Ehsan Fallahi; Nozar Shafiee
Abstract
Since the early of 1980s china has treated according to low profile foreign policy to protect itself from negative consequences of international crisis. Although china is ally of Iran and Russia in Syria but has tended to avoid tensions with opposite sides. Therefore china behavior is somehow against ...
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Since the early of 1980s china has treated according to low profile foreign policy to protect itself from negative consequences of international crisis. Although china is ally of Iran and Russia in Syria but has tended to avoid tensions with opposite sides. Therefore china behavior is somehow against United States and its allies but it is not originated from the china desire to geopolitics competitions. China has not involved in Syria crisis directly but seeking to acquire proper economic position at post crisis era. In this article the researchers try to answer the following question: How has been the china approach in Syria Crisis? How will be the china role in post crisis Syria? The following hypothesis examines in the frame work of soft balancing theory. China has indirectly contributed to balance of power in Syria. But Beijing is more concerned about its economic status in the post-Crisis era, than the political and geopolitical fate of Syria. Evidence of this study shows improving the china role in post crisis era. This article has written by descriptive-analytical method.
Abstract
The strategic alliance between Iran and Syria is considered as one of the longstanding regional alliances. However a very important point in the strategic relationship between the two countries is the tendency of Iran toward deepening its strategic relationship with Syria from 2003 to 2011; which started ...
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The strategic alliance between Iran and Syria is considered as one of the longstanding regional alliances. However a very important point in the strategic relationship between the two countries is the tendency of Iran toward deepening its strategic relationship with Syria from 2003 to 2011; which started from U.S. invasion of Iraq until the outbreak of uprising in Syria in March 2011. This paper tries to answer this question: By comparison to 1979- 2003 period, why Iran was more determined to deepen its strategic ties to Syria from 2003 to 2011? Findings show that, systemic pressures including U.S unilateralism in the international system, occupation of Iraq by the U.S. in 2003 and Iran's nuclear issue have been essential variables in pushing Iran toward expansion of strategic ties with Syria from 2003 to 2011. However, these pressures and threats are interpreted through unit-level variables, especially the perceptions of elites from the international system in this period. The research methodology is descriptive-analytic based on qualitative method.
Abstract
Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, many analysts consider this crisis to be result of a conspiracy from outside actors mainly US and Britain and their regional allies such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. But some internal social gaps Such as ethnic and religious gaps mainly Shiite - Sunni ...
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Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, many analysts consider this crisis to be result of a conspiracy from outside actors mainly US and Britain and their regional allies such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. But some internal social gaps Such as ethnic and religious gaps mainly Shiite - Sunni and outgroup Kurdish - Arabic conflicts had led to the outbreak of a civil war in this country. In this paper, the main question is: how does the social gaps, mainly ethnic and religious, affect the formation and growth of radicalism in this country? It is argued that there are two major ethnic and religious gap in Syria and due to inability of the government in managing these gaps and extensive foreign involvement, Syria has faced conflict and social unrest. Therefore, from the beginning of the crisis in 2011 and with the massive influx of foreign militants into the country, Religious Ethnic gaps have also been extremely deepened and led to the growth of radical groups.
Ali Reza Samiei Esfahani; Mohsen Shfiei Seif Abadi
Volume 4, Issue 14 , December 2015, , Pages 199-227
Abstract
The following article is orchestrated on the basis of scenario-basedprocessing as one of the main methods of future study. It tries to answer thismain question that “what would be the probable direction of the Salafijihadist groups such as Al-Nusra Front and Islamic state of Iraq and Syria(ISSI) ...
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The following article is orchestrated on the basis of scenario-basedprocessing as one of the main methods of future study. It tries to answer thismain question that “what would be the probable direction of the Salafijihadist groups such as Al-Nusra Front and Islamic state of Iraq and Syria(ISSI) in the Middle East? It seems that five scenarios can be anticipated inthree categories: A) Favorable scenario: 1) the final destruction of TakfirijihadiIslamists and democratically distribution of power under theceremonial leadership of Bashar al-Assad 2) suppression of takfiri groupsand ruling of the Islamic Republic, instead of the Arabic Republic of Syriaand Iraq. B) Probable scenario: 1) the elimination of Da’ash anddistribution of power between Kurds, Shiites and Sunnite in Syria 2)Breakup of Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan's independence. C) Possible scenarios:1) capturing Baghdad and Beirut government and establishing thegovernment known as the Islamic regime by takfiri-jihadi groups. In order tokeep their own entities, the political systems of Syria and Iraq should carryout reforms mainly in the political, economic and social realms
Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi; Jamshid Kholghi; Abd-o-Reza Fathi Mozafari
Volume 2, Issue 4 , April 2013, , Pages 27-55
Abstract
From the beginning of Arab spring in the region and along with political developments in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan, Syria has experienced interior unrests. Unlike Egypt, Libya, and Yemen which undergone a rapid regime change, Syria is witnessing an interior war between the ...
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From the beginning of Arab spring in the region and along with political developments in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan, Syria has experienced interior unrests. Unlike Egypt, Libya, and Yemen which undergone a rapid regime change, Syria is witnessing an interior war between the army and oppositions groups. As a result, thousands of people have leaved their home, and an inordinate number of civilians were killed. This war also leads to the destruction of the country infrastructures. This study was mainly concerned with exploring what underlying reasons sparked the unrests in Syria. It also endeavors, reviewing the course of events, to predict what will happen in Syria after when “Bashar Asad” is ousted from power. The research hypothesis is that racialism and one-party structure, along with crises like unemployment, class cleavages,widespread corruption, and the Syrian’s dissatisfaction gave rise to participation and legitimacy crisis. This study employed historical sociology approach and a qualitative method in examine the factors involved in the Syrian crisis. This study argues that while there is nohope that “Bashar Asad” will continue his ruling, there is little hope that democracy will emerge.
