International Relations
Alireza Samiee Esfahani; Ehsan Jafarifar
Abstract
IntroductionThe rise of the populist radical-right parties (PRRP) stands out as one of the most significant developments in Western democracies over the past two decades. This trend, seen as a challenging sign within democracy but against liberal democracy, highlights the mounting pressure faced by Western ...
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IntroductionThe rise of the populist radical-right parties (PRRP) stands out as one of the most significant developments in Western democracies over the past two decades. This trend, seen as a challenging sign within democracy but against liberal democracy, highlights the mounting pressure faced by Western political regimes from forces and groups that diverge from the dominant political currents of the last two decades. More specifically, one of the trends in various regions of the EU is the fact that voters, disillusioned by traditional (EU) politics, are turning towards populist and extreme parties both on the left and the right. In this respect, the current research aims to address the question: What were the causes and underlying factors contributing to the rise of radical right parties to power in Europe over the last two decades?Literature ReviewIn Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cas Mudde (2007) delved into the ideology of PRRPs. He identifies three core tenets, namely nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism, contending that PRRPs are not passive entities; rather, they are engaged in actively shaping their destiny within contemporary Western societies. In the article “Economic Insecurity and Demand of Populism in Europe,” Guiso et al. (2022) relied on the approach based on demand of populism to argue that market as well as government inefficiencies in providing security have eroded citizen trust in traditional political parties and institutions. The escalating threats of immigration and globalization have further heightened desperation and fear, contributing to the intensified demand for populist policies. Guiso et al. (2022) explain how this dual crisis, reflected in economic insecurity, systematically influences the demand for populism. In “Conditions Favouring Parties of the Extreme Right in Western Europe,” Jackman and Volpert (2017) conducted a comprehensive examination of systemic conditions influencing the electoral success of extreme right-wing parties in 16 Western European countries between 1970 and 1990. They concluded that factors such as the electoral system, party structure, and higher unemployment rates created a conducive environment for the emergence of such political movements. In addition, Dehshiri and Ghasemi (2015), in their article titled “Fourfold Crises and the Rise of the Radical Right in Europe,” posit that the four crises (i.e., resource distribution, representation, identity, and immigration) played an undeniable role in shaping the radical right movement in Europe.The review of the literature shows different vantage points used to examine the causes, contexts, and consequences of the rise of radical right parties to power. There is a focus on particular aspects such as the electoral system, party structure, identity, and immigration. The novelty of the present research lies in its comprehensive approach based on supply and demand of populism, which explores a combination of socio-economic and political motivations and variables that impact the rise of radical right parties in European countries.Materials and MethodsThe present research used the supply and demand of populism as the framework to conduct a bottom-up and top-down analysis of the rise of radical right parties in Europe during 2008–2018.Results and DiscussionUsing the supply and demand of populism, the research can shed light on different dimensions of the rise of PRRPs in Europe during 2008–2018. On the demand side of populism, the ineffectiveness of governments in managing the financial crisis—often marked by cost reduction, tax increases, and rising unemployment—created the fertile ground for populist tendencies, including anti-immigrant sentiment, xenophobia, Euroscepticism, and nationalism. Meanwhile, the influx of immigrants into Europe, coupled with the adoption of multiculturalism in sociocultural spheres and globalization in the economic realm, could have contributed to the emergence and resurgence of radical right parties. On the supply side of populism, institutional mechanisms and political strategies (e.g., the nature of the electoral system, party ideologies, organizational structures of parties, and party leadership), alongside the influence of messages, rhetoric, and media propaganda, further laid the ground for the rise of radical right parties to power.ConclusionRelying on the supply and demand of populism as the framework, the present research demonstrated that economic and sociocultural demands and dissatisfactions on the demand side (bottom-up approach), coupled with the political and institutional strategies and mechanisms employed by populist statesmen and parties on the supply side of populism (top-down approach), prompted European voters to turn towards radical right leaders and parties. These conditions could foster the political mobilization of citizens by these parties, ultimately resulting in their rise to power, particularly between 2008 and 2018. Following the disorders such as the 2008 economic crisis, the 2014 terrorist crisis, the immigration crisis after 2015, and the ensuing sociocultural dissatisfaction, populist parties and leaders capitalized on the political opportunities available in the populism market, emerging as key players in the political arena. Concerning the supply of populism, radical right parties successfully provided the narratives necessary for political mobilization around shared concerns. They attracted the majority of votes by leveraging legal and institutional mechanisms (such as elections, media, and the unique leadership capabilities), ultimately securing political power.
