering the economic power and energy in the Persian Gulf region, the analysis indicates that Iran is able to be one of the important sources of income and set gas transit in the region, hence the transit hub of the Persian Gulf. Iran’s gas export to Oman faces challenges and advantages. Regarding the challenges, the enormous investment is required for transporting gas through pipelines over a long distance, which stresses the need to guarantee the gas consumption market and access to a large volume of gas reserves. The dispute between Oman and the UAE over determining the route of the gas pipeline constitutes an important challenge for Iran’s export of gas to Oman. Another challenge is the sanctions through which the US and the Western countries, unable to dominate the energy and resources of Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, tried to oppose Iran. The US has prevented Iran from reaching its desired goals. Despite the challenges, Iran’s gas export to Oman has advantages. For example, the construction of the gas pipeline is beneficial given the fact that Iran is supposed to export 30 million cubic meters gas to Oman and increase this figure to 70 million. This long-term contract enables Iran to achieve between 20 to 30 million dollars of gas revenue.
The findings show that the increase in communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas) between the two countries can prepare the ground for increasing exchanges of other goods and services. Exporting gas to Oman is considered as the reason for meeting the country’s energy needs, energy security, and even as the basis for the expansion of the gas pipeline from Oman to India and China—which is the most effective factor for the implementation of Iran’s active foreign policy based on convergence between the countries of the Persian Gulf.
Research Interests:
Introduction Due to being separated from their families and being exposed to new ideas, university students always follow a kind of idealism in political thought and action, which has fostered the formation of student movements in Iran,... more
Introduction
Due to being separated from their families and being exposed to new ideas, university students always follow a kind of idealism in political thought and action, which has fostered the formation of student movements in Iran, with student journals being the crystallization of various political opinions within the university. During 2011–2020 in Iran, the approach to the political changed due to the expansion of the Internet and social networks as well as the generational change, leading to new ideas and views. In this respect, this article aims to examine the evolution of representation and of the political among the university students as manifested in their changing attitudes, concerns, and the issues they wrote about. Analyzing the content of the student journals published at Ferdowsi University of Mashhad during 2016–2020, the present research tries to answer the key question of how the political and power relations were represented and evolved in the student journals.
Theoretical framework
Power is related to technology, so any change in technology can bring about changes in the approach to the state and political institutions as well as in the interpretation and crystallization of power. Technology has been one of the main variables in the evolution of human societies to the degree that a technological revolution can be mapped throughout history. Both mechanical technology and information technology have considerably influenced the sphere of politics, leading to two forms of political crystallization. The present article relied on a model derived from the theory of the information age, in which the political is considered as a variable of technology and is transformed from the official, institutional politics to the everyday politics—that is, the transformation from the Hobbesian conception of power and the political (as in Leviathan) into the Foucauldian disciplinary power and resistance.
Research methodology
This research used the method of content analysis, which offers the techniques to analyze the content of themes, sentences, and press material for different purposes. Content analysis is the categorization of elements of a text in different boxes in such a way that the value of the elements arranged in each box defines the entire text. As a documented method, content analysis uses a quantitative or qualitative method or a mixed method in order to analyze the content of texts, images, documents, editorials, etc., and reveal the visible and hidden messages therein, thus offering new insights. Content analysis has a high level of validity and reliability since the researcher cannot involve personal tendencies in the research—given the availability of the research topic (i.e., documents).
Findings
The COVID-19 pandemic and the closure of universities led to a decline in the number of issues, and thus the pages, of the journals published. The present research studied a total of 15000 pages of student journals by applying content analysis to the text and image. The categories and concepts were coded, and the categories as well their subcategories were classified under two general indicators: sociocultural and economic–political. The findings are summarized below.
The political as mechanical, institutional, and hard power:
The relevant concepts crystalize the age of mechanical technologies, reflecting the students’ concerns about the institutional issues, the state, and the nation. In other words, the journals reflected the society’s concern about the state, law, elections, or citizenship rights as the vocabulary representing the modern mechanical-cum-technological age.
The political as informational, everyday, and soft power
Concerning the sociocultural indicators, the most frequent issues in the journals were gender, the environment, and the students’ demands. Theoretically speaking, they can be associated with the information age characterized by the focus on art, the environment, women, and everyday life as the instances of informational-cum-technological age observed frequently in the student journals. This indicates a departure from the official and governmental politics towards the emphasis on power relations in knowledge, architecture, art, and almost every aspect of everyday life. Such a change of attitude is seen as the transformation of the political from mechanical and governmental mechanisms into quantum and informational mechanisms that are expanding.
Conclusion
In the decade of the information age and following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the fading of ideologies, the expansion of information technology, and generational changes, the view of politics and its mechanical representation was completely transformed into a quantum and informational representation, with politics manifesting itself as everyday life. The student journals also reflected the change and evolution in the attitudes towards the political. The new generation of students no longer has organizational and institutional demands and reform and revolutionary mechanisms against the government structure. What is evident in the journals is the representation of power as an everyday entity manifested in the demands related to art, the environment, gender, and spaces as well as the request for a better life. The power seems to have moved from the artificial form crystallized in bureaucratic institutions towards the power diffused in everyday life. This change of perspective is evident in the journals led by the students who represent the new generation.
The news, analyses, and writings in the student journals have tangibly moved from political-cum-ideological frameworks towards the everyday life. The conception of politics as the governmental entity with the organizational and bureaucratic structure was transformed into an inclusive conception of power crystallized in everyday life. The previous serious debates used to frame students as critics of power, as intellectuals denying the status quo, and as equipped with the weapon of political parties to get them to oppose politicians. However, in light of the recent changes, the students act as rational and activist citizens, who demand everyday life and happiness. The political is no longer restricted to the government, but diffused in every aspect of life. In a sense, the crystallization of the political has evolved from the mechanical conception of power or macropower to everyday power or micropower.
Due to being separated from their families and being exposed to new ideas, university students always follow a kind of idealism in political thought and action, which has fostered the formation of student movements in Iran, with student journals being the crystallization of various political opinions within the university. During 2011–2020 in Iran, the approach to the political changed due to the expansion of the Internet and social networks as well as the generational change, leading to new ideas and views. In this respect, this article aims to examine the evolution of representation and of the political among the university students as manifested in their changing attitudes, concerns, and the issues they wrote about. Analyzing the content of the student journals published at Ferdowsi University of Mashhad during 2016–2020, the present research tries to answer the key question of how the political and power relations were represented and evolved in the student journals.
Theoretical framework
Power is related to technology, so any change in technology can bring about changes in the approach to the state and political institutions as well as in the interpretation and crystallization of power. Technology has been one of the main variables in the evolution of human societies to the degree that a technological revolution can be mapped throughout history. Both mechanical technology and information technology have considerably influenced the sphere of politics, leading to two forms of political crystallization. The present article relied on a model derived from the theory of the information age, in which the political is considered as a variable of technology and is transformed from the official, institutional politics to the everyday politics—that is, the transformation from the Hobbesian conception of power and the political (as in Leviathan) into the Foucauldian disciplinary power and resistance.
Research methodology
This research used the method of content analysis, which offers the techniques to analyze the content of themes, sentences, and press material for different purposes. Content analysis is the categorization of elements of a text in different boxes in such a way that the value of the elements arranged in each box defines the entire text. As a documented method, content analysis uses a quantitative or qualitative method or a mixed method in order to analyze the content of texts, images, documents, editorials, etc., and reveal the visible and hidden messages therein, thus offering new insights. Content analysis has a high level of validity and reliability since the researcher cannot involve personal tendencies in the research—given the availability of the research topic (i.e., documents).
Findings
The COVID-19 pandemic and the closure of universities led to a decline in the number of issues, and thus the pages, of the journals published. The present research studied a total of 15000 pages of student journals by applying content analysis to the text and image. The categories and concepts were coded, and the categories as well their subcategories were classified under two general indicators: sociocultural and economic–political. The findings are summarized below.
The political as mechanical, institutional, and hard power:
The relevant concepts crystalize the age of mechanical technologies, reflecting the students’ concerns about the institutional issues, the state, and the nation. In other words, the journals reflected the society’s concern about the state, law, elections, or citizenship rights as the vocabulary representing the modern mechanical-cum-technological age.
The political as informational, everyday, and soft power
Concerning the sociocultural indicators, the most frequent issues in the journals were gender, the environment, and the students’ demands. Theoretically speaking, they can be associated with the information age characterized by the focus on art, the environment, women, and everyday life as the instances of informational-cum-technological age observed frequently in the student journals. This indicates a departure from the official and governmental politics towards the emphasis on power relations in knowledge, architecture, art, and almost every aspect of everyday life. Such a change of attitude is seen as the transformation of the political from mechanical and governmental mechanisms into quantum and informational mechanisms that are expanding.
Conclusion
In the decade of the information age and following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the fading of ideologies, the expansion of information technology, and generational changes, the view of politics and its mechanical representation was completely transformed into a quantum and informational representation, with politics manifesting itself as everyday life. The student journals also reflected the change and evolution in the attitudes towards the political. The new generation of students no longer has organizational and institutional demands and reform and revolutionary mechanisms against the government structure. What is evident in the journals is the representation of power as an everyday entity manifested in the demands related to art, the environment, gender, and spaces as well as the request for a better life. The power seems to have moved from the artificial form crystallized in bureaucratic institutions towards the power diffused in everyday life. This change of perspective is evident in the journals led by the students who represent the new generation.
The news, analyses, and writings in the student journals have tangibly moved from political-cum-ideological frameworks towards the everyday life. The conception of politics as the governmental entity with the organizational and bureaucratic structure was transformed into an inclusive conception of power crystallized in everyday life. The previous serious debates used to frame students as critics of power, as intellectuals denying the status quo, and as equipped with the weapon of political parties to get them to oppose politicians. However, in light of the recent changes, the students act as rational and activist citizens, who demand everyday life and happiness. The political is no longer restricted to the government, but diffused in every aspect of life. In a sense, the crystallization of the political has evolved from the mechanical conception of power or macropower to everyday power or micropower.
Research Interests:
Researchers, political parties and groups, and states have always been interested to understand the behavior and mental processes influencing the political choice, the reasons underlying participation or non-participation, and the... more
Researchers, political parties and groups, and states have always been interested to understand the behavior and mental processes influencing the political choice, the reasons underlying participation or non-participation, and the behavior and motivation of voters. In addition to the contextual factors (e.g., mass media, groups, political parties, states, ideologies, ethnicity, religions, regions, social classes, and the like), the behavioral processes of feeling, perception, motivation, or emotion can also play a determining role in the political attitude, understanding, and choice—alongside the prevailing conditions, culture, and atmosphere of a given society. This is a legitimate research topic in the field of political psychology worthy of further investigation. In this respect, the present research intends to examine emotion as one of the internal, behavioral states and processes influencing the political choice and the participation level.
The motivation behind voters’ participation in elections depends on various factors. The first and perhaps the most important one is the acceptance of sovereignty and state by people, so the legitimacy of the governance system, trust in the health and fairness of elections, and confidence about the candidacy of real representatives of people are the determining factors influencing people’s participation. The second important factor is the general atmosphere prevailing in society, that is, the extent to which the most important issues of the day can motivate and encourage people’s participation in elections. Economic, social, and political crises or the events such as the possibility of war and internal disputes, together with healing and savior-like promises, can be considered as effective issues in the election process. Definitely influencing the participation level, the third significant factor is the candidacy of prominent, popular, charismatic, and influential figures. Moreover, a competitive and partisan atmosphere can increase the participation level to its high. Finally, by helping individuals, parties, and candidates in different ways, advertising and media performs a significant role in their victory or defeat. Besides these important reasons, the findings of political psychology show that in many cases the election result usually depends on emotion as a factor influencing the type and level of people’s participation in elections.
Offering a brief overview of the Iranian presidential elections, the present research employs the theory of rational choice as a theoretical framework and the descriptive–analytical method in order to analyze the collected historical documents. The research tries to answer the key question of whether people’s tendency in elections is more influenced by rational choice or by emotion. In other words, which variable has a more influential role in the election process? and what spectrum of society, why, and under what conditions is affected by the emotional atmosphere? Assuming the rational choice as a logical goal, regardless of the positive and negative effects of emotion on the choice, an overview of the Iranian presidential elections confirms the hypothesis that influential events along with the presence of certain figures and competitors at different times can arouse emotion and create a passionate political and competitive atmosphere, leading to a high participation level.
The study briefly reviews the results of the Iranian presidential elections from the beginning until now, but it especially focuses on the phases that witnessed the highest and lowest participation rates. The highest rate was seen in the third election (the election of Ayatollah Khamenei), the seventh election (the election of Mohammad Khatami) and the tenth election (the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad) while the sixth election (the election of Hashemi-Rafsanjani) and the thirteenth election (the election of Ebrahim Raisi) had the lowest level of people’s participation.
There are various reasons behind the decrease and increase in the participation rate. The focus on motivational factors makes manifest the undeniable effect of changes in political emotion on the participation level. As an answer to the research questions, the findings generally confirm the theory of rational choice subscribing to the view that people naturally rely on rational calculations and consider personal interests in each choice, including the political one. However, the study of the presidential elections in Iran made clear that, in addition to motivational factors, other factors such as certain events and the presence of certain political figures at different times could arouse emotion and create a passionate political and competitive atmosphere, leading to an increase in the participation level.
The motivation behind voters’ participation in elections depends on various factors. The first and perhaps the most important one is the acceptance of sovereignty and state by people, so the legitimacy of the governance system, trust in the health and fairness of elections, and confidence about the candidacy of real representatives of people are the determining factors influencing people’s participation. The second important factor is the general atmosphere prevailing in society, that is, the extent to which the most important issues of the day can motivate and encourage people’s participation in elections. Economic, social, and political crises or the events such as the possibility of war and internal disputes, together with healing and savior-like promises, can be considered as effective issues in the election process. Definitely influencing the participation level, the third significant factor is the candidacy of prominent, popular, charismatic, and influential figures. Moreover, a competitive and partisan atmosphere can increase the participation level to its high. Finally, by helping individuals, parties, and candidates in different ways, advertising and media performs a significant role in their victory or defeat. Besides these important reasons, the findings of political psychology show that in many cases the election result usually depends on emotion as a factor influencing the type and level of people’s participation in elections.
Offering a brief overview of the Iranian presidential elections, the present research employs the theory of rational choice as a theoretical framework and the descriptive–analytical method in order to analyze the collected historical documents. The research tries to answer the key question of whether people’s tendency in elections is more influenced by rational choice or by emotion. In other words, which variable has a more influential role in the election process? and what spectrum of society, why, and under what conditions is affected by the emotional atmosphere? Assuming the rational choice as a logical goal, regardless of the positive and negative effects of emotion on the choice, an overview of the Iranian presidential elections confirms the hypothesis that influential events along with the presence of certain figures and competitors at different times can arouse emotion and create a passionate political and competitive atmosphere, leading to a high participation level.
The study briefly reviews the results of the Iranian presidential elections from the beginning until now, but it especially focuses on the phases that witnessed the highest and lowest participation rates. The highest rate was seen in the third election (the election of Ayatollah Khamenei), the seventh election (the election of Mohammad Khatami) and the tenth election (the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad) while the sixth election (the election of Hashemi-Rafsanjani) and the thirteenth election (the election of Ebrahim Raisi) had the lowest level of people’s participation.
There are various reasons behind the decrease and increase in the participation rate. The focus on motivational factors makes manifest the undeniable effect of changes in political emotion on the participation level. As an answer to the research questions, the findings generally confirm the theory of rational choice subscribing to the view that people naturally rely on rational calculations and consider personal interests in each choice, including the political one. However, the study of the presidential elections in Iran made clear that, in addition to motivational factors, other factors such as certain events and the presence of certain political figures at different times could arouse emotion and create a passionate political and competitive atmosphere, leading to an increase in the participation level.
Research Interests:
Statement of the Problem The March 1921 coup and the rise of Reza Khan, under the so-called enlightened tyranny referred to by Iranian thinkers, ended more than a century-long reign of the Qajar dynasty. Although the Qajar monarchy was... more
Statement of the Problem
The March 1921 coup and the rise of Reza Khan, under the so-called enlightened tyranny referred to by Iranian thinkers, ended more than a century-long reign of the Qajar dynasty. Although the Qajar monarchy was transferred to the Pahlavi in 1925, the rule in Iran was practically out of the control of the Qajars since March 1921. Having risen to power with the coronation of Agha Mohammad Khan in 1796, the Qajars inherited a situation resulted from about a century-long conflict and chaos in Iran, for the rule had changed five times in less than seventy-five years: the fall of the Safavid dynasty, the rise of Afghans to power, the Afsharid dynasty, the Zand dynasty, and finally the Qajar dynasty. The perpetual riots and insecurities led to the migration of a large number of Iranian thinkers and even religious scholars to India and the Ottoman lands. Concomitant with the chaos in eighteenth-century Iran, the entire world experienced remarkable developments in inventions, discoveries, and the governance method, which went totally unnoticed by Iran and Iranians. However, the relative stability during the Qajar dynasty resuscitated political thought focused on preparing the ground for continuity and durability of the state and achieving the progress in light of the putative security, for the Iranian thinkers of the first generation (e.g., Shoushtari, Esfahani, and Kermanshahi) referred to the change in the governance method and the ensuing peace and security as the reason for progress of other countries.
Methodology
The present study uses the method of qualitative content analysis to analyze the treatises and travelogues of the Qajar era. Reading and categorizing the material presented by Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers in the Qajar era, the research relies on the theory of structural functionalism to investigate the cause underlying the transition to enlightened tyranny. The study is based on the hypothesis that the functional disruption of the social system of Qajar Iran and the ensuing inefficiency in the governance method of the Constitutional Movement had the Iranian thinkers think of a new order for the governance in Iran.
Findings
A) From absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy: Conceptual development and stability of governance
For the Iranian thinkers, the specific method of governance in Iran was the main cause of the chaotic situation manifested in the continuous change of governments, governors, or ministers, so the thinkers attended to the restoration and reform of the governance system. However, the outbreak of the Russo-Persian wars rendered Fath Ali Shah’s initial efforts ineffective, and subsequent, unremitting internal riots totally distracted his attention from the matter.
During the early reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Amir Kabir’s tenure as the chief minister, an attempt was made to improve Iran’s social system and eliminate anarchy, which could bring about some changes in the short run. However, the assassination of Amir Kabir, the Treaty of Paris, and the subsequent separation of Herat once again drew attention to the governance method. Throughout the reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Mozaffar al-Din Shah, the Iranian thinkers would emphasize the need to change the governance method in order to improve the living conditions of Iranians and organize Iran’s social system.
Despite some efforts, the overall circumstances did not improve from the beginning of the Qajar dynasty to the end of the Mozaffari era. Although the anarchy deepened, the attempts at reforms transformed the concept of moderate monarchy into constitutional monarchy, which fruitfully led to establishing the National Council and writing the law at the end of the Mozaffari era. The objective to introduce a solution to the functional disruption under the limited power was essentially accomplished, leading to a new method of governance in Iran.
B) Persistence of functional disruption in constitutional governance
The reports about Iran during the constitutional era prove that the panacea for Iran’s problems was not the establishment of the parliament or control of the government but the creation of a structure to implement decrees, for the constitutionalism would also lead to a new dictatorship in the absence of administrative and judicial mechanisms. From the mid-1910s, the circumstances stressed the need for an organized judicial system and a single and integrated administrative apparatus to resolve the functional disruptions, especially in economic and political sectors. The need existed because the constitutional monarchy had turned into the tyranny of constitutionalists, without reforming the functional anarchy.
