Political Sociology
Akbar Zolfaghari; Taha Ashayeri; Fatemeh Mahtabi
Abstract
The aim of the research is to study the factors affecting political apathy. The research method is quantitative meta-analysis. In this study, the researcher has identified and categorized the studies related to the factors affecting political apathy in the period of 2001-2022. The statistical population ...
Read More
The aim of the research is to study the factors affecting political apathy. The research method is quantitative meta-analysis. In this study, the researcher has identified and categorized the studies related to the factors affecting political apathy in the period of 2001-2022. The statistical population of the research was 23 research documents; that, 11 documents have been selected after checking in terms of method, validity, validity and scientific findings. method, sample size, correlation coefficient, significance level, statistical population, and year were the selection criteria of these researches. The results showed that there is a very positive and important relationship between political factors(political distrust, political dissatisfaction, political alienation, lack of citizenship rights, political anomie, low political culture); social factors(social anomie, social commitment, social health, national identity, low social vitality, organizational identity, occupational identity, lack of social transparency, feeling of social injustice, social lawlessness, low quality of life); cultural factors (domestic media consumption, degree of religiosity, social networks, satellite networks, cultural anomie, individualism); economic factors(economic capital, relative deprivation, unemployment, socio-economic class); and demographic factors(education, place of residence, age, marital status), with political apathy. based on the study, political apathy is affected by several factors, including economic, political, cultural and social.
Political Sociology
Akbar Zolfaghari; Taha Ashayeri; Tahereh Jahanparvar
Abstract
The purpose of this research is to combine the findings of qualitative and quantitative research on the obstacles to women's political participation in Iran.The research method is a Meta synthesis of quantitative and qualitative studies in the period of 2007-2021 with a non-probability deliberate ...
Read More
The purpose of this research is to combine the findings of qualitative and quantitative research on the obstacles to women's political participation in Iran.The research method is a Meta synthesis of quantitative and qualitative studies in the period of 2007-2021 with a non-probability deliberate method; the sample size is equal to 23 research documents. These documents were selected according to the credibility and validity of the research, the quality of the research, the scientific-research criteria, and the relationship with the obstacles to women's political participation. The research findings show that the main obstacles to women's political participation in Iran are divided into six categories: social, cultural, political, economic, psychological and demographic obstacles; that, social barriers including the male atmosphere of society, social discrimination: genderization of jobs; Cultural barriers such as tradition and cultural norms, educational system, tribal-patriarchal patterns; Political obstacles include political obstruction, political beliefs, male political dominance, low political culture; Economic obstacles including economic inequality, economic anomie, financial dependence; And psychological obstacles include low self-confidence, psychological beliefs, feeling of psychological anomie) and demographic (climate, location, family, physiological. The political participation of women as a large part of the country's population leads to the improvement of the decision-making situation,
Political Sociology
Jalil Dara; Javad Alaei Avargani
Abstract
IntroductionDistribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the ...
Read More
IntroductionDistribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action.Literature ReviewMehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard.Materials and MethodsThe present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory.ConclusionBoth statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.
Political Sociology
Taha Ashayeri; Akbar Zolfaghari; Tahereh Jahanparvar; Faezeh Raghami
Abstract
IntroductionPolitical–ethnic violence arises from abrupt, heterogeneous, and disruptive social development and changes that lead to social disorganization and multidimensional anomie. Related to the social structure, political violence results from the unequal distribution of opportunities, discrimination, ...
Read More
IntroductionPolitical–ethnic violence arises from abrupt, heterogeneous, and disruptive social development and changes that lead to social disorganization and multidimensional anomie. Related to the social structure, political violence results from the unequal distribution of opportunities, discrimination, and deprivation, carrying destabilizing consequences for the political system. Experts identify several factors as causes of political–ethnic violence, including the erosion of social capital, increasing individualism, declining civil cohesion, economic pressures, widening class gaps, discrimination, and external provocations. In this respect, the present research aimed to investigate the factors underlying political–ethnic violence by adopting a meta-analysis approach, focusing on the researches conducted during 2007–2021. Materials and MethodsThe research method employed in this study is a quantitative meta-analysis. The researcher identified relevant studies by conducting a comprehensive review of the literature and researches conducted during 2007–2021, focusing specifically on political–ethnic violence. A sample size of 20 documents was selected after careful consideration of methodological rigor, reliability, and validity. The documents were then categorized and organized according to the research method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and publication year. The values of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, were entered into the second edition of Comprehensive Meta-Analysis (CMA) software. The Q-test, together with the funnel chart, was utilized to assess the homogeneity or heterogeneity of the studies. After confirming the heterogeneity hypothesis, the research employed a moderating (contextual) to measure its impact on political violence.Table 1. Summary of Meta-Analysis Research Results and DiscussionThe findings of the study revealed a significant relationship between various factors and the political–ethnic violence. The identified factors are related to discrimination (including social, political, and economic discrimination), identity (including religious identity, ethnic identity, ethnic subculture patterns, and national identity), deprivation (including cultural, political, and social deprivation), social capital (such as sociopolitical cohesion, trust, participation, awareness, and low political culture), psychological makeup (involving feelings of ethnic dignity, social satisfaction, ethnic tension and difference, alienation, and social isolation), and context (such as education, income, and social class). According to the results, there is a higher tendency towards political–ethnic violence among males (18%) compared to females (15%). Furthermore, the study indicates that the level of political–ethnic violence is higher Turkish (19%) and Lur and Arab ethnic groups (17%) followed by a more moderate level in Kurdish (12%) and Persian (11%) ethnic groups. The Baloch and Turkmen ethnic groups exhibit a lower tendency towards political-ethnic violence with the figure of 10%. In addition, the findings suggest that the inclination towards political violence is higher in less developed areas (18%), moderate in developing regions (13%), and lower in developed areas (10%). ConclusionThe results indicate that political violence is deeply rooted in society and culture, often triggered by rapid and sudden social changes, class and economic gaps, and social disorganization over time. The failure of social institutions to regulate class dynamics effectively creates a sense of multiple deprivation among ethnic groups, leading to the emergence of political–ethnic violence. Media advertisements, both domestic and foreign, and the influence of sectarian movements in the real world and cyberspace also play a significant role in initiating, perpetuating, and intensifying political violence. The decline in sociopolitical capital, widening social and class disparities, and a sense of multiple deprivation and multidimensional anomie provide fertile ground for violence to flourish. The greater the sense of failure, deprivation, and frustration, the higher the likelihood of aggression towards the perceived source of these problems. Moreover, the severity of deprivation directly correlates with the intensity of violence. Mass media amplifies and accelerates psychological pressure for radical and violent actions. The weakening management, control, organization, and efficiency of social structures provide the ground for anomie and social disorder, ultimately leading to the emergence of political violence as a response to the relative deprivation, discrimination, and social isolation.