Public policy
Sahar Alizadeh Niri; Alireza Sadeghi; Yousef Adib; Mostafa Ghaderi
Abstract
IntroductionThe Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the largest countries that accommodates Afghan immigrants. However, the Iranian government lacks a unified and national policy towards accommodating immigrants. Initially, the government pursued an open-door policy towards immigration, but after ...
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IntroductionThe Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the largest countries that accommodates Afghan immigrants. However, the Iranian government lacks a unified and national policy towards accommodating immigrants. Initially, the government pursued an open-door policy towards immigration, but after a decade it shifted its stance towards limitations, repatriation, and even deportation of immigrants. It appeared as if the government was identifying individuals who should be removed from Iran. It would be beneficial to integrate ideas and resources from a variety of academic disciplines and fields of study to gain a deeper insight into the broader dynamics of how immigrant groups are perceived as others in Iran. By concentrating on this level of analysis, policymakers can better comprehend how the overarching social structures and phenomena impact individual attitudes and identities. Likewise, this approach allows for an understanding of how people’s attitudes and identities, in turn, affect social structures. In this respect, the primary question of the present study is: What mechanisms are at play in the process of labeling immigrants as others, according to the Iranian political science experts and political sociologists?Literature ReviewIn general, when discussing the dynamics between immigrants (referred to as newcomers) and the host population (the dominant group), the concept of other is commonly employed, specifically in reference to newcomers. The presence of a national identity implies the existence of other groups, nations, or individuals that are not part of the host group, prompting group members to emphasize their distinctiveness.The specific concept of nation–state leads to the formulation of specific immigration policies and strategies for integrating minority groups within host societies. Based on this assumption, several major integration models have been proposed. First, the model of assimilation, which does not grant special rights to minorities, primarily intends to fully integrate all immigrants into the society and foster the development of a homogeneous society.The second is a pluralistic model known as multiculturalism, which operates on the premise that successful integration is ensured if the public tolerates the plural identities of minorities and immigrants and recognizes their unique needs.This model manifests itself in two primary forms. In the United States, cultural diversity and ethnic communities are officially recognized, but the government does not actively play a role in enforcing social justice or supporting the preservation of ethnic cultures.The second variant of multiculturalism is a matter of public policy, in which efforts are made to promote integration and eliminate the barriers that immigrants might encounter in the host societies, thereby erasing the otherness they may experience. The third model is the differentiation approach, which is distinct from integration and instead emphasizes the differences between the native population and immigrants. The primary objective of this model is not to facilitate the integration of future immigrants into the host society but rather to isolate them. The differentiation model perceives immigrants as foreign and temporary components of society, rather than as a permanent and inseparable part.According to this model, minorities may face poor employment conditions, low income, and high poverty rates. Such conditions can result in densely populated, low-income areas and increased residential segregation. In this context, the presence of isolated and marginalized communities is seen as evidence of a lack of integration that poses a threat to the target society.Materials and MethodsThe study used a qualitative approach and thematic analysis. The target population of the study comprised professors of sociology and political science at four universities in Tehran, namely the University of Tehran, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Kharazmi University, and the Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies. The purposive sampling was used to select the participants who had authored a book, article, or research project. Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews, involving ten professors to address the research question. The interviews continued until data saturation was reached. After conducting seven interviews, data repletion became apparent, but an additional three participants were interviewed to ensure data saturation. The collected interview data was manually analyzed following Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis method in three key steps: 1) Generating and categorizing similar codes, 2) identifying sub-themes, and 3) Identifying main themes. Feedback from the respondents was sought to validate the research quality. Furthermore, to avoid misinterpretation, an independent reviewer was asked to evaluate the codes derived from the data.Results and DiscussionThe data gathered from the interviews revealed various othering mechanisms. These encompassed the main themes of economic, cultural, and legal mechanisms. The economic mechanisms included the sub-theme of the exploitation of migrant labor force. The cultural mechanisms included social stigma, cultural stigma, and the neglect of immigrants' cultural capital as sub-themes. Finally, the legal mechanisms were comprised of three sub-themes: the deprivation of bank card access, the denial of health insurance services, and the restriction of access to driving licenses.ConclusionAccording to the findings, one of the primary mechanisms for categorizing immigrants as others is the exploitation of migrant labor force, which is a component of the economic mechanisms. It appears that the vulnerability of the migrant labor force is deeply rooted in the long-term changes in Iran’s political economy. These changes have gradually resulted in the weakening of government support for the immigrant working class on one hand, and the normalization of using cheap labor to meet the needs of employers as a legitimate goal of neoliberal capitalist development, on the other hand.The cultural mechanisms of othering involved criminalizing immigrants through the use of social stigmas. Immigrants are frequently portrayed and blamed as the cause of increased crime and order-related challenges in the cities. Furthermore, immigrants are sometimes perceived as threats to national security.Another mechanism used to label immigrants as others is portraying them as inferior through the cultural stigma often referred to as Hazareh. Given the fact the residents of Hazareh have endured centuries of persecution by various Afghan groups due to their ethnicity and religion, this kind of labeling further subjects them to the double otherness. Neglecting immigrants’ cultural capital constitutes another mechanism for cultural alienation. Neglecting the cultural capital leads to the disregard of other forms of capital, such as economic and symbolic capital, ultimately hindering the integration of immigrants into the host society.The interviewees expressed the belief that various aspects of the law contribute to the alienation of immigrants. Since most Afghan immigrants are seeking better economic opportunities in Iran, financial services play a significant role in achieving their goal during their stay in Iran. However, their legal status has led to the exclusion of many immigrants from the formal, mainstream financial sector. Consequently, they are compelled to turn to alternative services offered in the informal sector. Moreover, due to their restricted legal status, most immigrants are unable to access any insurance services. In general, the prevailing cultural climate in Iran, coupled with legal constraints and the shortcomings in policy formulation, has contributed to the immigrant other and hindered the integration of immigrants into Iranian society.