Conclusion
Applying the theory of structural functionalism to analyze Iran’s situation at the end of the nineteenth century makes it clear that enlightened tyranny was an attempt to end the functional disruption in the four dimensions of Iran’s social system. Resulted from the constant chaos and conflict in eighteenth-century Iran, the functional disruption lasted well through the century-long reign of the Qajars, and the efforts to fix or reform each of the four dimensions failed in bringing about a noticeable and positive effect on the life of Iranians.
Maintaining or creating order in a social system requires the functional adaptation of all dimensions of the social system. In this regard, the adaptation of the two subsystems of economy (with the function of provision of goods and services) and politics (with the function of allocation and decision-making) is absolutely necessary. The study of Iran during the period of the constitutional monarchy shows that the subsystemic adaption did not exist between economy and politics, so the functional disruption in the economic subsystem made the subsystem of politics conclude the Anglo–Iranian agreement of 1919 with the purpose of financing. This makes clear the very disruption in the most fundamental functioning of the system of Qajar Iran, which, following the functional logic, effected the non-adaptation and dysfunctionality of other dimensions as well.
The persistence of the situation even within the constitutional governance ultimately underscored the need for something more than legislation, leading to a conceptual change of the limit of power and adoption of Japanese and German models of establishing a centralized and powerful structure to effect the reforms demanded by the thinkers. This played the role of what is known in structural functionalism as the external environment, and the coup of 1921 took place and helped enlightened tyranny take over the governance in order to fix the functional disruptions of the social system and establish a new order in Iran.
The March 1921 coup and the rise of Reza Khan, under the so-called enlightened tyranny referred to by Iranian thinkers, ended more than a century-long reign of the Qajar dynasty. Although the Qajar monarchy was transferred to the Pahlavi in 1925, the rule in Iran was practically out of the control of the Qajars since March 1921. Having risen to power with the coronation of Agha Mohammad Khan in 1796, the Qajars inherited a situation resulted from about a century-long conflict and chaos in Iran, for the rule had changed five times in less than seventy-five years: the fall of the Safavid dynasty, the rise of Afghans to power, the Afsharid dynasty, the Zand dynasty, and finally the Qajar dynasty. The perpetual riots and insecurities led to the migration of a large number of Iranian thinkers and even religious scholars to India and the Ottoman lands. Concomitant with the chaos in eighteenth-century Iran, the entire world experienced remarkable developments in inventions, discoveries, and the governance method, which went totally unnoticed by Iran and Iranians. However, the relative stability during the Qajar dynasty resuscitated political thought focused on preparing the ground for continuity and durability of the state and achieving the progress in light of the putative security, for the Iranian thinkers of the first generation (e.g., Shoushtari, Esfahani, and Kermanshahi) referred to the change in the governance method and the ensuing peace and security as the reason for progress of other countries.
Methodology
The present study uses the method of qualitative content analysis to analyze the treatises and travelogues of the Qajar era. Reading and categorizing the material presented by Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers in the Qajar era, the research relies on the theory of structural functionalism to investigate the cause underlying the transition to enlightened tyranny. The study is based on the hypothesis that the functional disruption of the social system of Qajar Iran and the ensuing inefficiency in the governance method of the Constitutional Movement had the Iranian thinkers think of a new order for the governance in Iran.
Findings
A) From absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy: Conceptual development and stability of governance
For the Iranian thinkers, the specific method of governance in Iran was the main cause of the chaotic situation manifested in the continuous change of governments, governors, or ministers, so the thinkers attended to the restoration and reform of the governance system. However, the outbreak of the Russo-Persian wars rendered Fath Ali Shah’s initial efforts ineffective, and subsequent, unremitting internal riots totally distracted his attention from the matter.
During the early reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Amir Kabir’s tenure as the chief minister, an attempt was made to improve Iran’s social system and eliminate anarchy, which could bring about some changes in the short run. However, the assassination of Amir Kabir, the Treaty of Paris, and the subsequent separation of Herat once again drew attention to the governance method. Throughout the reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Mozaffar al-Din Shah, the Iranian thinkers would emphasize the need to change the governance method in order to improve the living conditions of Iranians and organize Iran’s social system.
Despite some efforts, the overall circumstances did not improve from the beginning of the Qajar dynasty to the end of the Mozaffari era. Although the anarchy deepened, the attempts at reforms transformed the concept of moderate monarchy into constitutional monarchy, which fruitfully led to establishing the National Council and writing the law at the end of the Mozaffari era. The objective to introduce a solution to the functional disruption under the limited power was essentially accomplished, leading to a new method of governance in Iran.
B) Persistence of functional disruption in constitutional governance
The reports about Iran during the constitutional era prove that the panacea for Iran’s problems was not the establishment of the parliament or control of the government but the creation of a structure to implement decrees, for the constitutionalism would also lead to a new dictatorship in the absence of administrative and judicial mechanisms. From the mid-1910s, the circumstances stressed the need for an organized judicial system and a single and integrated administrative apparatus to resolve the functional disruptions, especially in economic and political sectors. The need existed because the constitutional monarchy had turned into the tyranny of constitutionalists, without reforming the functional anarchy.
Conclusion
Applying the theory of structural functionalism to analyze Iran’s situation at the end of the nineteenth century makes it clear that enlightened tyranny was an attempt to end the functional disruption in the four dimensions of Iran’s social system. Resulted from the constant chaos and conflict in eighteenth-century Iran, the functional disruption lasted well through the century-long reign of the Qajars, and the efforts to fix or reform each of the four dimensions failed in bringing about a noticeable and positive effect on the life of Iranians.
Maintaining or creating order in a social system requires the functional adaptation of all dimensions of the social system. In this regard, the adaptation of the two subsystems of economy (with the function of provision of goods and services) and politics (with the function of allocation and decision-making) is absolutely necessary. The study of Iran during the period of the constitutional monarchy shows that the subsystemic adaption did not exist between economy and politics, so the functional disruption in the economic subsystem made the subsystem of politics conclude the Anglo–Iranian agreement of 1919 with the purpose of financing. This makes clear the very disruption in the most fundamental functioning of the system of Qajar Iran, which, following the functional logic, effected the non-adaptation and dysfunctionality of other dimensions as well.
The persistence of the situation even within the constitutional governance ultimately underscored the need for something more than legislation, leading to a conceptual change of the limit of power and adoption of Japanese and German models of establishing a centralized and powerful structure to effect the reforms demanded by the thinkers. This played the role of what is known in structural functionalism as the external environment, and the coup of 1921 took place and helped enlightened tyranny take over the governance in order to fix the functional disruptions of the social system and establish a new order in Iran.
Research Interests:
The constant tendency to focus on the people in the political arena can be seen among various groups in contemporary Iran, including the revolutionary leaders and groups focused on mobilizing the masses to confront the previous regime... more
The constant tendency to focus on the people in the political arena can be seen among various groups in contemporary Iran, including the revolutionary leaders and groups focused on mobilizing the masses to confront the previous regime during the revolutionary movement, the rival revolutionary forces during the power struggle of the early years of the Islamic Revolution, and the leaders of the established government arising from the Islamic Revolution with the purpose of advancing their own domestic and foreign objectives and policies in the post-Revolutionary period. The main components of populism include the belief among political forces and leaders in the authenticity and righteousness of the unorganized masses and their direct mobilization in the field of politics as well as the appeal or pretension to redistribute resources among the masses. Thus, the question arises as to whether these components are only specific to some forces and leaders in the post-Revolutionary Iran, or more or less visible among all leaders and forces, regardless of the obvious differences in their political and ideological tendencies.
According to Dorraj (1990), Islamic populism is characterized by its religious character and authoritarian, messianic, millenarian, and monistic nature coupled with revolutionary zest. Abrahamian (1993) refers to the non-religious and authoritarian populist nature of the state in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Kianpour (2006) views Ahmadinejad’s populism as a result of political representation suffering from the representativeness, or more precisely, a result of the problematic of impossibility and costliness of representing different political identities. Using Dornbusch and Edwards’ model, Farzanegan (2009) examines Ahmadinejad’s populism and finds it to be in accordance with the model. Having analyzed Keyhan and Etemad-e Melli newspapers, Zibakalam et al. (2013) conclude that Keyhan, more readily than Etemad-e Melli, pays attention to the categories supporting the populist discourse. For Farati (2013), populism originates from liberalism. Abdi (2014) considers populism to be a response to the short-term demands of people and a result of the contextual conditions and the increase in oil prices in Iran. Sarzaim (2016) views Ahmadinejad’s populism as the main reason for the lack of development during his presidency. Darvishpour (2022) considers the theory of contradictions of the populist revolution—which is based on critical theory, text analysis, discourse analysis, and post-structuralism—a useful theory in the evaluation of the Islamic Revolution.
The Purpose of Research
Attempting to investigate populism and politics in Iran during the post-Revolutionary years of 1989–2017, this research tries to show the common and distinctive features the political discourses, produced by various forces and in different periods, as manifested in the presidential speeches.
Methodology
The technique of documentation and the qualitative content analysis were used for data collection and data analysis, respectively. For the purpose of content analysis, several stages were followed: determining the content, determining the categories, determining the unit of analysis, coding, and conducting an analysis. The study considered the paragraph as the unit of analysis. The statistical population of the research consisted of all the speeches addressed by the presidents during their presidency. The sample population was also determined on the basis of systematic classification.
Findings
Concerning the political dimension of populism, 18, 16, 36, and 26 codes were identified in the speeches addressed by Hashemi-Rafsanjani, Khatami, Ahmadinjad, and Rouhani, respectively. The most frequent code in Hashemi-Rafsanjani’s speech was related to militancy while participation of the marginalized masses, insufficiency of the political systems based solely on representativeness, consideration of himself as the real representative of people, simplicity and avoidance of political complications, and denial of the institutional mechanism were observed as having the equal weight in coding. Anti-elitism is the only component absent from Hashemi-Rafsanjani’s speeches. Concerning Khatami’s speeches, the political dimension of populism was mostly represented in the following components: participation of the marginalized masses, insufficiency of the political systems based solely on representativeness, simplicity and avoidance of political complications, consideration of himself as the real representative of people, and militancy. Anti-elitism and denial of the institutional mechanism were not observed in Khatami’s speeches. Militancy and simplicity and avoidance of political complications were, respectively, found to be the most and least frequent components in Khatami’s political populism. The political dimension of populism in Ahmadinejad’s speeches encompassed all the components, with militancy being the most frequent followed by simplicity and avoidance of political complications, denial of the institutional mechanism, and consideration of himself as the real representative of people. Rouhani also represented all these components, except anti-elitism. In the dimension of cultural populism, all the presidents used the component of admiration for national and religious values and heritage. All the components of the economic dimension were most frequently used by Ahmadinejad, except the component of distrust towards capitalist institutions and procedures. After Ahmadinejad, Rouhani frequently represented the economic dimension, but neither distrust towards capitalist institutions and procedures nor emphasis on income redistribution were found in Rouhani speeches. Among the five components of the economic dimension, Khatami and Hashemi-Rafsanjani only referred to the component of fault-finding in the economic status quo. Concerning the social dimension of populism, Hashemi-Rafsanjani, Ahmadinejad, and Rouhani used all the relevant components, yet Khatami was found to have put no emphasis on the integration of society but on social pluralism.
Discussion and Conclusion
Owing to the nature of the Islamic Revolution that involved the masses in the political and social arenas, the politicians who came later to the scene had no choice but to tend towards the masses— though with varying degrees of intensity. The political society in Iran has experienced a kind of misunderstanding about populism for several years. This research worked well to show the inaccuracy of the dominant narrative in Iran, proving that populism is a spatiotemporal entity that differs from one society to another. Political leaders in Iran consider people wise and virtuous, and express it by various articulations. Yet the otherness figures differently among the presidents, depending on the circumstances of the time. Framing his articulations within the framework of Islam, Hashemi-Rafsanjani considered the right of the masses from the economic perspective by referring to the component of not encroaching on their rights. The otherness is depicted to be the hypocrites, the Pahlavi regime, and the administration of Mir Hossein Mousavi inside Iran, and the evil non-Islamic states outside the country. People were important to Hashemi-Rafsanjani in an unorganized way, and he considered the participation of the masses as a symbol of real democracy, thus showing little faith in institutions.
According to Dorraj (1990), Islamic populism is characterized by its religious character and authoritarian, messianic, millenarian, and monistic nature coupled with revolutionary zest. Abrahamian (1993) refers to the non-religious and authoritarian populist nature of the state in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Kianpour (2006) views Ahmadinejad’s populism as a result of political representation suffering from the representativeness, or more precisely, a result of the problematic of impossibility and costliness of representing different political identities. Using Dornbusch and Edwards’ model, Farzanegan (2009) examines Ahmadinejad’s populism and finds it to be in accordance with the model. Having analyzed Keyhan and Etemad-e Melli newspapers, Zibakalam et al. (2013) conclude that Keyhan, more readily than Etemad-e Melli, pays attention to the categories supporting the populist discourse. For Farati (2013), populism originates from liberalism. Abdi (2014) considers populism to be a response to the short-term demands of people and a result of the contextual conditions and the increase in oil prices in Iran. Sarzaim (2016) views Ahmadinejad’s populism as the main reason for the lack of development during his presidency. Darvishpour (2022) considers the theory of contradictions of the populist revolution—which is based on critical theory, text analysis, discourse analysis, and post-structuralism—a useful theory in the evaluation of the Islamic Revolution.
The Purpose of Research
Attempting to investigate populism and politics in Iran during the post-Revolutionary years of 1989–2017, this research tries to show the common and distinctive features the political discourses, produced by various forces and in different periods, as manifested in the presidential speeches.
Methodology
The technique of documentation and the qualitative content analysis were used for data collection and data analysis, respectively. For the purpose of content analysis, several stages were followed: determining the content, determining the categories, determining the unit of analysis, coding, and conducting an analysis. The study considered the paragraph as the unit of analysis. The statistical population of the research consisted of all the speeches addressed by the presidents during their presidency. The sample population was also determined on the basis of systematic classification.
Findings
Concerning the political dimension of populism, 18, 16, 36, and 26 codes were identified in the speeches addressed by Hashemi-Rafsanjani, Khatami, Ahmadinjad, and Rouhani, respectively. The most frequent code in Hashemi-Rafsanjani’s speech was related to militancy while participation of the marginalized masses, insufficiency of the political systems based solely on representativeness, consideration of himself as the real representative of people, simplicity and avoidance of political complications, and denial of the institutional mechanism were observed as having the equal weight in coding. Anti-elitism is the only component absent from Hashemi-Rafsanjani’s speeches. Concerning Khatami’s speeches, the political dimension of populism was mostly represented in the following components: participation of the marginalized masses, insufficiency of the political systems based solely on representativeness, simplicity and avoidance of political complications, consideration of himself as the real representative of people, and militancy. Anti-elitism and denial of the institutional mechanism were not observed in Khatami’s speeches. Militancy and simplicity and avoidance of political complications were, respectively, found to be the most and least frequent components in Khatami’s political populism. The political dimension of populism in Ahmadinejad’s speeches encompassed all the components, with militancy being the most frequent followed by simplicity and avoidance of political complications, denial of the institutional mechanism, and consideration of himself as the real representative of people. Rouhani also represented all these components, except anti-elitism. In the dimension of cultural populism, all the presidents used the component of admiration for national and religious values and heritage. All the components of the economic dimension were most frequently used by Ahmadinejad, except the component of distrust towards capitalist institutions and procedures. After Ahmadinejad, Rouhani frequently represented the economic dimension, but neither distrust towards capitalist institutions and procedures nor emphasis on income redistribution were found in Rouhani speeches. Among the five components of the economic dimension, Khatami and Hashemi-Rafsanjani only referred to the component of fault-finding in the economic status quo. Concerning the social dimension of populism, Hashemi-Rafsanjani, Ahmadinejad, and Rouhani used all the relevant components, yet Khatami was found to have put no emphasis on the integration of society but on social pluralism.
Discussion and Conclusion
Owing to the nature of the Islamic Revolution that involved the masses in the political and social arenas, the politicians who came later to the scene had no choice but to tend towards the masses— though with varying degrees of intensity. The political society in Iran has experienced a kind of misunderstanding about populism for several years. This research worked well to show the inaccuracy of the dominant narrative in Iran, proving that populism is a spatiotemporal entity that differs from one society to another. Political leaders in Iran consider people wise and virtuous, and express it by various articulations. Yet the otherness figures differently among the presidents, depending on the circumstances of the time. Framing his articulations within the framework of Islam, Hashemi-Rafsanjani considered the right of the masses from the economic perspective by referring to the component of not encroaching on their rights. The otherness is depicted to be the hypocrites, the Pahlavi regime, and the administration of Mir Hossein Mousavi inside Iran, and the evil non-Islamic states outside the country. People were important to Hashemi-Rafsanjani in an unorganized way, and he considered the participation of the masses as a symbol of real democracy, thus showing little faith in institutions.
Research Interests:
Introduction The China–Saudi Arabia relations have witnessed significant growth and development from 2011 to 2022. Primarily driven by oil relations, the relations between the two countries have flourished in areas such as trade,... more
Introduction
The China–Saudi Arabia relations have witnessed significant growth and development from 2011 to 2022. Primarily driven by oil relations, the relations between the two countries have flourished in areas such as trade, investment, technology, and military cooperation. In December 2022, the two countries established the highest level of bilateral ties by signing 34 investment agreements valued at around 30 billion dollars, spanning various sectors such as clean energy, hydrogen production, solar energy, information technology, transportation, medical and housing industries, and building materials factories. Furthermore, China’s oil imports from Saudi Arabia increased from 5 million and 66 thousand barrels per day in 2011 to 10 million and 852 thousand barrels per day in 2020. The figure remained above 10 million barrels during 2022, despite the challenges posed by the COVID–19 pandemic and unfavorable economic conditions. This trend Indicates growing relations between China and Saudi Arabia.
China and Saudi Arabia have exchanged a large share of capital in the energy sector. The Saudi active presence in the Chinese oil market has positioned it as China’s largest trade partner in the West Asia and African region. The bilateral investment volume between the two countries stands at approximately 73 billion dollars. Saudi Arabia’s extensive investments aimed at controlling China’s oil import network, refineries, and petrochemical industry, along with its involvement in the plan to double China’s strategic oil reserve, underscore the importance of maintaining China’s energy market for Saudi Arabia. Consequently, given China’s status as the largest energy consumer and Saudi Arabia’s position as the largest oil exporter, both countries possess the requisite capacity to foster cooperation in this field.
In addition, Vision 2030 and the One Belt One Road Initiative are strategic factors facilitating the expansion of China–Saudi Arabia relations. In this regard, the two countries have signed comprehensive strategic cooperation agreements, leading to the establishment of the High-Level Joint Committee. During the committee’s second meeting in Riyadh in August 2017, contracts valued at 70 billion dollars were signed. Moreover, an important milestone was reached by signing a memorandum of understanding between the two countries for the establishment of a joint investment fund worth 20 billion dollars. Furthermore, Industrial Development Fund, China’s Silk Road Fund, and Everbright Bank were established. These agreements, memoranda, and funds intend to expedite the development of China’s One Belt One Road Initiative and Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030. Although China is trying to maximize its energy security by distributing its oil imports among different countries (e.g., the US), Saudi Arabia’s consistent share of approximately 20% in recent years remains of utmost significance.
Literature Review
Several studies have examined the topics of US energy policy and the development of China–Saudi Arabia relations. However, few works have linked these two phenomena in an analytical manner. The novelty of this article lies in its attempt to bridge this gap and provide an analysis by exploring the interplay between these two issues.
Materials and Methods
This research adopted a mixed methods design, utilizing both quantitative and qualitative data. Documents and library resources were used to collect the data. Relying on an examination of research, analytical and statistical texts, the study focused on indexing and defining variables and their influential factors in a bid to conduct an analytical and inferential exploration to elucidate the trends and interrelationships between the independent and dependent variables.