International Relations
Mokhtar Ghasemi; Seied Saeed Mirtorabi Hoseini; Mohammad Vali Modarres; Farideh Mohammad Alipour
Abstract
IntroductionThe China–Saudi Arabia relations have witnessed significant growth and development from 2011 to 2022. Primarily driven by oil relations, the relations between the two countries have flourished in areas such as trade, investment, technology, and military cooperation. In December 2022, ...
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IntroductionThe China–Saudi Arabia relations have witnessed significant growth and development from 2011 to 2022. Primarily driven by oil relations, the relations between the two countries have flourished in areas such as trade, investment, technology, and military cooperation. In December 2022, the two countries established the highest level of bilateral ties by signing 34 investment agreements valued at around 30 billion dollars, spanning various sectors such as clean energy, hydrogen production, solar energy, information technology, transportation, medical and housing industries, and building materials factories. Furthermore, China’s oil imports from Saudi Arabia increased from 5 million and 66 thousand barrels per day in 2011 to 10 million and 852 thousand barrels per day in 2020. The figure remained above 10 million barrels during 2022, despite the challenges posed by the COVID–19 pandemic and unfavorable economic conditions. This trend Indicates growing relations between China and Saudi Arabia.China and Saudi Arabia have exchanged a large share of capital in the energy sector. The Saudi active presence in the Chinese oil market has positioned it as China’s largest trade partner in the West Asia and African region. The bilateral investment volume between the two countries stands at approximately 73 billion dollars. Saudi Arabia’s extensive investments aimed at controlling China’s oil import network, refineries, and petrochemical industry, along with its involvement in the plan to double China’s strategic oil reserve, underscore the importance of maintaining China’s energy market for Saudi Arabia. Consequently, given China’s status as the largest energy consumer and Saudi Arabia’s position as the largest oil exporter, both countries possess the requisite capacity to foster cooperation in this field.In addition, Vision 2030 and the One Belt One Road Initiative are strategic factors facilitating the expansion of China–Saudi Arabia relations. In this regard, the two countries have signed comprehensive strategic cooperation agreements, leading to the establishment of the High-Level Joint Committee. During the committee’s second meeting in Riyadh in August 2017, contracts valued at 70 billion dollars were signed. Moreover, an important milestone was reached by signing a memorandum of understanding between the two countries for the establishment of a joint investment fund worth 20 billion dollars. Furthermore, Industrial Development Fund, China’s Silk Road Fund, and Everbright Bank were established. These agreements, memoranda, and funds intend to expedite the development of China’s One Belt One Road Initiative and Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030. Although China is trying to maximize its energy security by distributing its oil imports among different countries (e.g., the US), Saudi Arabia’s consistent share of approximately 20% in recent years remains of utmost significance.Literature ReviewSeveral studies have examined the topics of US energy policy and the development of China–Saudi Arabia relations. However, few works have linked these two phenomena in an analytical manner. The novelty of this article lies in its attempt to bridge this gap and provide an analysis by exploring the interplay between these two issues.Materials and MethodsThis research adopted a mixed methods design, utilizing both quantitative and qualitative data. Documents and library resources were used to collect the data. Relying on an examination of research, analytical and statistical texts, the study focused on indexing and defining variables and their influential factors in a bid to conduct an analytical and inferential exploration to elucidate the trends and interrelationships between the independent and dependent variables.ConclusionThe US–Saudi oil relations have witnessed unparalleled growth and encompassed various economic, political, and security sectors in recent decades. Furthermore, to ensure its own growth and development, it is imperative for China to maintain stability and security in the energy sector. This objective can be achieved through effective management of competition and, in certain instances, cooperation with the United States. The ongoing trend of expanding relations between China and Saudi Arabia in the energy sector is unprecedented, solidifying China’s position as a significant competitor to the United States. The growing China–Saudi Arabia relations are driven by the mutual needs in the energy sector and strategic development plans. Yet the present research aimed to analyze China–Saudi Arabia relations with an eye to the US energy policy, relying a neo-mercantilist approach. Consequently, the primary question addressed in this article is: how has the US energy policy during 2011–2022 influenced the dynamics of China–Saudi Arabia relationship. The study was based on the hypothesis that the US energy policy during 2011–2022, characterized by increased oil and shale gas production and a reinforced neo-mercantilist approach in the energy sector, played a crucial role in fostering closer ties between China and Saudi Arabia, primarily in the oil sector, and supported their efforts to broaden mutual cooperation across other fields. The hypothesis was tested through empirical and explanatory methods. The research findings suggest that China–Saudi Arabia cooperation is expected to expand further in the future, while taking into account the sensitivities associated with these relations from the perspective of the United States.
Abstract
One of the most important issues in various areas of life is decision making. Although it is originated from strategic management but now it can be considered as a necessary part of the research in security studies. The study tries to analyze rational choice decision making theory and its flaws. According ...
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One of the most important issues in various areas of life is decision making. Although it is originated from strategic management but now it can be considered as a necessary part of the research in security studies. The study tries to analyze rational choice decision making theory and its flaws. According to the hypothesis of the study rational choice theory, faces many flaws because it is very hard to gather information needed for decision-makers, and the insurance needed to act. Moreover, the cost and benefit analysis for this kind of decision making force managers to reach maximum gain which is impossible in many circumstances. In security matters, mainly poor and invalid information makes decision makers to act on their instincts which is not possible according to rational choice model. This paper enjoys the descriptive- analytical methodology and the data gathered through library documents.
Abstract
Efficiency is one of the vital issues of the Islamic Republic. The theorizing of this field is at the beginning of the way, and this fact has created important problems at various levels of theoretical and decision-making, executive, selection and evaluation processes. The present study, by designing ...
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Efficiency is one of the vital issues of the Islamic Republic. The theorizing of this field is at the beginning of the way, and this fact has created important problems at various levels of theoretical and decision-making, executive, selection and evaluation processes. The present study, by designing a comprehensive system approach, analyzes the application, significance and advantages of this approach in relation to the efficiency of this system. I believe that the efficiency of the Islamic Republic requires a scientific model based on indigenous indicators, with a realistic and comprehensive approach to all elements of the idea, structure, brokerage, behavior, and internal processes and cultural, social, economic and international systems around the political system, to respond to all Effective dimensions. The application of a comprehensive system approach, with all these variables, plays a privileged role in the conceptualization, processes and evaluation of the efficiency of this system and the realization of the "pure life" as the main destination of the Islamic Revolution.
Abstract
The development of information and communication technology, including the Internet and derivatives of this powerful software, defined within the concept of cyberspace, is the formation of a series of communications between social groups different from the distance Far away in the real world, which has ...
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The development of information and communication technology, including the Internet and derivatives of this powerful software, defined within the concept of cyberspace, is the formation of a series of communications between social groups different from the distance Far away in the real world, which has brought new opportunities and threats to the hands of governments. For example, terrorist activities are among the new threats that cyberspace has created. The present paper, by presenting a geopolitical analysis, attempts to answer the question of how cyberspace plays a role in expanding the range of terrorist activities from local to global scales with emphasis on ISIS. To answer this question, the present research was conducted with purposeful and descriptive-analytic method and library method was used to collect information. Finally, the result was that the use of cyberspace by the ISIS terrorist group, which has the most extensive and fastest applications of this technology over the years 2011 to 2016, has made the level of this new geopolitical actor change from local to transnational, and the scale of influence This unconventional actor in the geopolitical arena will expand from local to sub-national, transnational, and global.
Abstract
Two years after the creation ISIS, the group moved towards Central Asia. This advancement raised many questions and worried analysts. This paper tries to answer the question that: What are the causes for the advancement of ISIS in Central Asia? The hypothesis of this paper is that some regional factors ...