Conclusion
The US–Saudi oil relations have witnessed unparalleled growth and encompassed various economic, political, and security sectors in recent decades. Furthermore, to ensure its own growth and development, it is imperative for China to maintain stability and security in the energy sector. This objective can be achieved through effective management of competition and, in certain instances, cooperation with the United States. The ongoing trend of expanding relations between China and Saudi Arabia in the energy sector is unprecedented, solidifying China’s position as a significant competitor to the United States.
The growing China–Saudi Arabia relations are driven by the mutual needs in the energy sector and strategic development plans. Yet the present research aimed to analyze China–Saudi Arabia relations with an eye to the US energy policy, relying a neo-mercantilist approach. Consequently, the primary question addressed in this article is: how has the US energy policy during 2011–2022 influenced the dynamics of China–Saudi Arabia relationship. The study was based on the hypothesis that the US energy policy during 2011–2022, characterized by increased oil and shale gas production and a reinforced neo-mercantilist approach in the energy sector, played a crucial role in fostering closer ties between China and Saudi Arabia, primarily in the oil sector, and supported their efforts to broaden mutual cooperation across other fields. The hypothesis was tested through empirical and explanatory methods. The research findings suggest that China–Saudi Arabia cooperation is expected to expand further in the future, while taking into account the sensitivities associated with these relations from the perspective of the United States.
The China–Saudi Arabia relations have witnessed significant growth and development from 2011 to 2022. Primarily driven by oil relations, the relations between the two countries have flourished in areas such as trade, investment, technology, and military cooperation. In December 2022, the two countries established the highest level of bilateral ties by signing 34 investment agreements valued at around 30 billion dollars, spanning various sectors such as clean energy, hydrogen production, solar energy, information technology, transportation, medical and housing industries, and building materials factories. Furthermore, China’s oil imports from Saudi Arabia increased from 5 million and 66 thousand barrels per day in 2011 to 10 million and 852 thousand barrels per day in 2020. The figure remained above 10 million barrels during 2022, despite the challenges posed by the COVID–19 pandemic and unfavorable economic conditions. This trend Indicates growing relations between China and Saudi Arabia.
China and Saudi Arabia have exchanged a large share of capital in the energy sector. The Saudi active presence in the Chinese oil market has positioned it as China’s largest trade partner in the West Asia and African region. The bilateral investment volume between the two countries stands at approximately 73 billion dollars. Saudi Arabia’s extensive investments aimed at controlling China’s oil import network, refineries, and petrochemical industry, along with its involvement in the plan to double China’s strategic oil reserve, underscore the importance of maintaining China’s energy market for Saudi Arabia. Consequently, given China’s status as the largest energy consumer and Saudi Arabia’s position as the largest oil exporter, both countries possess the requisite capacity to foster cooperation in this field.
In addition, Vision 2030 and the One Belt One Road Initiative are strategic factors facilitating the expansion of China–Saudi Arabia relations. In this regard, the two countries have signed comprehensive strategic cooperation agreements, leading to the establishment of the High-Level Joint Committee. During the committee’s second meeting in Riyadh in August 2017, contracts valued at 70 billion dollars were signed. Moreover, an important milestone was reached by signing a memorandum of understanding between the two countries for the establishment of a joint investment fund worth 20 billion dollars. Furthermore, Industrial Development Fund, China’s Silk Road Fund, and Everbright Bank were established. These agreements, memoranda, and funds intend to expedite the development of China’s One Belt One Road Initiative and Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030. Although China is trying to maximize its energy security by distributing its oil imports among different countries (e.g., the US), Saudi Arabia’s consistent share of approximately 20% in recent years remains of utmost significance.
Literature Review
Several studies have examined the topics of US energy policy and the development of China–Saudi Arabia relations. However, few works have linked these two phenomena in an analytical manner. The novelty of this article lies in its attempt to bridge this gap and provide an analysis by exploring the interplay between these two issues.
Materials and Methods
This research adopted a mixed methods design, utilizing both quantitative and qualitative data. Documents and library resources were used to collect the data. Relying on an examination of research, analytical and statistical texts, the study focused on indexing and defining variables and their influential factors in a bid to conduct an analytical and inferential exploration to elucidate the trends and interrelationships between the independent and dependent variables.
Conclusion
The US–Saudi oil relations have witnessed unparalleled growth and encompassed various economic, political, and security sectors in recent decades. Furthermore, to ensure its own growth and development, it is imperative for China to maintain stability and security in the energy sector. This objective can be achieved through effective management of competition and, in certain instances, cooperation with the United States. The ongoing trend of expanding relations between China and Saudi Arabia in the energy sector is unprecedented, solidifying China’s position as a significant competitor to the United States.
The growing China–Saudi Arabia relations are driven by the mutual needs in the energy sector and strategic development plans. Yet the present research aimed to analyze China–Saudi Arabia relations with an eye to the US energy policy, relying a neo-mercantilist approach. Consequently, the primary question addressed in this article is: how has the US energy policy during 2011–2022 influenced the dynamics of China–Saudi Arabia relationship. The study was based on the hypothesis that the US energy policy during 2011–2022, characterized by increased oil and shale gas production and a reinforced neo-mercantilist approach in the energy sector, played a crucial role in fostering closer ties between China and Saudi Arabia, primarily in the oil sector, and supported their efforts to broaden mutual cooperation across other fields. The hypothesis was tested through empirical and explanatory methods. The research findings suggest that China–Saudi Arabia cooperation is expected to expand further in the future, while taking into account the sensitivities associated with these relations from the perspective of the United States.
Research Interests:
Introduction Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties have been a source of insecurity in western Iran, undergoing significant changes in their movement over time. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, they exploited the vacuum in... more
Introduction
Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties have been a source of insecurity in western Iran, undergoing significant changes in their movement over time. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, they exploited the vacuum in central power and the nascent revolution, creating instability and insecurity in Iran’s territories against the central government and people residing in Kurdish regions. Later, as the central government established itself and brought peace and order to the country, these parties sought refuge in Iraq under Saddam Hussein’s regime, which was then at war with Iran. After Saddam’s fall, they fled to northern Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, citing a shared Kurdish identity as the reason. Understanding the roots of their presence in northern Iraq and their impact on Iraqi Kurdistan requires examination of the current power structure in Iraq and sociological analysis of its ethnic and religious dynamics, especially during the democratization process in the post-Saddam era.
The overthrow of Saddam Hussein had a profound impact on Iraq’s political structure, resulting in consociational democracy as the replacement. Consociational democracy, as an alternative for majoritarian democracy, relies on the cooperation and agreement of the power elite and parties involved in heterogeneous societies. Given Iraq’s unique cultural, social, and historical factors, it was not feasible for majoritarian democracy to ensure public participation and protect minority rights. Even consociational democracy has its own consequences and effects. In Iraq, consociational democracy led to changes in the power dynamics and positions of the Iraqi Kurds. These changes had implications beyond Iraq, affecting the Kurds of other countries—including Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties—given their shared identity and common historical and cultural background. The main question of the research is, what is the impact of consociational democracy and the institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan on Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties?
Literature Review
Using analytical and descriptive methods, Pourahmadi et al. (2016) examined the obstacles facing the democratization process in Iraq. The results revealed multiple factors including ongoing insecurity and political instability, low levels of economic and social development indicators, weak civil political culture, and other factors that exacerbate these crises. Nasri and Rezaei (2018) adopted an analytical–descriptive approach to examine the limitations and possibilities of the Iraqi Kurdistan region in achieving independence. The results concluded that currently, due to structural constraints, geopolitical nature, and resistance from neighboring countries, complete independence for the Iraqi Kurdistan region is not feasible. Relying on the content analysis method, Mohammadi (2008) studied ethnic divisions and their role in ethnic divergence within the country. The results indicated that in regions with higher social divides, there is greater ethnic divergence, while areas with intersecting divides experience lesser divergence.
Materials and Methods
The present research used a qualitative method and a descriptive–analytical model to investigate the impact of consociational democracy and institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan on Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties.
The research employed Lijphart’s perspective on consociational democracy as a theoretical framework and applied it to the Iraqi context. The main objective of the study was to offer a thorough analysis of how consociationalism and power institutionalization in Iraq have impacted Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties.
Lijphart identified four key criteria for consociational democracy: grand coalitions, proportionality, mutual veto rights, and segmental autonomy or federalism. These criteria were incorporated into the government structure of Iraq after 2005. This study analyzed the impact of this democratic process on Iraqi society, including the Kurdish population, and assessed the effects of changes in Iraqi Kurdish society on Iranian Kurdish movements, particularly anti-Revolution movements. To ensure the study’s reliability, the researchers relied on 20 experts, including university professors and specialists in the issues related to Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan, and the Kurdish anti-Revolution front. Additionally, the results of in-depth questionnaires were used to formulate and compare the findings.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the consociational democracy and institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan have led to a shift in the autonomy strategy and the adoption of federalism among Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties. As a result, their independence and centrifugal tendencies have increased. The discourse of autonomy among these parties has evolved into a discourse of federalism, influenced by Iraqi Kurdish politics. This shift does not diminish the significance or meaning of the process, but rather opens up a more nuanced discussion of separatism, including the right to self-determination and a Kurdish independence referendum within a federal framework. Federalism is a more appealing and populist concept for the anti-Revolution parties. These armed groups have continued to provide military and urban warfare training to the Peshmerga forces in the Kurdistan region and occasionally engage in guerrilla attacks on Iran’s borders. Since the fall of Saddam’s regime, Iraqi Kurdistan has become a base of support for Kurdish anti-Revolution forces, enabling them to create pursue instability in western Iran and pursue their separatist agenda through both soft and hard tactics.
Due to the strong sense of Kurdish identity, the Kurdish society and the Kurdish anti-Revolution are inevitably influenced by Iraqi Kurdistan. This issue should be addressed in order to control the peace and security of the borders. In this line, it is suggested that the costs of hosting the Kurdish anti-Revolution in the Iraqi Kurdistan region be increased for both the regional government and the central government of Iraq. This can be achieved by relying on soft power, diplomatic efforts, and negations with the Kurdish and Iraqi authorities, or if necessary, by resorting to military power.
Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties have been a source of insecurity in western Iran, undergoing significant changes in their movement over time. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, they exploited the vacuum in central power and the nascent revolution, creating instability and insecurity in Iran’s territories against the central government and people residing in Kurdish regions. Later, as the central government established itself and brought peace and order to the country, these parties sought refuge in Iraq under Saddam Hussein’s regime, which was then at war with Iran. After Saddam’s fall, they fled to northern Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, citing a shared Kurdish identity as the reason. Understanding the roots of their presence in northern Iraq and their impact on Iraqi Kurdistan requires examination of the current power structure in Iraq and sociological analysis of its ethnic and religious dynamics, especially during the democratization process in the post-Saddam era.
The overthrow of Saddam Hussein had a profound impact on Iraq’s political structure, resulting in consociational democracy as the replacement. Consociational democracy, as an alternative for majoritarian democracy, relies on the cooperation and agreement of the power elite and parties involved in heterogeneous societies. Given Iraq’s unique cultural, social, and historical factors, it was not feasible for majoritarian democracy to ensure public participation and protect minority rights. Even consociational democracy has its own consequences and effects. In Iraq, consociational democracy led to changes in the power dynamics and positions of the Iraqi Kurds. These changes had implications beyond Iraq, affecting the Kurds of other countries—including Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties—given their shared identity and common historical and cultural background. The main question of the research is, what is the impact of consociational democracy and the institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan on Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties?
Literature Review
Using analytical and descriptive methods, Pourahmadi et al. (2016) examined the obstacles facing the democratization process in Iraq. The results revealed multiple factors including ongoing insecurity and political instability, low levels of economic and social development indicators, weak civil political culture, and other factors that exacerbate these crises. Nasri and Rezaei (2018) adopted an analytical–descriptive approach to examine the limitations and possibilities of the Iraqi Kurdistan region in achieving independence. The results concluded that currently, due to structural constraints, geopolitical nature, and resistance from neighboring countries, complete independence for the Iraqi Kurdistan region is not feasible. Relying on the content analysis method, Mohammadi (2008) studied ethnic divisions and their role in ethnic divergence within the country. The results indicated that in regions with higher social divides, there is greater ethnic divergence, while areas with intersecting divides experience lesser divergence.
Materials and Methods
The present research used a qualitative method and a descriptive–analytical model to investigate the impact of consociational democracy and institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan on Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties.
The research employed Lijphart’s perspective on consociational democracy as a theoretical framework and applied it to the Iraqi context. The main objective of the study was to offer a thorough analysis of how consociationalism and power institutionalization in Iraq have impacted Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties.
Lijphart identified four key criteria for consociational democracy: grand coalitions, proportionality, mutual veto rights, and segmental autonomy or federalism. These criteria were incorporated into the government structure of Iraq after 2005. This study analyzed the impact of this democratic process on Iraqi society, including the Kurdish population, and assessed the effects of changes in Iraqi Kurdish society on Iranian Kurdish movements, particularly anti-Revolution movements. To ensure the study’s reliability, the researchers relied on 20 experts, including university professors and specialists in the issues related to Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan, and the Kurdish anti-Revolution front. Additionally, the results of in-depth questionnaires were used to formulate and compare the findings.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the consociational democracy and institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan have led to a shift in the autonomy strategy and the adoption of federalism among Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties. As a result, their independence and centrifugal tendencies have increased. The discourse of autonomy among these parties has evolved into a discourse of federalism, influenced by Iraqi Kurdish politics. This shift does not diminish the significance or meaning of the process, but rather opens up a more nuanced discussion of separatism, including the right to self-determination and a Kurdish independence referendum within a federal framework. Federalism is a more appealing and populist concept for the anti-Revolution parties. These armed groups have continued to provide military and urban warfare training to the Peshmerga forces in the Kurdistan region and occasionally engage in guerrilla attacks on Iran’s borders. Since the fall of Saddam’s regime, Iraqi Kurdistan has become a base of support for Kurdish anti-Revolution forces, enabling them to create pursue instability in western Iran and pursue their separatist agenda through both soft and hard tactics.
Due to the strong sense of Kurdish identity, the Kurdish society and the Kurdish anti-Revolution are inevitably influenced by Iraqi Kurdistan. This issue should be addressed in order to control the peace and security of the borders. In this line, it is suggested that the costs of hosting the Kurdish anti-Revolution in the Iraqi Kurdistan region be increased for both the regional government and the central government of Iraq. This can be achieved by relying on soft power, diplomatic efforts, and negations with the Kurdish and Iraqi authorities, or if necessary, by resorting to military power.
Research Interests:
Introduction Some governments and organizations are preparing to exploit artificial intelligence (AI) in order to destabilize the world and benefit from numerous cyber-attacks. The rapid advancement of AI enables cybercriminals to... more
Introduction
Some governments and organizations are preparing to exploit artificial intelligence (AI) in order to destabilize the world and benefit from numerous cyber-attacks. The rapid advancement of AI enables cybercriminals to amplify their destructive impact worldwide, as AI has the potential to reshape and disrupt global conditions in the coming years. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. To lay the groundwork for the practical implementation of national security measures based on grounded theory requires adopting a problem-oriented perspective on terrorism, warfare, and conflict. A strategic instance of this approach is the concept of algorithmic national security which has the potential for creating and developing a new security order. This article aimed to contribute to the existing body of scientific literature, as there is currently a dearth of research in this field, thereby paving the way for future investigations. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. The present research aimed to develop a comprehensive framework for the critical evaluation of the role of AI in the unethical utilization of its functions in security matters, both in theory and in practice. In this line, the main question is: How can national security topics be problematized in light of AI hegemony and within the framework of terrorism, war, conflict, and defense?
Materials and Methods
Adopting a descriptive–analytical approach, the present research relied on library research and documentary method to collect the data from various printed and electronic sources, including websites and magazines. Note-taking was used as a tool in data collection stage. In this study, AI and national security were considered as the independent and dependent variables, respectively.
Results and Discussion
The debate surrounding the use of AI and its autonomy on future battlefields has predominantly centered on the ethical implications of granting complete authority to independent and autonomous weapons, often referred to as killer robots, capable of making life or death decisions. Is it truly feasible for these systems to operate without any human intervention, or does their deployment potentially violate the principles of warfare and international humanitarian laws? Avoiding such a predicament necessitates that those involved in warfare differentiate between combatants and civilians on the battlefield, prioritizing the preservation of civilian lives and minimizing harm to them to the greatest extent possible.
Proponents of this emerging technology argue that machines will eventually possess enough intelligence to distinguish themselves from humans. Conversely, opponents maintain that machines will never possess the capability to make such a fundamental distinction. They argue that machines lack the capacity to make split-second decisions in the heat of war or exhibit timely empathy. In response to these concerns, several human rights and humanitarian organizations have launched the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, aiming to establish an international ban on the development and deployment of fully automated and autonomous weapon systems. In the meantime, a highly contentious debate is unfolding within the military sphere regarding the use of AI in the command and control systems governing how senior officers convey essential orders to their subordinate soldiers. Throughout history, generals and admirals have consistently sought to enhance the reliability of command and control systems to ensure the fullest realization of their strategic objectives.
Nowadays, these systems are heavily relied upon to ensure the security of radio and satellite communication systems that connect headquarters to the front lines. However, strategists are concerned that in a future hyper-warfare environment, these systems could be vulnerable to disruptions caused by jamming, which would make the speed of military operations exceed commanders’ limited ability to receive battlefield reports, process data, and issue timely orders. It is important to go beyond these concerns and consider the practical definition of the uncertain fog of war, which is further complicated by the multiplication effect of AI and the potential for failure. Many military officers see a solution to this dilemma in relinquishing the control of machines to these systems. As stated in a report by the Congressional Research Service, AI algorithms can offer more reliable tools for real-time analysis of the battlefield and enable faster decision-making, thus being able to stay updated.
Conclusion
We are currently witnessing a turning point in technology. The pace of advancements in AI is surpassing even the expert predictions. These breakthroughs offer significant advantages to humanity, enabling AI systems to tackle complex issues in medicine, the environment, and other fields. However, along with progress, there are also accompanying risks. The implications of AI for national security are becoming increasingly profound with each passing year. In this article, the aim was to assess the extent of these consequences in the years ahead. The findings indicate that AI is likely to highlight several, if not all, of the most challenging aspects of transformative military technologies. It thus becomes increasingly crucial to address its implications in examining how policymakers in the realm of national security respond to this technology.
Unfortunately, AI carries the potential for risks comparable to those posed by previous technologies, and in some cases, its impact could be even more devastating, owing to the rapid pace of technological advancement and the intricate relationship between government and industry in the present era. While we appreciate the increasing number of high-quality AI reports published in recent years, we acknowledge that a certain degree of conservatism has somewhat impeded comprehensive analysis. In this article, the objective was to provide an honest description of the AI revolution as truly revolutionary rather than merely different. To address this challenge effectively, governments must approach the issue with ambition, emphasizing both research and development while considering its ramifications.
The advancement of AI technology in the military, information technology, cybersecurity, and economic sectors over the next decade will lead to profound transformations worldwide. These changes are occurring at a faster pace than anticipated, and undoubtedly, they will present their own set of challenges, with implications extending to various aspects, including national security. AI introduces a level of complexity in the interactions between states, industries, and individuals, necessitating the deployment of skilled experts to respond quickly and effectively to the evolving landscape shaped by this phenomenon.