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Two years after the creation ISIS, the group moved towards Central Asia. This advancement raised many questions and worried analysts. This paper tries to answer the question that: What are the causes for the advancement of ISIS in Central Asia? The hypothesis of this paper is that some regional factors such as poverty, underdevelopment, political and economic instability, spread of extremism among some Muslims, rich mineral resources of this area, the two fundamentalist Muslim communities (Pakistan and Afghanistan) as the neighboring countries, Russian influence, the presence of Muslims in the West China (Xinjiang province) and most importantly ISIS strategy for Internationalization led to the advancement of this group in the region.
mahdi hosaini
Abstract
Jewish fundamentalism, as a kind of a variety of religious fundamentalism, has its own specifics, while having similarities to other forms of fundamentalism. Different interpretations of religious and historical sources have led to the formation of various forms of Jewish fundamentalism, which, if we ...
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Jewish fundamentalism, as a kind of a variety of religious fundamentalism, has its own specifics, while having similarities to other forms of fundamentalism. Different interpretations of religious and historical sources have led to the formation of various forms of Jewish fundamentalism, which, if we want to provide an indicator for categorizing these species, is the best indicator of the "exile" or "return" principle. From the perspective of the fundamentalists that we are in exile or the time of return, we have our own rules and requirements, and on this basis we can mention three fundamental types of fundamentalism: passive fundamentalism, pragmatic fundamentalism, and promised believing fundamentalism. The Jewish fundamentalists, while dividing into different groups, have the same ultimate goals, and the difference between the aforementioned species is a tool, method, and time-space detection. Of course, in addition to the intra-religious components, the alignment or opposition to political movements, the role played by the policies of the Zionist regime, and also the attention to the adoption of pragmatic positions of some of these groups, one can well categorize and why certain positions in different types of fundamentalism Explaining.
farzad rostami; ghodrat ahmadian
Abstract
The United States of America and European Union are the two important actors in the international arena (world arena) whose roles are so effective in international interactions that the clash of their interests seems normal. But the conflicts between Brussels and Washington has been intensified by Donald ...
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The United States of America and European Union are the two important actors in the international arena (world arena) whose roles are so effective in international interactions that the clash of their interests seems normal. But the conflicts between Brussels and Washington has been intensified by Donald Trump’s getting to power as the president of the United States of America. Now the Nuclear Agreement between Islamic Republic of Iran and 5+1 which is supported by Europe in one side and criticized by Trump in the other, has been faced with an ambiguous future. This article seeks to answer this question that what is the scenario which can be taken by European Union to deal with this matter? To come over (reply or answer) this question, four scenarios have been considered checking the American and European viewpoints to this matter: The United States and European Union moving away from each other and Divergence in Trans-Atlantic Relations, Convergence between EU and the US, Persuading Trump to maintain BARJAM having commitment to Convergence in Trans-Atlantic Relations and the US and Europe conservative politics in Trump era. The methodology in this article is scenario writing and based on games theory.
Abstract
This research is based on "cognitive science" and in the framework of "social cognition" to study the formation and causal explanations of terrorists and terrorist groups, especially the most important that is ISIS. from this perspective Social cognition based on interaction of individual with the environment ...
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This research is based on "cognitive science" and in the framework of "social cognition" to study the formation and causal explanations of terrorists and terrorist groups, especially the most important that is ISIS. from this perspective Social cognition based on interaction of individual with the environment subjects such as "the origin of knowledge", "cognitive style", "recognition patterns" and "cognitive capacity" to investigate the "language", "biological – Psycho origin", "Structure subjective" and "social culture", and the origins of the formation of knowledge of terrorists explains. In order to draw a mental model of the terrorists and the qualitative content analysis X-mind software is used . Extracted concepts and the mental model includes ideas (rather quoted on reason, law Al-tkfir, Salafism and past-oriented memory, Textualists mortis), metaphors (innovation, Shariah, jihad, caliphate and caliphs), living space (reproduced abnormality of family, a sense of relative deprivation), the origin of mental Bio (Splitting and thinking black - white, all or nothing, death-worship, malignant violence, domination instinct, delusions of grandeur and self-abuse, antisocial personality), group (sense of belonging and dummy relative risk as the pressure obedience and success), identity crisis (conflict and cultural interference, hegemony of the West and Arab humiliation, restore Islamic glory).
Taha Akrami; seyed dabud aghaee
Abstract
Leaving the Middle East by US ground troops and its concurrency with bolder presence of US western allies and more equipping of its regional allies, indicated a change in the approach of US toward the Middle East as a result of Pivot to Asia strategy. Therefore, this paper raises its main research question ...
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Leaving the Middle East by US ground troops and its concurrency with bolder presence of US western allies and more equipping of its regional allies, indicated a change in the approach of US toward the Middle East as a result of Pivot to Asia strategy. Therefore, this paper raises its main research question that “what is the new policy and strategy of US toward the Middle East? And how this strategy would be for fighting with terrorist groups with focus on ISIS?” The current study has applied a descriptive analysis method and has investigated US strategy towards the Middle East by using the theory of “Offshore Balancing Strategy”. It is concluded that some factors such as the absence of ground troops, transference of costs to other allies and delegation of duty, multilateralism and … are regarded as the main elements of new strategy of US. As a result, using local forces, regional allies, light footprint strategy and some cooperation like aerial cooperation against ISIS, equipping and instructing the troops, using navy and specific forces and utilizing the drones and rockets and… will be from the first priorities and choices of US.
Abstract
Salafi thoughts and the phenomenon of violent extremism are frequent subjects in political and international studies. A comprehensive study in the field of international relations that based on the interaction between structure and agency, can explain the issue. The main objective ...
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Salafi thoughts and the phenomenon of violent extremism are frequent subjects in political and international studies. A comprehensive study in the field of international relations that based on the interaction between structure and agency, can explain the issue. The main objective of this paper is to study the Salafi- Extremist Islam. Salafist- Extremist groups tend to perform violent struggle to gain power and overthrow governments in order to restore the Islamic caliphate. The main question of this article is that: how International System has affected Salafi- Extremist Islam, during the post-cold war era? Theoretical framework of this paper is Constructivism. Research method in qualitative content analysis. In this regard, we tried to analyze this extremist movement and show how the international system affected these groups.
shayan jozani kohan; Shahin Jozani Kohan; Mohammadreza Dehshiri
Abstract
China has mostly the capacity to put under question the politics of United States, because this country possesses important economic power, immense infrastructures and ammunitions, political power and has impact on the countries of East Asia region. Specially, in recent years, China's military modernization ...
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China has mostly the capacity to put under question the politics of United States, because this country possesses important economic power, immense infrastructures and ammunitions, political power and has impact on the countries of East Asia region. Specially, in recent years, China's military modernization has persisted along with its economic growth. Because the United State disregarded East Asia Region during George w. Bush presidency, China intensified its influence in East Asia region and increased its interests and extensive economic interactions with the countries of this region.The present research elaborates on the main discrepancies between Beijing and Washington in East Asia region and on the effect of these discrepancies on their mutual relationship. What is the effect of discrepancies between China and United States on their relations? To answer this question, the authors believe that political, economic and security- military discrepancies, especially during the Obama administration, caused ascending tension between the two countries in regional and international arenas.After explaining the conflicts between China and United States in three main political, economic and security arenas, this article scrutinizes the impact of these conflicts on the relations of these two countries.
Ali Karimi Maleh; Meisam Belbasi; Seyyed Mohammad Javad Ghorbi
Abstract
This article seeks to answer the question of which layers and elements are the cultural identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the document "Elements of Iranian National Identity"? The achievements of this research show that cultural identity in the document of the elements of Iranian national identity ...
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This article seeks to answer the question of which layers and elements are the cultural identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the document "Elements of Iranian National Identity"? The achievements of this research show that cultural identity in the document of the elements of Iranian national identity consists of two layers of Islamic cultural identity including elements such as spirituality and monotheism, Islam and the religion of Shiism and Quranic education, cultural convergence, the elimination of oppression and oppression, Ordinary, ethics, customs, and traditions, the practice of the Prophet's sake, is the never-ending justice, expectation and historical mission of the Iranian people, and the cultural identity of Iranians including elements such as cultural heritage and ritual, Iranian architecture, Scholars and science-friendship, Iranian history, defense of the land, memory and collective memories, Iranian civilization, Persian language and Persian font, Iranian ethnos and groups with beautiful subcultures that can lead to the cultural, spiritual and national identity and solidarity among the Iranian people. It should also be noted that the document does not mention any modern Iranian identity. To answer the question, a qualitative and quantitative content analysis method is used.
Mahmoud Moqaddas; Amir Nourani Mokarram Doust
Abstract
The events of North Africa, led to the overthrow of old dictatorships of Tunisia and Egypt are of the most interesting incidents of these years which have attracted the eyes of many scholars. The paper tries to take a new look at the causes of Egypt revolution in 2011 led to Hosni Mubarak overthrown. ...