Some governments and organizations are preparing to exploit artificial intelligence (AI) in order to destabilize the world and benefit from numerous cyber-attacks. The rapid advancement of AI enables cybercriminals to amplify their destructive impact worldwide, as AI has the potential to reshape and disrupt global conditions in the coming years. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. To lay the groundwork for the practical implementation of national security measures based on grounded theory requires adopting a problem-oriented perspective on terrorism, warfare, and conflict. A strategic instance of this approach is the concept of algorithmic national security which has the potential for creating and developing a new security order. This article aimed to contribute to the existing body of scientific literature, as there is currently a dearth of research in this field, thereby paving the way for future investigations. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. The present research aimed to develop a comprehensive framework for the critical evaluation of the role of AI in the unethical utilization of its functions in security matters, both in theory and in practice. In this line, the main question is: How can national security topics be problematized in light of AI hegemony and within the framework of terrorism, war, conflict, and defense?
Materials and Methods
Adopting a descriptive–analytical approach, the present research relied on library research and documentary method to collect the data from various printed and electronic sources, including websites and magazines. Note-taking was used as a tool in data collection stage. In this study, AI and national security were considered as the independent and dependent variables, respectively.
Results and Discussion
The debate surrounding the use of AI and its autonomy on future battlefields has predominantly centered on the ethical implications of granting complete authority to independent and autonomous weapons, often referred to as killer robots, capable of making life or death decisions. Is it truly feasible for these systems to operate without any human intervention, or does their deployment potentially violate the principles of warfare and international humanitarian laws? Avoiding such a predicament necessitates that those involved in warfare differentiate between combatants and civilians on the battlefield, prioritizing the preservation of civilian lives and minimizing harm to them to the greatest extent possible.
Proponents of this emerging technology argue that machines will eventually possess enough intelligence to distinguish themselves from humans. Conversely, opponents maintain that machines will never possess the capability to make such a fundamental distinction. They argue that machines lack the capacity to make split-second decisions in the heat of war or exhibit timely empathy. In response to these concerns, several human rights and humanitarian organizations have launched the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, aiming to establish an international ban on the development and deployment of fully automated and autonomous weapon systems. In the meantime, a highly contentious debate is unfolding within the military sphere regarding the use of AI in the command and control systems governing how senior officers convey essential orders to their subordinate soldiers. Throughout history, generals and admirals have consistently sought to enhance the reliability of command and control systems to ensure the fullest realization of their strategic objectives.
Nowadays, these systems are heavily relied upon to ensure the security of radio and satellite communication systems that connect headquarters to the front lines. However, strategists are concerned that in a future hyper-warfare environment, these systems could be vulnerable to disruptions caused by jamming, which would make the speed of military operations exceed commanders’ limited ability to receive battlefield reports, process data, and issue timely orders. It is important to go beyond these concerns and consider the practical definition of the uncertain fog of war, which is further complicated by the multiplication effect of AI and the potential for failure. Many military officers see a solution to this dilemma in relinquishing the control of machines to these systems. As stated in a report by the Congressional Research Service, AI algorithms can offer more reliable tools for real-time analysis of the battlefield and enable faster decision-making, thus being able to stay updated.
Conclusion
We are currently witnessing a turning point in technology. The pace of advancements in AI is surpassing even the expert predictions. These breakthroughs offer significant advantages to humanity, enabling AI systems to tackle complex issues in medicine, the environment, and other fields. However, along with progress, there are also accompanying risks. The implications of AI for national security are becoming increasingly profound with each passing year. In this article, the aim was to assess the extent of these consequences in the years ahead. The findings indicate that AI is likely to highlight several, if not all, of the most challenging aspects of transformative military technologies. It thus becomes increasingly crucial to address its implications in examining how policymakers in the realm of national security respond to this technology.
Unfortunately, AI carries the potential for risks comparable to those posed by previous technologies, and in some cases, its impact could be even more devastating, owing to the rapid pace of technological advancement and the intricate relationship between government and industry in the present era. While we appreciate the increasing number of high-quality AI reports published in recent years, we acknowledge that a certain degree of conservatism has somewhat impeded comprehensive analysis. In this article, the objective was to provide an honest description of the AI revolution as truly revolutionary rather than merely different. To address this challenge effectively, governments must approach the issue with ambition, emphasizing both research and development while considering its ramifications.
The advancement of AI technology in the military, information technology, cybersecurity, and economic sectors over the next decade will lead to profound transformations worldwide. These changes are occurring at a faster pace than anticipated, and undoubtedly, they will present their own set of challenges, with implications extending to various aspects, including national security. AI introduces a level of complexity in the interactions between states, industries, and individuals, necessitating the deployment of skilled experts to respond quickly and effectively to the evolving landscape shaped by this phenomenon.
Research Interests:
Introduction In today’s geopolitical competitions, the intricate and innovative concept of gray zone represents a military approach based on geopolitical advantages. Within this strategy, the primary objective is to secure control over... more
Introduction
In today’s geopolitical competitions, the intricate and innovative concept of gray zone represents a military approach based on geopolitical advantages. Within this strategy, the primary objective is to secure control over desired territories and advance security interests in the conflict. Scholars in this field believe that countries such as Russia, China, and Iran have successfully employed tools and tactics within this concept, enabling them to pursue their security and political interests without triggering major power sensitivities. In this regard, the escalating intensification of geopolitical rivalries in Southwestern Asia, especially between Iran and regional and extra-regional countries, has become a significant challenge when it comes to ensuring security in this area. Adopting the security-for-all-or-no-one approach, Iran aims to establish superiority in its geopolitical rivalry with the United States, the most prominent external actor in this field. Since 2003 and the aftermath of the Iraq war, Iran has introduced a novel strategy in its geopolitical approach. In this respect, the present study aimed to elaborate on the concept of gray zone and highlight its key components as influential variables in Iran’s geopolitical strategy.
Materials and Methods
As an applied study, the present research employed a comparative descriptive–analytical approach. The data collection method involved a combination of library research and computer-assisted techniques.
Results and Discussion
As containment measures against Iran intensify due to the US unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), there have been increasing efforts to neutralize Iran’s strategies and weaken its regional activities, particularly in the realm of geopolitics of resistance. These developments pose a potential threat to Iran’s national security. It is thus necessary to identify and examine the components of Iran’s geopolitical strategy while considering alternative interpretations. Iran’s geopolitical expansion in the region have prompted the West and its allies to impede Iran’s geopolitical influence by scrutinizing its geopolitical territorialization approach marked by the formation and organization of as well as support for proxy forces, manifested in shaping the political dynamics of Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, and even in direct confrontations with the West on the Syrian battlefield. In this context, leveraging its historical, geographical, and cultural unity, Iran has successfully mobilized communities throughout Southwest Asia by relying on small non-state groups, and emphasizing commonalities while overlooking divergences. This mobilization effort is gradually expanding its reach from the southern Arabian Peninsula to the shores of the Mediterranean.
By examining the interpretations of gray zone and geopolitics of resistance as two key strategies, this research aimed to address the question of how Iran seeks to achieve its desired security and implement its geopolitical strategy in Southwest Asia. The term axis of resistance refers to geographical regions that pursue both ideological and geopolitical objectives. On the other hand, gray zone is not necessarily a geographical representation of a strategy, but rather a number of tactics that employ specific tools to advance geopolitical interests in strategically significant geographical areas.
The findings of this study reveal that Iran’s geopolitical rivalry in Southwest Asia, particularly with the United States, has led Iran to develop a distinct geopolitical strategy known as axis of resistance, or according to American scholarship, gray zone. In this strategy, Iran aims to achieve its security objectives by focusing on five key areas (i.e., military, political, economic, informational–narrative, and cultural or religious) and relying on cooperation and support of non-state armed groups in specific countries in the region. In this way, Iran has successfully achieved its objectives by establishing geopolitical corridors and attaining the desired geographical integration in Southwest Asia. This has enabled Iran to gain access to the Mediterranean Sea and establish proximity to Israel. However, unless subnational and national requirements are seriously taken into account, the mentioned security achievements will prove ineffective and temporary. In other words, despite Iran’s expansion of geopolitical territorialization, the erosion of internal capabilities, particularly in the political sphere, coupled with the disruption of Iran’s economic lifelines, will gradually lead to increased challenges in sustaining support for its geopolitical arms.
Conclusion
When examining the objectives, methods, and tools employed by the United States to counter Iran’s gray zone geopolitical strategy, it becomes evident that the US, rather than solely relying on its own capabilities and geopolitical confrontation, has prioritized targeting Iran’s vulnerable points. While countering Iran’s gray zone strategy, the United States has adopted a hybrid approach that encompasses all four primary domains: political, economic, military, and informational. However, America has specifically recognized the political and economic domains as the Achilles heel of Iran’s security, and by extension, of the gray zone strategy. At the same time, the United States is diligently uncovering Iran’s vulnerabilities by restructuring its decision-making processes within the government and military, as well as streamlining bureaucracy to facilitate prompt responsive measures in the gray zone. Through exerting influence and applying pressure on Iran in the aforementioned domains, the United States aims to achieve a goal that surpasses mere neutralization of the gray zone strategy, that is, undermining Iran’s national and territorial security. As a result, America has successfully identified Iran’s vulnerabilities in key military, political, economic, and informational domains. It has thus devised and carried out tactics appropriate for each domain, both within the framework of the US gray zone strategy and through conventional means.
In today’s geopolitical competitions, the intricate and innovative concept of gray zone represents a military approach based on geopolitical advantages. Within this strategy, the primary objective is to secure control over desired territories and advance security interests in the conflict. Scholars in this field believe that countries such as Russia, China, and Iran have successfully employed tools and tactics within this concept, enabling them to pursue their security and political interests without triggering major power sensitivities. In this regard, the escalating intensification of geopolitical rivalries in Southwestern Asia, especially between Iran and regional and extra-regional countries, has become a significant challenge when it comes to ensuring security in this area. Adopting the security-for-all-or-no-one approach, Iran aims to establish superiority in its geopolitical rivalry with the United States, the most prominent external actor in this field. Since 2003 and the aftermath of the Iraq war, Iran has introduced a novel strategy in its geopolitical approach. In this respect, the present study aimed to elaborate on the concept of gray zone and highlight its key components as influential variables in Iran’s geopolitical strategy.
Materials and Methods
As an applied study, the present research employed a comparative descriptive–analytical approach. The data collection method involved a combination of library research and computer-assisted techniques.
Results and Discussion
As containment measures against Iran intensify due to the US unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), there have been increasing efforts to neutralize Iran’s strategies and weaken its regional activities, particularly in the realm of geopolitics of resistance. These developments pose a potential threat to Iran’s national security. It is thus necessary to identify and examine the components of Iran’s geopolitical strategy while considering alternative interpretations. Iran’s geopolitical expansion in the region have prompted the West and its allies to impede Iran’s geopolitical influence by scrutinizing its geopolitical territorialization approach marked by the formation and organization of as well as support for proxy forces, manifested in shaping the political dynamics of Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, and even in direct confrontations with the West on the Syrian battlefield. In this context, leveraging its historical, geographical, and cultural unity, Iran has successfully mobilized communities throughout Southwest Asia by relying on small non-state groups, and emphasizing commonalities while overlooking divergences. This mobilization effort is gradually expanding its reach from the southern Arabian Peninsula to the shores of the Mediterranean.
By examining the interpretations of gray zone and geopolitics of resistance as two key strategies, this research aimed to address the question of how Iran seeks to achieve its desired security and implement its geopolitical strategy in Southwest Asia. The term axis of resistance refers to geographical regions that pursue both ideological and geopolitical objectives. On the other hand, gray zone is not necessarily a geographical representation of a strategy, but rather a number of tactics that employ specific tools to advance geopolitical interests in strategically significant geographical areas.
The findings of this study reveal that Iran’s geopolitical rivalry in Southwest Asia, particularly with the United States, has led Iran to develop a distinct geopolitical strategy known as axis of resistance, or according to American scholarship, gray zone. In this strategy, Iran aims to achieve its security objectives by focusing on five key areas (i.e., military, political, economic, informational–narrative, and cultural or religious) and relying on cooperation and support of non-state armed groups in specific countries in the region. In this way, Iran has successfully achieved its objectives by establishing geopolitical corridors and attaining the desired geographical integration in Southwest Asia. This has enabled Iran to gain access to the Mediterranean Sea and establish proximity to Israel. However, unless subnational and national requirements are seriously taken into account, the mentioned security achievements will prove ineffective and temporary. In other words, despite Iran’s expansion of geopolitical territorialization, the erosion of internal capabilities, particularly in the political sphere, coupled with the disruption of Iran’s economic lifelines, will gradually lead to increased challenges in sustaining support for its geopolitical arms.
Conclusion
When examining the objectives, methods, and tools employed by the United States to counter Iran’s gray zone geopolitical strategy, it becomes evident that the US, rather than solely relying on its own capabilities and geopolitical confrontation, has prioritized targeting Iran’s vulnerable points. While countering Iran’s gray zone strategy, the United States has adopted a hybrid approach that encompasses all four primary domains: political, economic, military, and informational. However, America has specifically recognized the political and economic domains as the Achilles heel of Iran’s security, and by extension, of the gray zone strategy. At the same time, the United States is diligently uncovering Iran’s vulnerabilities by restructuring its decision-making processes within the government and military, as well as streamlining bureaucracy to facilitate prompt responsive measures in the gray zone. Through exerting influence and applying pressure on Iran in the aforementioned domains, the United States aims to achieve a goal that surpasses mere neutralization of the gray zone strategy, that is, undermining Iran’s national and territorial security. As a result, America has successfully identified Iran’s vulnerabilities in key military, political, economic, and informational domains. It has thus devised and carried out tactics appropriate for each domain, both within the framework of the US gray zone strategy and through conventional means.
Research Interests:
Introduction The Palestine issue has held a central position in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since its inception, the Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued a policy of non-alignment and protection of Muslims, marked... more
Introduction
The Palestine issue has held a central position in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since its inception, the Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued a policy of non-alignment and protection of Muslims, marked by the non-recognition of the Israeli regime and the protection of Palestinian rights. This article aimed to elucidate the foreign policy perspective of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the Palestine issue, with a primary focus on formulating possible, likely, and desirable scenarios for Iran’s future foreign policy on this matter.
Materials and Methods
As an exploratory endeavor, the present research employed a qualitative research method, which consisted of two stages: an initial exploratory study involving extensive reading and subsequent interviews. The research did not involve a statistical population; instead, a community of experts comprising 21 individuals was selected through the snowball sampling method.
Results and Discussion
The interviews were conducted until reaching the saturation stage. Then, nine themes were identified through thematic analysis. The identified themes encompassed the main statements derived from the interviews. They are as follows:
Prioritizing the Palestine issue and emphasizing its significance in Iran’s constitution, as well as the necessity of supporting anti-Israeli resistance according to Imam Khomeini’s perspective, as national religious duties and fundamental pillars of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran;
Supporting the resistance front, fostering unity, aligning goals among resistance groups against Israeli dominance, and establishing strong ties with countries that maintain anti-Israel policies;
The lack of public incentive to support Palestine attributed to distrust in domestic policymakers, divisions among Muslims, and lack of consensus and a single voice on the part of the regional superpower concerning the Palestinian cause;
Potential compromises involving recognition of the Palestinian government, alongside the importance of Islamic unity and awakening;
Supporting Palestine as a national project, requiring a unified stance and support from all branches of government, including political, economic, social, military, and cultural sectors, as well as academic and research institutions;
Supporting the resistance front and pursuing common goals against Israeli monopolization, while fostering strong relationships with the countries opposing Israel;
Advocating for international laws pertaining to Palestine, planning and overseeing referendums, and championing the right to self-determination;
Highlighting Israeli vulnerabilities, dismantling the perception of Israeli invincibility, exposing the true nature of Israel, and refusing to recognize it;
Restoring the lost rights of Palestinians and reclaiming control over their territories;
Achieving absolute dominance in the Middle East and gaining control over its financial and economic resources as Israel’s main objective, in addition to its strategic positioning.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the following strategies are recommended for Iran’s foreign policy on Palestine. First, the regional crisis indicates that the Middle East experiences the highest political and security unrest compared to other regions. This is primarily due to the conflicting security policies pursued by actors with different identities. The United States has focused its national security strategies on the Middle East. Iran should aim to create a regional and Islamic identity among the actors in order to foster constructive interaction. Each country in the Middle East has its own identity incentive to play its political role. Therefore, any regional innovations by Iran in addressing the Palestinian conflict and promoting Middle East peace should take into account making an identity model. The emergence of Islamic groups has transformed the nature of conflicts in the region, highlighting the influence of identity and ideological trends. These factors have also imposed limitations on the United States and Israel.
Second, the redress of Palestinian rights is the main issue in the Middle East. Iran should play a role in establishing a strong, integrated government in Palestine as a first step towards finding an Islamic identity and reducing ongoing bloodshed in the region. Other countries must recognize the Palestinian government. Third, the increasing conflicts in Palestine keep the peace proposal to come into effect and help stablish two governments in this region. Iran’s foreign policy goal on Palestine should be to support the idea of establishing a unified Palestinian government based on the majority demands. Organized support for Palestinian fighters is necessary under these circumstances. However, if Palestinian groups reject Iran’s policy, a new wave of anti-violence policies will emerge in the region. Therefore, revolutionary movements in Palestine should be recognized internationally, especially by the Islamic world. This recognition will help protect the revolutionary identity and resistance in Palestine by preventing Israel from repressing them.
Finally, Iran’s foreign policy towards Palestine relies on the support of its own people. It is crucial for Iran to maintain and protect this public support at any cost. While the current support is largely based on religious beliefs, the government should also clarify other aspects of its policy to the people. Addressing any questions or concerns that arise will help reinforce Iran’s policy on supporting the Palestinian cause. Therefore, Iran’s foreign policy on Palestine should be backed by comprehensive national support, and any compromise in this regard is tantamount to compromising Iran’s Islamic and revolutionary identity.
The Palestine issue has held a central position in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since its inception, the Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued a policy of non-alignment and protection of Muslims, marked by the non-recognition of the Israeli regime and the protection of Palestinian rights. This article aimed to elucidate the foreign policy perspective of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the Palestine issue, with a primary focus on formulating possible, likely, and desirable scenarios for Iran’s future foreign policy on this matter.
Materials and Methods
As an exploratory endeavor, the present research employed a qualitative research method, which consisted of two stages: an initial exploratory study involving extensive reading and subsequent interviews. The research did not involve a statistical population; instead, a community of experts comprising 21 individuals was selected through the snowball sampling method.
Results and Discussion
The interviews were conducted until reaching the saturation stage. Then, nine themes were identified through thematic analysis. The identified themes encompassed the main statements derived from the interviews. They are as follows:
Prioritizing the Palestine issue and emphasizing its significance in Iran’s constitution, as well as the necessity of supporting anti-Israeli resistance according to Imam Khomeini’s perspective, as national religious duties and fundamental pillars of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran;
Supporting the resistance front, fostering unity, aligning goals among resistance groups against Israeli dominance, and establishing strong ties with countries that maintain anti-Israel policies;
The lack of public incentive to support Palestine attributed to distrust in domestic policymakers, divisions among Muslims, and lack of consensus and a single voice on the part of the regional superpower concerning the Palestinian cause;
Potential compromises involving recognition of the Palestinian government, alongside the importance of Islamic unity and awakening;
Supporting Palestine as a national project, requiring a unified stance and support from all branches of government, including political, economic, social, military, and cultural sectors, as well as academic and research institutions;
Supporting the resistance front and pursuing common goals against Israeli monopolization, while fostering strong relationships with the countries opposing Israel;
Advocating for international laws pertaining to Palestine, planning and overseeing referendums, and championing the right to self-determination;
Highlighting Israeli vulnerabilities, dismantling the perception of Israeli invincibility, exposing the true nature of Israel, and refusing to recognize it;
Restoring the lost rights of Palestinians and reclaiming control over their territories;
Achieving absolute dominance in the Middle East and gaining control over its financial and economic resources as Israel’s main objective, in addition to its strategic positioning.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the following strategies are recommended for Iran’s foreign policy on Palestine. First, the regional crisis indicates that the Middle East experiences the highest political and security unrest compared to other regions. This is primarily due to the conflicting security policies pursued by actors with different identities. The United States has focused its national security strategies on the Middle East. Iran should aim to create a regional and Islamic identity among the actors in order to foster constructive interaction. Each country in the Middle East has its own identity incentive to play its political role. Therefore, any regional innovations by Iran in addressing the Palestinian conflict and promoting Middle East peace should take into account making an identity model. The emergence of Islamic groups has transformed the nature of conflicts in the region, highlighting the influence of identity and ideological trends. These factors have also imposed limitations on the United States and Israel.
Second, the redress of Palestinian rights is the main issue in the Middle East. Iran should play a role in establishing a strong, integrated government in Palestine as a first step towards finding an Islamic identity and reducing ongoing bloodshed in the region. Other countries must recognize the Palestinian government. Third, the increasing conflicts in Palestine keep the peace proposal to come into effect and help stablish two governments in this region. Iran’s foreign policy goal on Palestine should be to support the idea of establishing a unified Palestinian government based on the majority demands. Organized support for Palestinian fighters is necessary under these circumstances. However, if Palestinian groups reject Iran’s policy, a new wave of anti-violence policies will emerge in the region. Therefore, revolutionary movements in Palestine should be recognized internationally, especially by the Islamic world. This recognition will help protect the revolutionary identity and resistance in Palestine by preventing Israel from repressing them.
Finally, Iran’s foreign policy towards Palestine relies on the support of its own people. It is crucial for Iran to maintain and protect this public support at any cost. While the current support is largely based on religious beliefs, the government should also clarify other aspects of its policy to the people. Addressing any questions or concerns that arise will help reinforce Iran’s policy on supporting the Palestinian cause. Therefore, Iran’s foreign policy on Palestine should be backed by comprehensive national support, and any compromise in this regard is tantamount to compromising Iran’s Islamic and revolutionary identity.
Research Interests:
Introduction Iran is a vast country situated in a strategically significant region of the Middle East. Within its borders, a diverse array of ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist. A crucial aspect of Iran’s internal dynamics... more
Introduction
Iran is a vast country situated in a strategically significant region of the Middle East. Within its borders, a diverse array of ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist. A crucial aspect of Iran’s internal dynamics pertains to the formulation of ethnic policies aimed at fostering an inclusive unity and cohesion among its populace, all the while preserving and celebrating the richness of its cultural and ethnic diversity in line with the country’s objectives and ideals. Today, the formulation of ethnic policies has become an exceedingly vital and indispensable matter due to a number of factors, including the rise of micro and sub-national discourses and the need to regulate their interactions with the political system, government, and national identity; the proliferation of ethnic and religious groups in various countries and particularly in neighboring states; and the prominence of ethnic and tribal identities. Limiting the sphere of influence, authority, and acceptance of a shared collective identity, these developments are accompanied not only by the presence of influential international and regional factors and actors but also by gaps in ethnic identities. It is thus necessary to formulate ethnic policies in the country.
A significant segment of Iran’s population comprises ethnic, local, and regional tribes and subcultures, whose inclinations, attitudes, and actions hold great importance across various social, cultural, and political domains in the country. The election is considered a key domain with the high frequency of occurrence in Iran. In this respect, the relationship and activities of ethnic groups during election periods represent a significant topic for study and investigation. The areas of interest include the degree and nature of participation of ethnic groups and their behavior towards a particular candidate or political party in the election. The participation in elections actually serves as a stable indicator of political participation.
In Iran, ethnic groups perceive their participation in elections as playing a social–identity role in political dynamics. As candidates vie for as many votes as possible during their election campaigns, they engage in election campaigns characterized by slogans and the presentation of plans and promises. Meanwhile, in the institutionalized and conventional opportunity offered by elections, voters and citizens form their opinions concerning the desired choice by listening to and comparing candidates’ plans, programs, and policies.
In a study conducted by Agumore and Adams (2014) in Ghana, the examination of 17 influential factors on voting behavior revealed that candidates’ electoral messages had the most significant impact on voters, while the candidate’s ethnicity proved to be one of the least influential factors. This suggests that the stance and programs advocated by candidates play a crucial role in motivating voters to support them. Alwan (2020) studied the tribal power in Iraq and its implications for the political and social system. The findings demonstrated that a weak and corrupt government contributes to the encouragement of tribal dominance. The Iraqi people, regardless of their personal beliefs, are strongly attached to their tribes. Despite recognizing that tribes are pre-state organizations and a distorted form of civil society, they perceive no viable alternative due to the inability of the weak state to establish law and order.
Akbari and Fakhari (2016) explored the influence of ethnicity and ethnic identity on the electoral behavior of citizens in Bojnurd. The research involved 367 participants from diverse ethnic groups. The results revealed an ethnic voting pattern score of 34.7 on a scale of 0 to 100. Additionally, the average ethnic identity score among the respondents was 58.6. The findings of the study indicate a significant relationship between ethnic voting patterns and variables such as ethnic demands, the sense of political legitimacy, and ethnic identity, as demonstrated by the multivariable regression model. According to Tabiee et al. (2022), there are numerous paradoxes, contradictions, and conflicts between political tribalism and the development in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The research suggests that an increase in the tendency towards political tribalism leads to a decrease in development in the province. However, the development and progress of society can mitigate the effects of political tribalism, potentially leading to its dissipation.
Materials and Methods
The present research used the method of content analysis for data collection. The method involves gathering empirical evidence by enquiring text units rather than directly surveying individuals. In content analysis, the primary unit of observation is the text itself. Concerning the present study, the researchers selected texts on the candidates’ speeches presented in various sources, including newspapers such as Ettela'at, Shargh, Resalat, and Vatan-e Emrouz, as well as the candidates’ speeches during visits to East Azarbaijan, Kurdistan, and Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The researchers also considered the coverage of these speeches in the aforementioned newspapers or locally relevant websites. Additionally, televised elections debates, particularly those focusing on cultural themes, were included in the analysis.
Results and Discussion
Relying on empirical evidence, the study analyzed and compared ethnic slogans and ethnic belonging in the 9th and 11th presidential elections. According to the results, the representation of ethnic slogans stands at 31.11%t in the texts produced by candidates during the 9th election, whereas during the 11th election, the figure increased significantly to 68.89%. Moreover, the representation of ethnic belonging was found to be 26.93% and 73.07% in the texts produced by the candidates during the 9th and 11th elections, respectively. These findings indicate that candidates during the 11th period placed considerable emphasis on ethnic issues, delving more deeply into these matters. They made concerted efforts to attract the votes of ethnic groups by highlighting ethnic concerns and giving significant attention to these issues in their campaign texts and speeches. As a result, the candidates who had prioritized ethnic issues could receive a larger share of votes in the aforementioned provinces.
Conclusion
According to the research findings, it can be concluded that there was a significant increase in the representation of slogans and ethnic belonging by candidates during the 11th election compared to the 9th term. The candidates put a special focus on ethnic issues in their speeches and campaign texts. Among the candidates in both elections, Hassan Rouhani stands out for emphasizing ethnic issues more than others. His receiving notable and substantial votes in these provinces, particularly in Kurdistan, indicates his special attention to this category.
The research findings, particularly in the 11th election, indicate that addressing ethnic slogans and belonging and highlighting them in presidential campaigns can effectively increase candidates’ votes in provinces with a significant ethnic population. However, regarding the reasons behind the heightened attention to ethnicity and repetition of past issues by the candidates in the 11th election, it is suggested that the demands and needs of ethnic groups had not been adequately addressed in previous elections. Alternatively, it is possible that the repetition of past issues is merely a strategy to secure votes, with candidates failing to address these demands even after winning the election, thus treating them merely as a means to an end.
Iran is a vast country situated in a strategically significant region of the Middle East. Within its borders, a diverse array of ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist. A crucial aspect of Iran’s internal dynamics pertains to the formulation of ethnic policies aimed at fostering an inclusive unity and cohesion among its populace, all the while preserving and celebrating the richness of its cultural and ethnic diversity in line with the country’s objectives and ideals. Today, the formulation of ethnic policies has become an exceedingly vital and indispensable matter due to a number of factors, including the rise of micro and sub-national discourses and the need to regulate their interactions with the political system, government, and national identity; the proliferation of ethnic and religious groups in various countries and particularly in neighboring states; and the prominence of ethnic and tribal identities. Limiting the sphere of influence, authority, and acceptance of a shared collective identity, these developments are accompanied not only by the presence of influential international and regional factors and actors but also by gaps in ethnic identities. It is thus necessary to formulate ethnic policies in the country.
A significant segment of Iran’s population comprises ethnic, local, and regional tribes and subcultures, whose inclinations, attitudes, and actions hold great importance across various social, cultural, and political domains in the country. The election is considered a key domain with the high frequency of occurrence in Iran. In this respect, the relationship and activities of ethnic groups during election periods represent a significant topic for study and investigation. The areas of interest include the degree and nature of participation of ethnic groups and their behavior towards a particular candidate or political party in the election. The participation in elections actually serves as a stable indicator of political participation.
In Iran, ethnic groups perceive their participation in elections as playing a social–identity role in political dynamics. As candidates vie for as many votes as possible during their election campaigns, they engage in election campaigns characterized by slogans and the presentation of plans and promises. Meanwhile, in the institutionalized and conventional opportunity offered by elections, voters and citizens form their opinions concerning the desired choice by listening to and comparing candidates’ plans, programs, and policies.
In a study conducted by Agumore and Adams (2014) in Ghana, the examination of 17 influential factors on voting behavior revealed that candidates’ electoral messages had the most significant impact on voters, while the candidate’s ethnicity proved to be one of the least influential factors. This suggests that the stance and programs advocated by candidates play a crucial role in motivating voters to support them. Alwan (2020) studied the tribal power in Iraq and its implications for the political and social system. The findings demonstrated that a weak and corrupt government contributes to the encouragement of tribal dominance. The Iraqi people, regardless of their personal beliefs, are strongly attached to their tribes. Despite recognizing that tribes are pre-state organizations and a distorted form of civil society, they perceive no viable alternative due to the inability of the weak state to establish law and order.
Akbari and Fakhari (2016) explored the influence of ethnicity and ethnic identity on the electoral behavior of citizens in Bojnurd. The research involved 367 participants from diverse ethnic groups. The results revealed an ethnic voting pattern score of 34.7 on a scale of 0 to 100. Additionally, the average ethnic identity score among the respondents was 58.6. The findings of the study indicate a significant relationship between ethnic voting patterns and variables such as ethnic demands, the sense of political legitimacy, and ethnic identity, as demonstrated by the multivariable regression model. According to Tabiee et al. (2022), there are numerous paradoxes, contradictions, and conflicts between political tribalism and the development in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The research suggests that an increase in the tendency towards political tribalism leads to a decrease in development in the province. However, the development and progress of society can mitigate the effects of political tribalism, potentially leading to its dissipation.
Materials and Methods
The present research used the method of content analysis for data collection. The method involves gathering empirical evidence by enquiring text units rather than directly surveying individuals. In content analysis, the primary unit of observation is the text itself. Concerning the present study, the researchers selected texts on the candidates’ speeches presented in various sources, including newspapers such as Ettela'at, Shargh, Resalat, and Vatan-e Emrouz, as well as the candidates’ speeches during visits to East Azarbaijan, Kurdistan, and Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The researchers also considered the coverage of these speeches in the aforementioned newspapers or locally relevant websites. Additionally, televised elections debates, particularly those focusing on cultural themes, were included in the analysis.
Results and Discussion
Relying on empirical evidence, the study analyzed and compared ethnic slogans and ethnic belonging in the 9th and 11th presidential elections. According to the results, the representation of ethnic slogans stands at 31.11%t in the texts produced by candidates during the 9th election, whereas during the 11th election, the figure increased significantly to 68.89%. Moreover, the representation of ethnic belonging was found to be 26.93% and 73.07% in the texts produced by the candidates during the 9th and 11th elections, respectively. These findings indicate that candidates during the 11th period placed considerable emphasis on ethnic issues, delving more deeply into these matters. They made concerted efforts to attract the votes of ethnic groups by highlighting ethnic concerns and giving significant attention to these issues in their campaign texts and speeches. As a result, the candidates who had prioritized ethnic issues could receive a larger share of votes in the aforementioned provinces.
Conclusion
According to the research findings, it can be concluded that there was a significant increase in the representation of slogans and ethnic belonging by candidates during the 11th election compared to the 9th term. The candidates put a special focus on ethnic issues in their speeches and campaign texts. Among the candidates in both elections, Hassan Rouhani stands out for emphasizing ethnic issues more than others. His receiving notable and substantial votes in these provinces, particularly in Kurdistan, indicates his special attention to this category.
The research findings, particularly in the 11th election, indicate that addressing ethnic slogans and belonging and highlighting them in presidential campaigns can effectively increase candidates’ votes in provinces with a significant ethnic population. However, regarding the reasons behind the heightened attention to ethnicity and repetition of past issues by the candidates in the 11th election, it is suggested that the demands and needs of ethnic groups had not been adequately addressed in previous elections. Alternatively, it is possible that the repetition of past issues is merely a strategy to secure votes, with candidates failing to address these demands even after winning the election, thus treating them merely as a means to an end.
Research Interests:
Introduction Social dissatisfaction in Iran, particularly over the past decade, has been widespread and profound, as confirmed by national surveys. A review of the last four decades reveals the emergence of social discontent and political... more
Introduction
Social dissatisfaction in Iran, particularly over the past decade, has been widespread and profound, as confirmed by national surveys. A review of the last four decades reveals the emergence of social discontent and political unrest in various manifestations and at different times. In certain instances, such as in 2009, the protests have posed a threat to the survival and stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Indeed, an analysis of the frequency and duration of social protests demonstrates the growth and prevalence of social dissatisfaction within Iranian society.
Social dissatisfaction can manifest itself through apathy and non-participation, as seen in the decline in political participation during the Islamic Council and presidential elections in in the recent decade, particularly in 2019 and 2021. A review of relevant research shows a lack of deep insight and comprehensive understanding of social dissatisfaction as a multi-faceted issue in Iran, which can be a major obstacle to insightful policymaking for successful and cost-effective management of social dissatisfaction.
The present research aimed to analyze and elucidate the underlying factors that contribute to social dissatisfaction, and subsequently develop strategies for effectively managing and mitigating the issue within Iranian society. The objective can ultimately enhance the efficiency of the decision-making process and policymaking in order to effectively address social dissatisfaction and protests. Accordingly, the main research questions are: What are the causal factors underlying social dissatisfaction in the Islamic Republic of Iran? and what are the potential solutions to solve the issue?
Materials and Methods
The present research employed a mixed methods research design. The documentary analysis method was utilized to examine and analyze various perspectives and approaches, as well as to investigate the evolution of the phenomenon of social dissatisfaction in Iranian society. Moreover, the method of causal layered analysis (CLA) was used to analyze and explain the underlying causes that contribute to social dissatisfaction in Iran.
This method incorporates the examination of four distinct layers: the litany, social/systemic causes, discourse/worldview, and myth/metaphor. The litany layer represents the surface level, encompassing the most evident and objective aspects of the future. The social/systemic layer involves exploring the technological, social, economic, historical, political, and environmental causes associated with the subject matter. The discourse layer encompasses efforts to comprehend linguistic, cultural, and social structures that shape and pertain to the future. Lastly, the myth/metaphor layer delves into the investigation and exploration of schemas, mental images, and underlying narratives.
The researchers collected the data by administering an open semi-structured questionnaire to a total of 10 experts. The collected data was subjected to review by 5 additional experts, who were asked to confirm the identified causes and related factors with the ultimate aim of ensuring the validity and reliability of the data. Based on the degree of consensus and frequency, the identified causes were categorized into three levels: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. Furthermore, the researchers developed scenarios of social dissatisfaction by sharing the collected data with 5 experts, who were requested to envision future dissatisfaction scenarios in the 2031 horizon across three categories: desirable, possible, and probable.
Results and Discussion
After conducting a review of relevant literature and collecting insights from 10 experts, the present study examined and analyzed the causes and factors contributing to social dissatisfaction the Islamic Republic in three layers: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. At the systemic level, various factors were identified and discussed, including the prevalence of poverty, increasing discrimination, widening class gap and increasing Gini coefficient, evolving societal lifestyles, widespread feelings of deprivation, unjust distribution of national resources, and unsustainable development, etc.
In the discursive layer, various causes and factors were identified and analyzed, including the historical mistrust towards the political sphere, the duality of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Shia culture and thought, the modern thought and worldview, the discourse of transformation, the discourse of Western development, and the alienation of political governance, etc. Moving to the metaphorical/mythical layer, factors such as the portrayal of the government as a bandit in Iranian culture, the usurpation of power by the state, the metaphor of the Alavi government, and historical transformation-seeking were recognized and discussed as influential elements in the development of social dissatisfaction.
Moreover, in accordance with expert opinions, three scenarios (desirable, possible, and probable) were formulated and constructed regarding the future of social dissatisfaction in Iran. In the desirable scenario, effective reformist measures and the realization of the right to protest would lead to a reduction in social dissatisfaction, putting protests within a legally recognized framework. In the possible scenario, considering the continuation and exacerbation of underlying causes of dissatisfaction, we would witness the accumulation of social dissatisfaction and the emergence of intermittent episodes of violent social protests. Finally, according to the probable scenario, civil disobedience would arise as a result of the prevailing security-focused approach and the rising costs of engaging in protests.
Conclusion
Social dissatisfaction remains a significant issue in Iran, posing considerable challenges to political stability and national security. Effective policymaking and management concerning social dissatisfaction initially requires a comprehensive and accurate understanding of this complex issue. In this line, the present study used the CLA method as an effective approach to examine different causal layers and drivers and their impact on social dissatisfaction. The results indicated that the Islamic Republic of Iran aims to move towards its desired scenario, which involves reducing dissatisfaction and implementing a persuasive and systematic approach to managing social protests. However, given the current circumstances, attaining this scenario proves to be challenging. Instead, the possible scenario entails the continued accumulation of dissatisfaction and ongoing social protests, which will pose a significant challenge to the political stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Protests will be characterized by increased violence, potentially leading the political system to adopt a hard approach in suppressing and managing social unrest. This, in turn, may exacerbate radicalism and further fuel social dissatisfaction. The probable scenario, characterized by intermittent and costly protests as well as civil disobedience, presents an alternative outlook for the future of social dissatisfaction. In this scenario, social dissatisfaction manifests itself through intermittent protests that occur at various intervals and in response to specific events. As social dissatisfaction continues to evolve and persist, some citizens may resort to civil disobedience and divergence from official values and norms.
Keywords: Social Dissatisfaction, Iran, Islamic Revolution, Causal Layers, Scenario
Social dissatisfaction in Iran, particularly over the past decade, has been widespread and profound, as confirmed by national surveys. A review of the last four decades reveals the emergence of social discontent and political unrest in various manifestations and at different times. In certain instances, such as in 2009, the protests have posed a threat to the survival and stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Indeed, an analysis of the frequency and duration of social protests demonstrates the growth and prevalence of social dissatisfaction within Iranian society.
Social dissatisfaction can manifest itself through apathy and non-participation, as seen in the decline in political participation during the Islamic Council and presidential elections in in the recent decade, particularly in 2019 and 2021. A review of relevant research shows a lack of deep insight and comprehensive understanding of social dissatisfaction as a multi-faceted issue in Iran, which can be a major obstacle to insightful policymaking for successful and cost-effective management of social dissatisfaction.
The present research aimed to analyze and elucidate the underlying factors that contribute to social dissatisfaction, and subsequently develop strategies for effectively managing and mitigating the issue within Iranian society. The objective can ultimately enhance the efficiency of the decision-making process and policymaking in order to effectively address social dissatisfaction and protests. Accordingly, the main research questions are: What are the causal factors underlying social dissatisfaction in the Islamic Republic of Iran? and what are the potential solutions to solve the issue?