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The events of North Africa, led to the overthrow of old dictatorships of Tunisia and Egypt are of the most interesting incidents of these years which have attracted the eyes of many scholars. The paper tries to take a new look at the causes of Egypt revolution in 2011 led to Hosni Mubarak overthrown. Thus, in order to find out the causes, the structural approach of neopatrimonialism is applied because it is believed that this approach can explain better the political, sociological and economic roots of the revolution altogether. In doing so, this hypothesis is going to be tested that The neo-patrimonial nature of the Egyptian government has led to the deterioration of the regime's ineffectiveness as a result of popular protests in 2011, with its specific characteristics, such as personal power, patronage, corruption, dependence on foreign power by manipulating the nature of civil society mechanisms such as parties, unions, the private sector.
ahmadreza bordbar; pooyesh parashi
Abstract
The structure of ideology faces with crisis in its meaning system automatically; Being valueless and the crisis of meaning are the most salient aspects of these crisis. The beginning point of the being valueless and the absence of the meaning, is indication of the Perdue nihilism in the human history. ...
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The structure of ideology faces with crisis in its meaning system automatically; Being valueless and the crisis of meaning are the most salient aspects of these crisis. The beginning point of the being valueless and the absence of the meaning, is indication of the Perdue nihilism in the human history. To overcome nihilism, any ideology, according to the text of its thought, seeks to be accountable; Islamic thought is no exception to this rule. Islamic thought wrestles with predominance a kind of nihilism that attacks the meaning system of this thought as the other thoughts. Technology and extension of the spaceless information, smoothing the path to nihilism and in this way Islamic thought tries to make remeaning and remake new value. One of the aspects of this new meanings making appears in radical movements and thoughts that generally called Islamic Extremism; the organizations and groups such as Al-Qaeda, Taliban and Daesh are the examples for this Extremism. The correspondence of this thoughts is violence. In fact, we can briefly say that, the Islamic Extremism, is the logical result of predominance of the neo nihilism. The purpose of this research is comparing the Islamic Extremism and nihilism, which is carried-out with comparative study.
Abstract
In recent years we have witnessed lots of changes in the Middle East that have international aspects and influenced regional coalitions. The US-Saudi coalition is one of these regional coalition which has been the source of contradictions due to the world changes. In addition to the mentioned variables, ...
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In recent years we have witnessed lots of changes in the Middle East that have international aspects and influenced regional coalitions. The US-Saudi coalition is one of these regional coalition which has been the source of contradictions due to the world changes. In addition to the mentioned variables, the events of 11/9 which Saudi Arabia had been accused of, international variable which has influenced the relations between the two states and getting the case under reconsideration in the Congress has played a determinative role in intensifying the tensions between them. This article seeks to discuss the US foreign policy toward these changes which are originated from Middle East and the effects applied to the US-Saudi relations. The premise which is going to be considered on behalf of this issue is the US policies toward the changes and regional and trans-regional dynamics related to Middle East which resulted in divergence between the US-Saudi relations in 2010-2016 has distinguished its controversial aspects. The research method of this article is desk study-documentary method.
Sajad Bahrami Moghadam
Abstract
This paper, in an explanatory method and from the perspective of the balance-of-interest theory, shows that US-Saudi relations are based on the complex pattern of cooperation while conflicts of interest in different geopolitical contexts, and conflict of interest impedes the promotion of cooperation ...
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This paper, in an explanatory method and from the perspective of the balance-of-interest theory, shows that US-Saudi relations are based on the complex pattern of cooperation while conflicts of interest in different geopolitical contexts, and conflict of interest impedes the promotion of cooperation between the two governments to a strategic alliance and at the same time benefits The common cause has been the collapse of relations between the two governments, so issues such as arms agreements or different positions of the two governments in the Middle East crisis do not lead to a fundamental change in their relations. The findings also show that the formation and continuity of the two governments' ties has security implications, and the kingdom of Saudi Arabia has taken advantage of American power to counter its regional rivals, and the fears of Iran, especially over the last decade, have been a powerful impetus to policies Saudi Arabia's Middle East has been feared that its severity is rooted in Saudi Arabian supremacy and vulnerabilities towards Iran, in which the kingdom of Saudi Arabia has found Iran's defensive influence in the Middle East with aggressive intent with its predecessors. Accordingly, the author pointed out at the end of the necessity of a regional dialogue forum in the Persian Gulf region with a view to reducing the submissions of the behavior and intentions of the neighbors
Amir Mohammad Haji-Yousefi; Maryam Joneidi
Abstract
This paper argues that there is a strong conceptual connection between the international crises such as what happened in September 11, 2001 in the United States and the process of identity construction not only in the Western countries` foreign policy in general and the U.S. foreign policy in particular ...