Materials and Methods
The present research employed a mixed methods research design. The documentary analysis method was utilized to examine and analyze various perspectives and approaches, as well as to investigate the evolution of the phenomenon of social dissatisfaction in Iranian society. Moreover, the method of causal layered analysis (CLA) was used to analyze and explain the underlying causes that contribute to social dissatisfaction in Iran.
This method incorporates the examination of four distinct layers: the litany, social/systemic causes, discourse/worldview, and myth/metaphor. The litany layer represents the surface level, encompassing the most evident and objective aspects of the future. The social/systemic layer involves exploring the technological, social, economic, historical, political, and environmental causes associated with the subject matter. The discourse layer encompasses efforts to comprehend linguistic, cultural, and social structures that shape and pertain to the future. Lastly, the myth/metaphor layer delves into the investigation and exploration of schemas, mental images, and underlying narratives.
The researchers collected the data by administering an open semi-structured questionnaire to a total of 10 experts. The collected data was subjected to review by 5 additional experts, who were asked to confirm the identified causes and related factors with the ultimate aim of ensuring the validity and reliability of the data. Based on the degree of consensus and frequency, the identified causes were categorized into three levels: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. Furthermore, the researchers developed scenarios of social dissatisfaction by sharing the collected data with 5 experts, who were requested to envision future dissatisfaction scenarios in the 2031 horizon across three categories: desirable, possible, and probable.
Results and Discussion
After conducting a review of relevant literature and collecting insights from 10 experts, the present study examined and analyzed the causes and factors contributing to social dissatisfaction the Islamic Republic in three layers: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. At the systemic level, various factors were identified and discussed, including the prevalence of poverty, increasing discrimination, widening class gap and increasing Gini coefficient, evolving societal lifestyles, widespread feelings of deprivation, unjust distribution of national resources, and unsustainable development, etc.
In the discursive layer, various causes and factors were identified and analyzed, including the historical mistrust towards the political sphere, the duality of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Shia culture and thought, the modern thought and worldview, the discourse of transformation, the discourse of Western development, and the alienation of political governance, etc. Moving to the metaphorical/mythical layer, factors such as the portrayal of the government as a bandit in Iranian culture, the usurpation of power by the state, the metaphor of the Alavi government, and historical transformation-seeking were recognized and discussed as influential elements in the development of social dissatisfaction.
Moreover, in accordance with expert opinions, three scenarios (desirable, possible, and probable) were formulated and constructed regarding the future of social dissatisfaction in Iran. In the desirable scenario, effective reformist measures and the realization of the right to protest would lead to a reduction in social dissatisfaction, putting protests within a legally recognized framework. In the possible scenario, considering the continuation and exacerbation of underlying causes of dissatisfaction, we would witness the accumulation of social dissatisfaction and the emergence of intermittent episodes of violent social protests. Finally, according to the probable scenario, civil disobedience would arise as a result of the prevailing security-focused approach and the rising costs of engaging in protests.
Conclusion
Social dissatisfaction remains a significant issue in Iran, posing considerable challenges to political stability and national security. Effective policymaking and management concerning social dissatisfaction initially requires a comprehensive and accurate understanding of this complex issue. In this line, the present study used the CLA method as an effective approach to examine different causal layers and drivers and their impact on social dissatisfaction. The results indicated that the Islamic Republic of Iran aims to move towards its desired scenario, which involves reducing dissatisfaction and implementing a persuasive and systematic approach to managing social protests. However, given the current circumstances, attaining this scenario proves to be challenging. Instead, the possible scenario entails the continued accumulation of dissatisfaction and ongoing social protests, which will pose a significant challenge to the political stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Protests will be characterized by increased violence, potentially leading the political system to adopt a hard approach in suppressing and managing social unrest. This, in turn, may exacerbate radicalism and further fuel social dissatisfaction. The probable scenario, characterized by intermittent and costly protests as well as civil disobedience, presents an alternative outlook for the future of social dissatisfaction. In this scenario, social dissatisfaction manifests itself through intermittent protests that occur at various intervals and in response to specific events. As social dissatisfaction continues to evolve and persist, some citizens may resort to civil disobedience and divergence from official values and norms.
Keywords: Social Dissatisfaction, Iran, Islamic Revolution, Causal Layers, Scenario
Research Interests:
Introduction The present research deals with the discrepancy between the hypothesized theory of the Asiatic mode of production and the empirical evidence from the Qajar era. Specifically, it explored whether the state–class... more
Introduction
The present research deals with the discrepancy between the hypothesized theory of the Asiatic mode of production and the empirical evidence from the Qajar era. Specifically, it explored whether the state–class relationship in the Qajar era can accurately be characterized as oriental despotism (or an Asian state), or it reflects a state where the power of the king was limited by influential classes, such as the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs. The central focus of this research was to determine whether the Qajar state enjoyed power concentration or operated within a kind of power plurality. In this respect, the central question is: Was the power of the Qajar state limited by social classes, or did it wield absolute and supra-class authority?
Theoretical Framework
The study examined the state–class relationship through the lens of Karl Marx’s theory of the state. Marx’s perspective on the state can be categorized into three distinct models: the powerless state, the state with relative power, and the state with absolute power. Applying these three models, the present study analyzed the dynamics of the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.
According to Marx’s instrumentalist theory, the concept of a class state suggests that both the form and essence of the state are contingent upon prevailing classes. While the state may exhibit diverse variations and characteristics in different historical contexts, it fundamentally relies on classes. In all instances, the state functions as a dependent entity and a tool of the ruling class. Marx presented his theory of the Bonapartist state in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852) and The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850 (1850). Marx acknowledges that the state possesses a certain degree of independent power or relative autonomy from the ruling class. According to Marx and Engels, the absence of private land ownership and the existence of large-scale state-controlled water facilities, despite their apparent contradiction, are the defining characteristics of the Asian state, in which the autocratic state machinery exercises control over the production surplus and serves not only as the central apparatus for oppression but also as a tool for economic exploitation at the disposal of the ruling class. In such a setting, “the state reigns supreme.”
As evident, Marx’s triadic model of the state analyzes the state–class relationship at three levels. The model of class state portrays a state that lacks power and relative autonomy from the ruling class. The Bonapartist state enjoys relative autonomy from the ruling class, while the Asian state wields absolute power and autocratic authority over all societal classes. The present research used Marx’s triadic model as the analytical framework to examine the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.
Materials and Methods
This research employed a historical case study approach, which involves gathering extensive information through various data collection methods over an extended temporal span. The collected information is systematically analyzed with the explicit objective of deriving theoretical insights. The documentary research method within the framework of recorded or written history was used to collect the relevant information. There are three strategies for data analysis: pattern matching, explanation building, and time series analysis. Given the descriptive nature of the current case study, the pattern matching method, specifically the type of rival explanations, was utilized. This method involves comparing the historical pattern derived from experience with the predicted theoretical pattern.
Results and Discussion
The central question addressed in the present article pertains to the extent of the Qajar state’s power; whether it was constrained by social classes or characterized by absolute and supra-class authority. According to the research findings, the influential clerics, relying on their social support base, exerted their influence over the state. This influence manifested openly through the issuance of fatwas in significant events such as the Russo-Persian Wars, the Persian Tobacco Protest, or the Constitutional Movement. Furthermore, the clerics often succeeded in establishing common interests through their relationships with statesmen, thereby exerting influence over high-ranking state officials. Notably, clerics comprised 20% of the social composition of the first parliament, which signifies their official entry into the power structure of the time.
Prominent and affluent merchants, particularly in the first half of the 19th century, wielded influence by fulfilling the financial requirements of the state and cooperating closely with it. However, their role evolved in the second half of the 19th century marked by events like the Tobacco Protests and Monsieur Naus, when they joined the protesters and disrupted the country’s economic cycles due to conflicting interests. This class emerged as one of the most influential groups in Iran during the Qajar era. With the establishment of the Constituent Assembly, they secured a significant one-third of the parliament composition.
The influential patriarchs of tribes and the heads of important clans held significant sway due to their independent geographic position and economic resources, military strength, and provision of manpower to the Qajar army. This enabled them to exert influence and even engage in direct conflicts with the state, such as during the Constitutional Movement.
Given Iran’s population structure, which predominantly comprised farmers, the large landowners assumed the role of quasi-sovereigns within the territories under their ownership. Their possession of extensive estates, personal military forces, and substantial incomes derived from landownership, combined with a weak bureaucracy and an inefficient tax system, granted them considerable autonomy in areas under their influence.
Conclusion
According to the findings, it becomes highly challenging to conceive of the Qajar state as the entity possessing absolute power, as Marx suggests as the primary characteristic of the Asian state. In the Qajar Iran, influential social classes, including the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs, served as intermediary layers that limited the state’s power and prevented the establishment of a supreme master or an absolute ruler. Moreover, the Qajar state, originating from the Qajar tribe, was not practically reliant on the tribe itself or other social classes, so the Qajar state actually employed various methods, such as granting state positions or making discord between tribes, to control and even suppress them. Accordingly, the Qajar state cannot be categorized as a mere instrument of the ruling class or an entity with absolute power. It does not align with the concept of a class state or even a supra-class state. Instead, enjoying power and relative autonomy from the dominant class, the Qajar state could create a relative balance between social forces, leading to its characterization as a Bonapartist state.
The present research deals with the discrepancy between the hypothesized theory of the Asiatic mode of production and the empirical evidence from the Qajar era. Specifically, it explored whether the state–class relationship in the Qajar era can accurately be characterized as oriental despotism (or an Asian state), or it reflects a state where the power of the king was limited by influential classes, such as the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs. The central focus of this research was to determine whether the Qajar state enjoyed power concentration or operated within a kind of power plurality. In this respect, the central question is: Was the power of the Qajar state limited by social classes, or did it wield absolute and supra-class authority?
Theoretical Framework
The study examined the state–class relationship through the lens of Karl Marx’s theory of the state. Marx’s perspective on the state can be categorized into three distinct models: the powerless state, the state with relative power, and the state with absolute power. Applying these three models, the present study analyzed the dynamics of the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.
According to Marx’s instrumentalist theory, the concept of a class state suggests that both the form and essence of the state are contingent upon prevailing classes. While the state may exhibit diverse variations and characteristics in different historical contexts, it fundamentally relies on classes. In all instances, the state functions as a dependent entity and a tool of the ruling class. Marx presented his theory of the Bonapartist state in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852) and The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850 (1850). Marx acknowledges that the state possesses a certain degree of independent power or relative autonomy from the ruling class. According to Marx and Engels, the absence of private land ownership and the existence of large-scale state-controlled water facilities, despite their apparent contradiction, are the defining characteristics of the Asian state, in which the autocratic state machinery exercises control over the production surplus and serves not only as the central apparatus for oppression but also as a tool for economic exploitation at the disposal of the ruling class. In such a setting, “the state reigns supreme.”
As evident, Marx’s triadic model of the state analyzes the state–class relationship at three levels. The model of class state portrays a state that lacks power and relative autonomy from the ruling class. The Bonapartist state enjoys relative autonomy from the ruling class, while the Asian state wields absolute power and autocratic authority over all societal classes. The present research used Marx’s triadic model as the analytical framework to examine the state–class relationship during the Qajar era.
Materials and Methods
This research employed a historical case study approach, which involves gathering extensive information through various data collection methods over an extended temporal span. The collected information is systematically analyzed with the explicit objective of deriving theoretical insights. The documentary research method within the framework of recorded or written history was used to collect the relevant information. There are three strategies for data analysis: pattern matching, explanation building, and time series analysis. Given the descriptive nature of the current case study, the pattern matching method, specifically the type of rival explanations, was utilized. This method involves comparing the historical pattern derived from experience with the predicted theoretical pattern.
Results and Discussion
The central question addressed in the present article pertains to the extent of the Qajar state’s power; whether it was constrained by social classes or characterized by absolute and supra-class authority. According to the research findings, the influential clerics, relying on their social support base, exerted their influence over the state. This influence manifested openly through the issuance of fatwas in significant events such as the Russo-Persian Wars, the Persian Tobacco Protest, or the Constitutional Movement. Furthermore, the clerics often succeeded in establishing common interests through their relationships with statesmen, thereby exerting influence over high-ranking state officials. Notably, clerics comprised 20% of the social composition of the first parliament, which signifies their official entry into the power structure of the time.
Prominent and affluent merchants, particularly in the first half of the 19th century, wielded influence by fulfilling the financial requirements of the state and cooperating closely with it. However, their role evolved in the second half of the 19th century marked by events like the Tobacco Protests and Monsieur Naus, when they joined the protesters and disrupted the country’s economic cycles due to conflicting interests. This class emerged as one of the most influential groups in Iran during the Qajar era. With the establishment of the Constituent Assembly, they secured a significant one-third of the parliament composition.
The influential patriarchs of tribes and the heads of important clans held significant sway due to their independent geographic position and economic resources, military strength, and provision of manpower to the Qajar army. This enabled them to exert influence and even engage in direct conflicts with the state, such as during the Constitutional Movement.
Given Iran’s population structure, which predominantly comprised farmers, the large landowners assumed the role of quasi-sovereigns within the territories under their ownership. Their possession of extensive estates, personal military forces, and substantial incomes derived from landownership, combined with a weak bureaucracy and an inefficient tax system, granted them considerable autonomy in areas under their influence.
Conclusion
According to the findings, it becomes highly challenging to conceive of the Qajar state as the entity possessing absolute power, as Marx suggests as the primary characteristic of the Asian state. In the Qajar Iran, influential social classes, including the clergy, affluent merchants, local nobility, provincial rulers, princes, large landowners, and tribal chiefs, served as intermediary layers that limited the state’s power and prevented the establishment of a supreme master or an absolute ruler. Moreover, the Qajar state, originating from the Qajar tribe, was not practically reliant on the tribe itself or other social classes, so the Qajar state actually employed various methods, such as granting state positions or making discord between tribes, to control and even suppress them. Accordingly, the Qajar state cannot be categorized as a mere instrument of the ruling class or an entity with absolute power. It does not align with the concept of a class state or even a supra-class state. Instead, enjoying power and relative autonomy from the dominant class, the Qajar state could create a relative balance between social forces, leading to its characterization as a Bonapartist state.
Research Interests:
Introduction The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the largest countries that accommodates Afghan immigrants. However, the Iranian government lacks a unified and national policy towards accommodating immigrants. Initially, the... more
Introduction
The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the largest countries that accommodates Afghan immigrants. However, the Iranian government lacks a unified and national policy towards accommodating immigrants. Initially, the government pursued an open-door policy towards immigration, but after a decade it shifted its stance towards limitations, repatriation, and even deportation of immigrants. It appeared as if the government was identifying individuals who should be removed from Iran. It would be beneficial to integrate ideas and resources from a variety of academic disciplines and fields of study to gain a deeper insight into the broader dynamics of how immigrant groups are perceived as others in Iran. By concentrating on this level of analysis, policymakers can better comprehend how the overarching social structures and phenomena impact individual attitudes and identities. Likewise, this approach allows for an understanding of how people’s attitudes and identities, in turn, affect social structures. In this respect, the primary question of the present study is: What mechanisms are at play in the process of labeling immigrants as others, according to the Iranian political science experts and political sociologists?
Literature Review
In general, when discussing the dynamics between immigrants (referred to as newcomers) and the host population (the dominant group), the concept of other is commonly employed, specifically in reference to newcomers. The presence of a national identity implies the existence of other groups, nations, or individuals that are not part of the host group, prompting group members to emphasize their distinctiveness.
The specific concept of nation–state leads to the formulation of specific immigration policies and strategies for integrating minority groups within host societies. Based on this assumption, several major integration models have been proposed. First, the model of assimilation, which does not grant special rights to minorities, primarily intends to fully integrate all immigrants into the society and foster the development of a homogeneous society.
The second is a pluralistic model known as multiculturalism, which operates on the premise that successful integration is ensured if the public tolerates the plural identities of minorities and immigrants and recognizes their unique needs.
This model manifests itself in two primary forms. In the United States, cultural diversity and ethnic communities are officially recognized, but the government does not actively play a role in enforcing social justice or supporting the preservation of ethnic cultures.
The second variant of multiculturalism is a matter of public policy, in which efforts are made to promote integration and eliminate the barriers that immigrants might encounter in the host societies, thereby erasing the otherness they may experience. The third model is the differentiation approach, which is distinct from integration and instead emphasizes the differences between the native population and immigrants. The primary objective of this model is not to facilitate the integration of future immigrants into the host society but rather to isolate them. The differentiation model perceives immigrants as foreign and temporary components of society, rather than as a permanent and inseparable part.
According to this model, minorities may face poor employment conditions, low income, and high poverty rates. Such conditions can result in densely populated, low-income areas and increased residential segregation. In this context, the presence of isolated and marginalized communities is seen as evidence of a lack of integration that poses a threat to the target society.
Materials and Methods
The study used a qualitative approach and thematic analysis. The target population of the study comprised professors of sociology and political science at four universities in Tehran, namely the University of Tehran, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Kharazmi University, and the Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies. The purposive sampling was used to select the participants who had authored a book, article, or research project. Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews, involving ten professors to address the research question. The interviews continued until data saturation was reached. After conducting seven interviews, data repletion became apparent, but an additional three participants were interviewed to ensure data saturation. The collected interview data was manually analyzed following Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis method in three key steps: 1) Generating and categorizing similar codes, 2) identifying sub-themes, and 3) Identifying main themes. Feedback from the respondents was sought to validate the research quality. Furthermore, to avoid misinterpretation, an independent reviewer was asked to evaluate the codes derived from the data.
Results and Discussion
The data gathered from the interviews revealed various othering mechanisms. These encompassed the main themes of economic, cultural, and legal mechanisms. The economic mechanisms included the sub-theme of the exploitation of migrant labor force. The cultural mechanisms included social stigma, cultural stigma, and the neglect of immigrants' cultural capital as sub-themes. Finally, the legal mechanisms were comprised of three sub-themes: the deprivation of bank card access, the denial of health insurance services, and the restriction of access to driving licenses.
Conclusion
According to the findings, one of the primary mechanisms for categorizing immigrants as others is the exploitation of migrant labor force, which is a component of the economic mechanisms. It appears that the vulnerability of the migrant labor force is deeply rooted in the long-term changes in Iran’s political economy. These changes have gradually resulted in the weakening of government support for the immigrant working class on one hand, and the normalization of using cheap labor to meet the needs of employers as a legitimate goal of neoliberal capitalist development, on the other hand.
The cultural mechanisms of othering involved criminalizing immigrants through the use of social stigmas. Immigrants are frequently portrayed and blamed as the cause of increased crime and order-related challenges in the cities. Furthermore, immigrants are sometimes perceived as threats to national security.
Another mechanism used to label immigrants as others is portraying them as inferior through the cultural stigma often referred to as Hazareh. Given the fact the residents of Hazareh have endured centuries of persecution by various Afghan groups due to their ethnicity and religion, this kind of labeling further subjects them to the double otherness. Neglecting immigrants’ cultural capital constitutes another mechanism for cultural alienation. Neglecting the cultural capital leads to the disregard of other forms of capital, such as economic and symbolic capital, ultimately hindering the integration of immigrants into the host society.
The interviewees expressed the belief that various aspects of the law contribute to the alienation of immigrants. Since most Afghan immigrants are seeking better economic opportunities in Iran, financial services play a significant role in achieving their goal during their stay in Iran. However, their legal status has led to the exclusion of many immigrants from the formal, mainstream financial sector. Consequently, they are compelled to turn to alternative services offered in the informal sector. Moreover, due to their restricted legal status, most immigrants are unable to access any insurance services. In general, the prevailing cultural climate in Iran, coupled with legal constraints and the shortcomings in policy formulation, has contributed to the immigrant other and hindered the integration of immigrants into Iranian society.
Keywords: Immigrant Other, Immigration, Integration, Thematic Analysis
The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the largest countries that accommodates Afghan immigrants. However, the Iranian government lacks a unified and national policy towards accommodating immigrants. Initially, the government pursued an open-door policy towards immigration, but after a decade it shifted its stance towards limitations, repatriation, and even deportation of immigrants. It appeared as if the government was identifying individuals who should be removed from Iran. It would be beneficial to integrate ideas and resources from a variety of academic disciplines and fields of study to gain a deeper insight into the broader dynamics of how immigrant groups are perceived as others in Iran. By concentrating on this level of analysis, policymakers can better comprehend how the overarching social structures and phenomena impact individual attitudes and identities. Likewise, this approach allows for an understanding of how people’s attitudes and identities, in turn, affect social structures. In this respect, the primary question of the present study is: What mechanisms are at play in the process of labeling immigrants as others, according to the Iranian political science experts and political sociologists?
Literature Review
In general, when discussing the dynamics between immigrants (referred to as newcomers) and the host population (the dominant group), the concept of other is commonly employed, specifically in reference to newcomers. The presence of a national identity implies the existence of other groups, nations, or individuals that are not part of the host group, prompting group members to emphasize their distinctiveness.
The specific concept of nation–state leads to the formulation of specific immigration policies and strategies for integrating minority groups within host societies. Based on this assumption, several major integration models have been proposed. First, the model of assimilation, which does not grant special rights to minorities, primarily intends to fully integrate all immigrants into the society and foster the development of a homogeneous society.
The second is a pluralistic model known as multiculturalism, which operates on the premise that successful integration is ensured if the public tolerates the plural identities of minorities and immigrants and recognizes their unique needs.
This model manifests itself in two primary forms. In the United States, cultural diversity and ethnic communities are officially recognized, but the government does not actively play a role in enforcing social justice or supporting the preservation of ethnic cultures.
The second variant of multiculturalism is a matter of public policy, in which efforts are made to promote integration and eliminate the barriers that immigrants might encounter in the host societies, thereby erasing the otherness they may experience. The third model is the differentiation approach, which is distinct from integration and instead emphasizes the differences between the native population and immigrants. The primary objective of this model is not to facilitate the integration of future immigrants into the host society but rather to isolate them. The differentiation model perceives immigrants as foreign and temporary components of society, rather than as a permanent and inseparable part.
According to this model, minorities may face poor employment conditions, low income, and high poverty rates. Such conditions can result in densely populated, low-income areas and increased residential segregation. In this context, the presence of isolated and marginalized communities is seen as evidence of a lack of integration that poses a threat to the target society.
Materials and Methods
The study used a qualitative approach and thematic analysis. The target population of the study comprised professors of sociology and political science at four universities in Tehran, namely the University of Tehran, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Kharazmi University, and the Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies. The purposive sampling was used to select the participants who had authored a book, article, or research project. Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews, involving ten professors to address the research question. The interviews continued until data saturation was reached. After conducting seven interviews, data repletion became apparent, but an additional three participants were interviewed to ensure data saturation. The collected interview data was manually analyzed following Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis method in three key steps: 1) Generating and categorizing similar codes, 2) identifying sub-themes, and 3) Identifying main themes. Feedback from the respondents was sought to validate the research quality. Furthermore, to avoid misinterpretation, an independent reviewer was asked to evaluate the codes derived from the data.
Results and Discussion
The data gathered from the interviews revealed various othering mechanisms. These encompassed the main themes of economic, cultural, and legal mechanisms. The economic mechanisms included the sub-theme of the exploitation of migrant labor force. The cultural mechanisms included social stigma, cultural stigma, and the neglect of immigrants' cultural capital as sub-themes. Finally, the legal mechanisms were comprised of three sub-themes: the deprivation of bank card access, the denial of health insurance services, and the restriction of access to driving licenses.
Conclusion
According to the findings, one of the primary mechanisms for categorizing immigrants as others is the exploitation of migrant labor force, which is a component of the economic mechanisms. It appears that the vulnerability of the migrant labor force is deeply rooted in the long-term changes in Iran’s political economy. These changes have gradually resulted in the weakening of government support for the immigrant working class on one hand, and the normalization of using cheap labor to meet the needs of employers as a legitimate goal of neoliberal capitalist development, on the other hand.
The cultural mechanisms of othering involved criminalizing immigrants through the use of social stigmas. Immigrants are frequently portrayed and blamed as the cause of increased crime and order-related challenges in the cities. Furthermore, immigrants are sometimes perceived as threats to national security.
Another mechanism used to label immigrants as others is portraying them as inferior through the cultural stigma often referred to as Hazareh. Given the fact the residents of Hazareh have endured centuries of persecution by various Afghan groups due to their ethnicity and religion, this kind of labeling further subjects them to the double otherness. Neglecting immigrants’ cultural capital constitutes another mechanism for cultural alienation. Neglecting the cultural capital leads to the disregard of other forms of capital, such as economic and symbolic capital, ultimately hindering the integration of immigrants into the host society.
The interviewees expressed the belief that various aspects of the law contribute to the alienation of immigrants. Since most Afghan immigrants are seeking better economic opportunities in Iran, financial services play a significant role in achieving their goal during their stay in Iran. However, their legal status has led to the exclusion of many immigrants from the formal, mainstream financial sector. Consequently, they are compelled to turn to alternative services offered in the informal sector. Moreover, due to their restricted legal status, most immigrants are unable to access any insurance services. In general, the prevailing cultural climate in Iran, coupled with legal constraints and the shortcomings in policy formulation, has contributed to the immigrant other and hindered the integration of immigrants into Iranian society.
Keywords: Immigrant Other, Immigration, Integration, Thematic Analysis
Research Interests:
Introduction The information revolution has significantly altered the nature of power by enhancing the capacity of soft power and reshaping the very foundations of power structures. In the past, leaders and politicians were the primary... more
Introduction
The information revolution has significantly altered the nature of power by enhancing the capacity of soft power and reshaping the very foundations of power structures. In the past, leaders and politicians were the primary figures to determine national interests in each nation, but in the digital age, the Internet and social networks have functioned to eliminate the mediatorship, leading to the highlighted role of the individual, the emergence of public opinions, and distribution of power from the government to people and other key actors. Today, power derived from public opinions is considered by political actors as a potent instrument for accomplishing political objectives.
Iran’s Twenty-Year Vision Document, looking ahead to 2025, outlines a comprehensive objective of the Islamic Republic of Iran as to attain a preeminent economic and technological position in the region while preserving its Islamic and revolutionary identity, being a source of inspiration in the Islamic world, and engaging in a constructive interaction in international relations. To secure the top economic position in the region and an influential position in the international arena, it is imperative to leverage the capabilities of the country’s diplomatic apparatus. Diplomacy serves as the executive arm of foreign policy within the framework of a country’s foreign policy doctrine. To thrive in the evolving global landscape requires possessing modern tools since the shifting global landscape demands novel tools and approaches. In today’s world, powerful governments employ soft power instruments to influence and sway societies.
Diplomacy stands as one of the most critical tools for advancing a country’s national power and achieving its objectives. Leading governments have embraced digital diplomacy as a means to bolster their national brand and effectively manage their public image, thus reaching vast audiences. In the contemporary age of communication, a formidable presence on the global stage necessitates the strategic implementation of digital diplomacy, positioning it at the forefront of
a country’s public diplomacy initiatives. In this respect, the present research aimed to recognize the role of digital diplomacy as a pivotal
power-building instrument, and to incorporate it into Iran’s strategic planning.
This research intended to offer a full-brown description of digital diplomacy by delving into the power-building factors of modern media. The objective was to formulate effective strategies that enhance the digital diplomacy initiatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran, thereby strengthening Iran’s influential presence in global politics and increasing Iran’s soft power as an important dimension of power. The research tried to address the pivotal question concerning the role modern media can assume within a country’s diplomatic apparatus. This would involve understanding how media can contribute to advancing national interests and bolstering a country’s influence and authority in the international arena. This research also sought to propose key indicators and strategies for advancing Iran’s digital diplomacy initiatives.
Literature Review
Numerous case studies and comparative analyses have explored digital diplomacy, underscoring the significant impact of social media in international diplomacy. However, despite the close interconnection of technology, diplomacy, and soft power, there is a lack of research that systematically situates these three domains within a theoretical framework and examines international relations theories by considering the role of modern media on the power-building capacity of diplomacy.
In the article titled “Shaping Public Diplomacy through Social Media Networks in the 21st Century,” Costa (2017) posits that the Internet and information and communication technology have significantly influenced the definition and performance of public diplomacy. In “Foreign Policy in an Era of Digital Diplomacy,”
Adesina (2017) draws the conclusion that digital diplomacy and internet-based activities play a vital role in effectively communicating a government’s foreign policy stances to both domestic and international audiences.
In the article titled “Twitplomacy: Social Media as a New Platform for Development of Public Diplomacy,” Su (2015) argues that the impact of Internet users on the diplomatic agenda can complement political concepts. Considering the role of social media in the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ameli (2017) asserts that emerging social media technologies will play a central role in diplomacy by influencing social space.
Ganjidoust (2008) focuses on the profound impact of information and communication technology in the field of diplomacy. The author contends that diplomacy has experienced greater influence from technological advancements compared to other domains, primarily because of its heavy reliance on the fundamental components of information and communication. According to Ganjidoust, the developments of the information age have brought about significant transformations in both the form and substance of diplomacy.
Materials and Methods
The Delphi technique was employed for identifying indicators, while the Dimetal technique was utilized for modeling. The study used Partial Least Squares technique to test the exploratory model and analyze the reciprocal influence between variables.
Conclusion
The findings revealed that modern media plays a pivotal role as a complete mediator in the transfer of power to diplomacy. Through online communication, new media platforms foster interaction and networking among users. They employ activism, imagery, and psychological operations to craft their desired narrative, thus reinforce user engagement and convergence through orienting and streamlining, Ultimately, by fostering a sense of belonging, they establish identity and create opportunities within the system of diplomacy.
To succeed in public diplomacy, particularly in the realm of digital diplomacy, requires a comprehensive strategy encompassing strategic goals, strategic priorities, and executive guidelines to attain the strategic goals. Concerning the Islamic Republic of Iran, the strategic goals are as follows: Making a powerful image of Iran, national branding of Iranian–Islamic identity, informing people about the policies, beliefs, and values of Iranians, and introducing opportunities and strengths. The strategic priorities of the digital diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran include Interacting with citizens and foreign populations to foster and enhance mutual relations, providing transparent information and swift responses to counter misinformation, combating online hooliganism, presenting leadership guidelines, and engaging in social listening and social monitoring.
Without a thorough analysis and practical solutions to this question, it is not possible to address the needs of audience satisfactorily. The assessment of attitudes, questions, and challenges is the most critical aspect which guides the subsequent actions. Concerning interaction, it is recommended to interact with influencers, as well as political,
religious, cultural, and national figures, to clarify ambiguities and foster constructive dialogues through the dissemination of pre-prepared images, messages, and video clips. Moreover, regular evaluation of the outcomes on the basis of a theory of structures and
processes can help ensure the effectiveness of digital diplomacy and coordination.
Keywords: Power, Modern Media, Diplomacy, Politics, Digital Diplomacy
The information revolution has significantly altered the nature of power by enhancing the capacity of soft power and reshaping the very foundations of power structures. In the past, leaders and politicians were the primary figures to determine national interests in each nation, but in the digital age, the Internet and social networks have functioned to eliminate the mediatorship, leading to the highlighted role of the individual, the emergence of public opinions, and distribution of power from the government to people and other key actors. Today, power derived from public opinions is considered by political actors as a potent instrument for accomplishing political objectives.
Iran’s Twenty-Year Vision Document, looking ahead to 2025, outlines a comprehensive objective of the Islamic Republic of Iran as to attain a preeminent economic and technological position in the region while preserving its Islamic and revolutionary identity, being a source of inspiration in the Islamic world, and engaging in a constructive interaction in international relations. To secure the top economic position in the region and an influential position in the international arena, it is imperative to leverage the capabilities of the country’s diplomatic apparatus. Diplomacy serves as the executive arm of foreign policy within the framework of a country’s foreign policy doctrine. To thrive in the evolving global landscape requires possessing modern tools since the shifting global landscape demands novel tools and approaches. In today’s world, powerful governments employ soft power instruments to influence and sway societies.
Diplomacy stands as one of the most critical tools for advancing a country’s national power and achieving its objectives. Leading governments have embraced digital diplomacy as a means to bolster their national brand and effectively manage their public image, thus reaching vast audiences. In the contemporary age of communication, a formidable presence on the global stage necessitates the strategic implementation of digital diplomacy, positioning it at the forefront of
a country’s public diplomacy initiatives. In this respect, the present research aimed to recognize the role of digital diplomacy as a pivotal
power-building instrument, and to incorporate it into Iran’s strategic planning.
This research intended to offer a full-brown description of digital diplomacy by delving into the power-building factors of modern media. The objective was to formulate effective strategies that enhance the digital diplomacy initiatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran, thereby strengthening Iran’s influential presence in global politics and increasing Iran’s soft power as an important dimension of power. The research tried to address the pivotal question concerning the role modern media can assume within a country’s diplomatic apparatus. This would involve understanding how media can contribute to advancing national interests and bolstering a country’s influence and authority in the international arena. This research also sought to propose key indicators and strategies for advancing Iran’s digital diplomacy initiatives.
Literature Review
Numerous case studies and comparative analyses have explored digital diplomacy, underscoring the significant impact of social media in international diplomacy. However, despite the close interconnection of technology, diplomacy, and soft power, there is a lack of research that systematically situates these three domains within a theoretical framework and examines international relations theories by considering the role of modern media on the power-building capacity of diplomacy.
In the article titled “Shaping Public Diplomacy through Social Media Networks in the 21st Century,” Costa (2017) posits that the Internet and information and communication technology have significantly influenced the definition and performance of public diplomacy. In “Foreign Policy in an Era of Digital Diplomacy,”
Adesina (2017) draws the conclusion that digital diplomacy and internet-based activities play a vital role in effectively communicating a government’s foreign policy stances to both domestic and international audiences.
In the article titled “Twitplomacy: Social Media as a New Platform for Development of Public Diplomacy,” Su (2015) argues that the impact of Internet users on the diplomatic agenda can complement political concepts. Considering the role of social media in the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ameli (2017) asserts that emerging social media technologies will play a central role in diplomacy by influencing social space.
Ganjidoust (2008) focuses on the profound impact of information and communication technology in the field of diplomacy. The author contends that diplomacy has experienced greater influence from technological advancements compared to other domains, primarily because of its heavy reliance on the fundamental components of information and communication. According to Ganjidoust, the developments of the information age have brought about significant transformations in both the form and substance of diplomacy.
Materials and Methods
The Delphi technique was employed for identifying indicators, while the Dimetal technique was utilized for modeling. The study used Partial Least Squares technique to test the exploratory model and analyze the reciprocal influence between variables.
Conclusion
The findings revealed that modern media plays a pivotal role as a complete mediator in the transfer of power to diplomacy. Through online communication, new media platforms foster interaction and networking among users. They employ activism, imagery, and psychological operations to craft their desired narrative, thus reinforce user engagement and convergence through orienting and streamlining, Ultimately, by fostering a sense of belonging, they establish identity and create opportunities within the system of diplomacy.
To succeed in public diplomacy, particularly in the realm of digital diplomacy, requires a comprehensive strategy encompassing strategic goals, strategic priorities, and executive guidelines to attain the strategic goals. Concerning the Islamic Republic of Iran, the strategic goals are as follows: Making a powerful image of Iran, national branding of Iranian–Islamic identity, informing people about the policies, beliefs, and values of Iranians, and introducing opportunities and strengths. The strategic priorities of the digital diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran include Interacting with citizens and foreign populations to foster and enhance mutual relations, providing transparent information and swift responses to counter misinformation, combating online hooliganism, presenting leadership guidelines, and engaging in social listening and social monitoring.
Without a thorough analysis and practical solutions to this question, it is not possible to address the needs of audience satisfactorily. The assessment of attitudes, questions, and challenges is the most critical aspect which guides the subsequent actions. Concerning interaction, it is recommended to interact with influencers, as well as political,
religious, cultural, and national figures, to clarify ambiguities and foster constructive dialogues through the dissemination of pre-prepared images, messages, and video clips. Moreover, regular evaluation of the outcomes on the basis of a theory of structures and
processes can help ensure the effectiveness of digital diplomacy and coordination.
Keywords: Power, Modern Media, Diplomacy, Politics, Digital Diplomacy
Research Interests:
Introduction Analyzing international relations (IR) theories reveals that non-Western theories are yet to fully materialize. Some scholars argue that a significant impediment to the recognition of non-Western IR theories is the pervasive... more
Introduction
Analyzing international relations (IR) theories reveals that non-Western theories are yet to fully materialize. Some scholars argue that a significant impediment to the recognition of non-Western IR theories is the pervasive influence of the US in the field of IR. They point to the extensive body of IR articles, books, and theories generated by American academic institutions and scholarly communities as a compelling base for their claim. Despite its European origins, the field of IR is argued to have matured and thrived in the US, hence an American social science. In this respect, researchers worldwide have embarked on various studies to assess the impact of American IR on the development of IR science and theory. Some IR scholars posit that the US hegemony following World War II has further entrenched the profound influence of American IR within the scholarly domain of IR. They argue that the US foreign policy in the bipolar world order, due to the US extensive involvement in pivotal international events, has become an inseparable aspect of IR studies. The crux of the argument lies in the fact that IR researchers select their objects of analysis by considering international events and influential factors. In this context, the US has played a central role in virtually all significant international events for approximately a century. Consequently, IR researchers tend to examine international events in line with the influential role of US foreign policy as a crucial variable.
Literature Review
Assessing the approach of IR scholarship is a conventional method to understand the intra-disciplinary and extra-disciplinary factors shaping the discipline of IR. Concerning the explanations provided for the limited success of non-mainstream theorizing, scholars have consistently underscored the influence of US political domination on IR literature and theorization, leading to an academic hegemony characterized by the center–periphery dynamic. In light of these considerations, the extent of American influence on shaping academic scholarship in a given country is a recognized object of analysis, which can shed light on the status of IR discipline in the local and national contexts. Regrettably, the topic has not been examined in the Iranian scientific literature, except the author’s individual research titled “Research Approaches of Iranian International Relations Articles: A Review of Scientific Research Articles Published in 2021." The findings of this research helped discern the strong influence of US foreign policy on Iranian IR scholarship, notably in the selection of research topics and the research process.
Materials and Methods
The current research employed a random selection process and a specific software to choose 500 Persian articles from Iranian journals in the field of IR and political science, spanning from March 2019 to March 2022. The primary focus was to analyze the journal articles with regard to their being influenced by US foreign policy. Grounded theory was used as the research method, yet it is important to note that the aim was not to formulate a specific theory but to test the claim and present a confirmed proposition in light of the research findings. Actually, this method was used to gather information and align it with existing propositions and claims. The reliability of this research was ensured thanks to the systematic inductive process, which allows for an unbiased examination of the research proposition.
Results and Discussion
The findings revealed that Iranian IR researchers predominantly adhere to the framework of mainstream IR theories and exhibit limited inclination towards critical theories or globalized international relations theories. Notably, for every three Iranian articles on IR, one article was found to be focused on US foreign policy as a significant variable. There was the initially speculation that the substantial volume of articles on US foreign policy were attributed to the longstanding tense relations Iran and America over the past four decades. However, upon closer examination, it became apparent that only a limited number of these articles were directly related to Iran-US relations, and most of them were predominantly centered around Iran’s nuclear issue. A significant number of the journal articles had delved into US foreign policy in various world regions. For instance, for Iranian scholars of IR, US foreign policy is an important independent variable in the analysis of topics related to Iraq, ISIS, Afghanistan, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Israel. An evaluative analysis revealed that Iranian IR researchers tend to hold a pessimistic outlook on the performance of American foreign policy, which is closely aligned with the official foreign policy stance of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The prevailing opinion among Iranian IR scholars is that the active presence of America in international events is not motivated by humanitarian objectives. They contend that US decisions such as the military occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, the military presence in the Persian Gulf, or the provision of American aid to Israel are devoid of genuine humanitarian goals. Instead, they view American intervention as a source of instability in the international order and a disruptive factor of global peace. The pessimistic perspectives put forth by the majority of Iranian IR researchers echoes what is often termed as Kissinger Syndrome.
Conclusion
The analysis of 500 articles led to several noteworthy conclusions. First, Iranian IR scholars tend to follow the mainstream IR theorizing, demonstrating a distinct separation from critical schools of thought. Second, Iranian IR does not seek to localize IR ideas or enrich its perspectives in line with global IR. Third, Iranian scholarship is critical of the US international role and perceives it as a disruptive factor of regional and global stability and peace, despite the US declared humanitarian foreign policy. Fourth, Iranian IR research focuses on US foreign policy as an independent variable, which can be attributed to America’s extensive involvement in regional and global crises. Finally, while Iranian IR scholarship dedicates itself to issues of significant relevance to the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it often overlooks the performance and impact of Iran’s foreign policy in these areas. Instead, it approaches the relevant issues from the perspective of other variables.
Keywords: Critical Theories, International Relations, Iranian International Relations, Kissinger Syndrome, US Hegemony
Analyzing international relations (IR) theories reveals that non-Western theories are yet to fully materialize. Some scholars argue that a significant impediment to the recognition of non-Western IR theories is the pervasive influence of the US in the field of IR. They point to the extensive body of IR articles, books, and theories generated by American academic institutions and scholarly communities as a compelling base for their claim. Despite its European origins, the field of IR is argued to have matured and thrived in the US, hence an American social science. In this respect, researchers worldwide have embarked on various studies to assess the impact of American IR on the development of IR science and theory. Some IR scholars posit that the US hegemony following World War II has further entrenched the profound influence of American IR within the scholarly domain of IR. They argue that the US foreign policy in the bipolar world order, due to the US extensive involvement in pivotal international events, has become an inseparable aspect of IR studies. The crux of the argument lies in the fact that IR researchers select their objects of analysis by considering international events and influential factors. In this context, the US has played a central role in virtually all significant international events for approximately a century. Consequently, IR researchers tend to examine international events in line with the influential role of US foreign policy as a crucial variable.
Literature Review
Assessing the approach of IR scholarship is a conventional method to understand the intra-disciplinary and extra-disciplinary factors shaping the discipline of IR. Concerning the explanations provided for the limited success of non-mainstream theorizing, scholars have consistently underscored the influence of US political domination on IR literature and theorization, leading to an academic hegemony characterized by the center–periphery dynamic. In light of these considerations, the extent of American influence on shaping academic scholarship in a given country is a recognized object of analysis, which can shed light on the status of IR discipline in the local and national contexts. Regrettably, the topic has not been examined in the Iranian scientific literature, except the author’s individual research titled “Research Approaches of Iranian International Relations Articles: A Review of Scientific Research Articles Published in 2021." The findings of this research helped discern the strong influence of US foreign policy on Iranian IR scholarship, notably in the selection of research topics and the research process.
Materials and Methods
The current research employed a random selection process and a specific software to choose 500 Persian articles from Iranian journals in the field of IR and political science, spanning from March 2019 to March 2022. The primary focus was to analyze the journal articles with regard to their being influenced by US foreign policy. Grounded theory was used as the research method, yet it is important to note that the aim was not to formulate a specific theory but to test the claim and present a confirmed proposition in light of the research findings. Actually, this method was used to gather information and align it with existing propositions and claims. The reliability of this research was ensured thanks to the systematic inductive process, which allows for an unbiased examination of the research proposition.
Results and Discussion
The findings revealed that Iranian IR researchers predominantly adhere to the framework of mainstream IR theories and exhibit limited inclination towards critical theories or globalized international relations theories. Notably, for every three Iranian articles on IR, one article was found to be focused on US foreign policy as a significant variable. There was the initially speculation that the substantial volume of articles on US foreign policy were attributed to the longstanding tense relations Iran and America over the past four decades. However, upon closer examination, it became apparent that only a limited number of these articles were directly related to Iran-US relations, and most of them were predominantly centered around Iran’s nuclear issue. A significant number of the journal articles had delved into US foreign policy in various world regions. For instance, for Iranian scholars of IR, US foreign policy is an important independent variable in the analysis of topics related to Iraq, ISIS, Afghanistan, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Israel. An evaluative analysis revealed that Iranian IR researchers tend to hold a pessimistic outlook on the performance of American foreign policy, which is closely aligned with the official foreign policy stance of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The prevailing opinion among Iranian IR scholars is that the active presence of America in international events is not motivated by humanitarian objectives. They contend that US decisions such as the military occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, the military presence in the Persian Gulf, or the provision of American aid to Israel are devoid of genuine humanitarian goals. Instead, they view American intervention as a source of instability in the international order and a disruptive factor of global peace. The pessimistic perspectives put forth by the majority of Iranian IR researchers echoes what is often termed as Kissinger Syndrome.
Conclusion
The analysis of 500 articles led to several noteworthy conclusions. First, Iranian IR scholars tend to follow the mainstream IR theorizing, demonstrating a distinct separation from critical schools of thought. Second, Iranian IR does not seek to localize IR ideas or enrich its perspectives in line with global IR. Third, Iranian scholarship is critical of the US international role and perceives it as a disruptive factor of regional and global stability and peace, despite the US declared humanitarian foreign policy. Fourth, Iranian IR research focuses on US foreign policy as an independent variable, which can be attributed to America’s extensive involvement in regional and global crises. Finally, while Iranian IR scholarship dedicates itself to issues of significant relevance to the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it often overlooks the performance and impact of Iran’s foreign policy in these areas. Instead, it approaches the relevant issues from the perspective of other variables.
Keywords: Critical Theories, International Relations, Iranian International Relations, Kissinger Syndrome, US Hegemony
Research Interests:
Introduction Political corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either... more
Introduction
Political corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either to further personal interests or to protect group interests. It entails the manipulation of political institutions and internal regulations, thereby impacting government bodies and the overall political system. Consequently, political corruption is often anticipated to result in institutional deterioration. However, since the 1980s, globalization has influenced the way through which categories of modern politics, including political corruption, are addressed. In the context of globalization, the examination of political corruption transcends the confines of the nation–state and should be viewed as a global concern.
Literature Review
A review of primary studies concerning the impact of globalization on political corruption reveals a spectrum of pessimistic and optimistic opinions among scholars. Optimists argue that globalization diminishes political corruption, while pessimists contend that it, in fact, increases political corruption. However, recent research indicates that the discrepancy between these viewpoints stems from their differing understandings of the relationship between globalization and political corruption. By adhering to a linear approach, both groups attempt to find the relationship between these variables, and consequently prescribe or discourage further engagement with globalization to exploit opportunities and avoid threats. To resolve this discrepancy, new studies, adopting a non-linear approach, posit that social and political globalization serves as a significant precursor to corruption. Economic globalization is perceived as both a prelude to and a consequence of varying levels of corruption.
Materials and Methods
As a quantitative research, the present study employed regression analysis as a highly practical quantitative method. Specifically, it utilized polynomial regression, which is supported by recent studies as well as by the secondary data sourced from the V-Dem Institute and the KOF Swiss Economic Institute.
Results and Discussion
According to the regression analysis, the normative nature of political corruption necessitates a redefinition of public and private interests at both the societal and governmental elite levels if the aim is to enhance the social dimension of globalization. The coefficient of the political dimension indicated that increased globalization can lead to a reduction in political corruption as global pressures compel the country to undertake structural and institutional reforms, including safeguarding property rights, enhancing transparency in decision-making processes, and improving the quality of public services. However, the results showed that there is no linear relationship between economic dimension of globalization and political corruption. Instead, the economic dimension influences the impact of other dimensions on political corruption in a non-linear, curved manner. As this dimension increases, political corruption decreases up to a certain point, but beyond that threshold, corruption levels begin to rise.
One of the ideals and goals that emerged during the formation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran was the fight against the political corruption that had been rampant during the Pahlavi era, which required a revolutionary change as the only means to eliminate corruption. However, following the success of the Revolution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran inherited a political, governance, and administrative system that later fell into the depths of various forms of corruption. The present research aimed to address a fundamental question: What is the impact of Iran’s engagement with globalization on the level of political corruption in the country? The necessity of conducting such studies arises from the importance of understanding the effect of globalization on various political issues with the ultimate aim of leveraging the benefits and avoiding the threats. Considering Iran’s economic structure, the system of international sanctions against Iran, and the normative nature of political corruption, it is expected that the various dimensions of globalization may have a detrimental impact on political corruption in Iran.
Conclusion
In conclusion, given the concurrent influence of different dimensions of globalization on political issues, policymakers are recommended to follow a non-linear approach to leverage the opportunities and avoid the threats of globalization.
Keyword: Globalization, Political Corruption, Iran, Quantitative Analysis, Economic Globalization
Political corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either to further personal interests or to protect group interests. It entails the manipulation of political institutions and internal regulations, thereby impacting government bodies and the overall political system. Consequently, political corruption is often anticipated to result in institutional deterioration. However, since the 1980s, globalization has influenced the way through which categories of modern politics, including political corruption, are addressed. In the context of globalization, the examination of political corruption transcends the confines of the nation–state and should be viewed as a global concern.
Literature Review
A review of primary studies concerning the impact of globalization on political corruption reveals a spectrum of pessimistic and optimistic opinions among scholars. Optimists argue that globalization diminishes political corruption, while pessimists contend that it, in fact, increases political corruption. However, recent research indicates that the discrepancy between these viewpoints stems from their differing understandings of the relationship between globalization and political corruption. By adhering to a linear approach, both groups attempt to find the relationship between these variables, and consequently prescribe or discourage further engagement with globalization to exploit opportunities and avoid threats. To resolve this discrepancy, new studies, adopting a non-linear approach, posit that social and political globalization serves as a significant precursor to corruption. Economic globalization is perceived as both a prelude to and a consequence of varying levels of corruption.
Materials and Methods
As a quantitative research, the present study employed regression analysis as a highly practical quantitative method. Specifically, it utilized polynomial regression, which is supported by recent studies as well as by the secondary data sourced from the V-Dem Institute and the KOF Swiss Economic Institute.
Results and Discussion
According to the regression analysis, the normative nature of political corruption necessitates a redefinition of public and private interests at both the societal and governmental elite levels if the aim is to enhance the social dimension of globalization. The coefficient of the political dimension indicated that increased globalization can lead to a reduction in political corruption as global pressures compel the country to undertake structural and institutional reforms, including safeguarding property rights, enhancing transparency in decision-making processes, and improving the quality of public services. However, the results showed that there is no linear relationship between economic dimension of globalization and political corruption. Instead, the economic dimension influences the impact of other dimensions on political corruption in a non-linear, curved manner. As this dimension increases, political corruption decreases up to a certain point, but beyond that threshold, corruption levels begin to rise.
One of the ideals and goals that emerged during the formation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran was the fight against the political corruption that had been rampant during the Pahlavi era, which required a revolutionary change as the only means to eliminate corruption. However, following the success of the Revolution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran inherited a political, governance, and administrative system that later fell into the depths of various forms of corruption. The present research aimed to address a fundamental question: What is the impact of Iran’s engagement with globalization on the level of political corruption in the country? The necessity of conducting such studies arises from the importance of understanding the effect of globalization on various political issues with the ultimate aim of leveraging the benefits and avoiding the threats. Considering Iran’s economic structure, the system of international sanctions against Iran, and the normative nature of political corruption, it is expected that the various dimensions of globalization may have a detrimental impact on political corruption in Iran.
Conclusion
In conclusion, given the concurrent influence of different dimensions of globalization on political issues, policymakers are recommended to follow a non-linear approach to leverage the opportunities and avoid the threats of globalization.
Keyword: Globalization, Political Corruption, Iran, Quantitative Analysis, Economic Globalization
Research Interests:
Introduction In humanities, especially within the field of international relations, the application of theory to the analysis of events or phenomena in foreign policy and the international system is widely recognized as a salient... more
Introduction
In humanities, especially within the field of international relations, the application of theory to the analysis of events or phenomena in foreign policy and the international system is widely recognized as a salient approach. The application of theories allows us to gain a more profound understanding of the actions and reactions of countries’ foreign policies in the international system. In this line, the present study aimed to develop a model to gain a better understanding of Iran–China relations. The research sought a clearer insight into Iran–China comprehensive strategic partnership by employing a set of theories at the levels of international system, foreign policy, and domestic scene of policy formulation and decision-making. At the level of international system, it is necessary to consider the convergence between Iran and China in the context of US-led Western hegemony and counter-hegemony. At the level of foreign policy, it is crucial to consider cognitive approaches in foreign policy analysis. At the domestic level, one must take into account Iran’s prevailing economic circumstances and its challenges stemming from the US- imposed sanctions, which have prompted the Look to the East policy. China also seeks to export the surplus of its production and advance the Chinese model through partnerships. Delving into these issues, the present article investigated both theoretical considerations as well as various dimensions of Iran–China relations in practice.
Literature Review
Rekabian et al. (2021) assert that Iran and China have actively pursued closer cooperation in regional and international organizations as a countermeasure against Western interventions. Shafiei (2022) posits that China’s comprehensive strategic partnership with Iran is primarily motivated by its own strategic objectives, while Iran engages extensively with China out of its specific needs and requirements. Corneliussen (2020) suggests that the Iran–China agreement has the potential to reshape the strategic and geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East. Figueroa (2022) highlights that Western sanctions stand as the primary hurdle to the realization of the 25-Year Iran–China Agreement and the enhancement of economic ties between the two countries. Scita (2022) argues that Washington is actively attempting to manage the contradictions arising from these roles through continuous mediation efforts. According to Loft et al. (2022), China is actively pursuing control over critical technological and industrial sectors, essential infrastructure, strategic resources, and supply chains.
Materials and Methods
The present study used a descriptive method to offer an analysis of Iran–China partnership.
Results and Discussion
The approach taken by Iran and China in establishing their comprehensive strategic partnership can be seen as a form of convergence between the two countries. China, in particular, seeks to advance its own strategic goals through these partnerships. It is also important to recognize that there are shared identity constructs between Iran and China, which can be characterized as the power of ideas evolving within the realist framework in the international system. In addition, this partnership has emerged from a nuanced understanding and recognition of the geopolitical landscape, especially within the context of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran is pursuing its first significant international partnership and agreement in the last century. Beyond addressing domestic needs and fulfilling economic, political, and military requirements, the Iran–China agreement is rooted in a strategic grasp of counter-hegemony as a pivotal factor in forging such agreements.
Conclusion
To gain a deeper insight into the Iran-China comprehensive strategic partnership, it is essential to explore various aspects and variables, ranging from domestic factors to the perceptions of their leaders, decision-makers, and policymakers, and to the dynamics of the international system. Comprehending and recognizing the positions held by the leaders of both nations within the international arena can facilitate the identification of national interests, commonalities, differences, and potential conflicts. Therefore, to enhance our understanding of the comprehensive strategic partnership between Iran and China requires an analysis of both domestic and foreign factors and variables. This approach offers valuable insights into the rationale and strategies that underlie the Iran-China partnership. The partnership is shaped not only by domestic and international circumstances but also by the perceptions of decision-makers and authorities in each country. Moreover, the resistance to a third party, such as the US, can exert a significant influence. All of these factors lead to a realist perspective in the international arena, which can contribute to more informed and effective decision-making processes for both countries involved in the comprehensive strategic partnership.
Keywords: Theoretical Synthesis, Iran, China, Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, 25-Year Iran–China Agreement
In humanities, especially within the field of international relations, the application of theory to the analysis of events or phenomena in foreign policy and the international system is widely recognized as a salient approach. The application of theories allows us to gain a more profound understanding of the actions and reactions of countries’ foreign policies in the international system. In this line, the present study aimed to develop a model to gain a better understanding of Iran–China relations. The research sought a clearer insight into Iran–China comprehensive strategic partnership by employing a set of theories at the levels of international system, foreign policy, and domestic scene of policy formulation and decision-making. At the level of international system, it is necessary to consider the convergence between Iran and China in the context of US-led Western hegemony and counter-hegemony. At the level of foreign policy, it is crucial to consider cognitive approaches in foreign policy analysis. At the domestic level, one must take into account Iran’s prevailing economic circumstances and its challenges stemming from the US- imposed sanctions, which have prompted the Look to the East policy. China also seeks to export the surplus of its production and advance the Chinese model through partnerships. Delving into these issues, the present article investigated both theoretical considerations as well as various dimensions of Iran–China relations in practice.
Literature Review
Rekabian et al. (2021) assert that Iran and China have actively pursued closer cooperation in regional and international organizations as a countermeasure against Western interventions. Shafiei (2022) posits that China’s comprehensive strategic partnership with Iran is primarily motivated by its own strategic objectives, while Iran engages extensively with China out of its specific needs and requirements. Corneliussen (2020) suggests that the Iran–China agreement has the potential to reshape the strategic and geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East. Figueroa (2022) highlights that Western sanctions stand as the primary hurdle to the realization of the 25-Year Iran–China Agreement and the enhancement of economic ties between the two countries. Scita (2022) argues that Washington is actively attempting to manage the contradictions arising from these roles through continuous mediation efforts. According to Loft et al. (2022), China is actively pursuing control over critical technological and industrial sectors, essential infrastructure, strategic resources, and supply chains.
Materials and Methods
The present study used a descriptive method to offer an analysis of Iran–China partnership.
Results and Discussion
The approach taken by Iran and China in establishing their comprehensive strategic partnership can be seen as a form of convergence between the two countries. China, in particular, seeks to advance its own strategic goals through these partnerships. It is also important to recognize that there are shared identity constructs between Iran and China, which can be characterized as the power of ideas evolving within the realist framework in the international system. In addition, this partnership has emerged from a nuanced understanding and recognition of the geopolitical landscape, especially within the context of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran is pursuing its first significant international partnership and agreement in the last century. Beyond addressing domestic needs and fulfilling economic, political, and military requirements, the Iran–China agreement is rooted in a strategic grasp of counter-hegemony as a pivotal factor in forging such agreements.
Conclusion
To gain a deeper insight into the Iran-China comprehensive strategic partnership, it is essential to explore various aspects and variables, ranging from domestic factors to the perceptions of their leaders, decision-makers, and policymakers, and to the dynamics of the international system. Comprehending and recognizing the positions held by the leaders of both nations within the international arena can facilitate the identification of national interests, commonalities, differences, and potential conflicts. Therefore, to enhance our understanding of the comprehensive strategic partnership between Iran and China requires an analysis of both domestic and foreign factors and variables. This approach offers valuable insights into the rationale and strategies that underlie the Iran-China partnership. The partnership is shaped not only by domestic and international circumstances but also by the perceptions of decision-makers and authorities in each country. Moreover, the resistance to a third party, such as the US, can exert a significant influence. All of these factors lead to a realist perspective in the international arena, which can contribute to more informed and effective decision-making processes for both countries involved in the comprehensive strategic partnership.
Keywords: Theoretical Synthesis, Iran, China, Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, 25-Year Iran–China Agreement