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This paper argues that there is a strong conceptual connection between the international crises such as what happened in September 11, 2001 in the United States and the process of identity construction not only in the Western countries` foreign policy in general and the U.S. foreign policy in particular but also in the emergence and expansion of the the terrorist groups such as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Ourmain question is how the anti-terorism discourse emerged after the 9/11 facilitated the emergence and expansion of ISIS? Our main hypotheis is that the anti-terorism discourse created an image of Muslims as terrorists which in turn led to the radicalization of Muslims and identification of themselves as anti-systemic forces. This new identity was created as a result of the overarching anti-terorist discourse after 2001. To answer our question, we survey the Foreign Policy Magazine from 2001 to 2004 and through content analysis of articles and interviews published in this period, try to demonstrate how the anti-terorism discourse led to Muslims identifying themselves as forces against the international system dominated by the Western countries.
behrooz namdari; Kayhan Barzegar
Abstract
This article examines the role of unconventional oil resources on the internal structure and decisions taken by OPEC. The way members of OPEC are interacting shows that new shale oil resources influence the mutual behavior and decision making of the OPEC.
Since the position and power of this international ...
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This article examines the role of unconventional oil resources on the internal structure and decisions taken by OPEC. The way members of OPEC are interacting shows that new shale oil resources influence the mutual behavior and decision making of the OPEC.
Since the position and power of this international organization has always been influenced by its structural disagreements and production from the unconventional resources of oil, which its majority part is out of territory of OPEC members, Could end in depending differences inside the organization or it will repair them, any majority changes in the OPEC’s impact on the global economy, may influence it’s total existence.
This research by using historical variables of differences within the OPEC and its adaptation with future quantity scenarios of the oil production from the conventional and unconventional sources comes to the conclusion that entry and continuity of the shale oil variable into the international energy market at the same time, could be the element for the continuity and strength of opec organization or may cause breakdown of this organization after several decades of its activity in the world energy market.
این مقاله به بررسی نقش منابع غیرمتعارف نفت بر ساختار درونی و تصمیمگیریهای سازمان اوپک میپردازد. نحوه تعامل اعضا در سازمان اوپک نشان میدهد که منابع جدید نفت شیل نحوه رفتار متقابل و تصمیمگیری درون این سازمان را تحت تاثیر قرار میدهد. از آنجا که جایگاه و قدرت این سازمان بینالمللی، همواره تحت تأثیر اختلافات ساختاری درون این سازمان بوده است و تولید از منابع نامتعارف نفت که قسمت عمده آن در خارج از حوزه سرزمینی اعضای اوپک است، میتواند به تعمیق اختلافات در درون این سازمان و یا ترمیم آنها بینجامد، هرگونه تغییر اساسی در میزان تأثیرگذاری اوپک در اقتصاد جهانی میتواند کلیت وجودی آن را تحت تأثیر قرار دهد. این نوشتار با استفاده از متغیر تاریخی اختلافات درون سازمان اوپک و انطباق آن با سناریوهای کمی آتی تولید نفت از منابع متعارف و غیرمتعارف به این نتیجه میرسد که ورود و تداوم متغیر نفت شیل به بازار بینالمللی انرژی، همزمان میتواند عامل تداوم و استحکام سازمان اوپک و یا از همگسیختگی این سازمان بینالمللی بعد از چندین دهه فعالیت در بازار انرژی جهانی شود.
Abstract
The popular uprisings in 2011, known as the Arab Spring, led to political changes in some Middle Eastern countries that have had a profound impact on the political and security interactions in the region, leading to regional change and the transformation of regional roles and actors. Saudi Arabia, as ...
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The popular uprisings in 2011, known as the Arab Spring, led to political changes in some Middle Eastern countries that have had a profound impact on the political and security interactions in the region, leading to regional change and the transformation of regional roles and actors. Saudi Arabia, as a conservative country, has always sought a policy of maintaining the status quo in the region, with the advent of developments in the region and the fear of spreading it into its kingdom, as well as in order to maintain a balance of power with the aggressive policy in the region. Also Qatar as a GCC member, known as a mediating state in the region, assessed the developments in the region as an opportunity to increase its role. Qatar's political movements were in conflict with Saudi policies on regional developments that led to tension between Saudi Arabia and Qatar and other members of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The present study, with a comparative approach, will examine the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia and Qatar towards the Syrian crisis. The research findings indicate that the two countries, despite ideological differences aiming at promoting their regional status and eliminating rivals into regional crises, have adopted their approach to intensifying conflicts in the region. Put them at risk and put them face to face.
Asghar Kayvan Hoseini; Hooshang Eimanpour Saeed
Abstract
The process European integration has been continually faced with challenges and for this reason, an important part of the European Union (EU) member states' capabilities has manifested itself in the management of crises which have been related to factors and settings of the concept of disintegration. ...
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The process European integration has been continually faced with challenges and for this reason, an important part of the European Union (EU) member states' capabilities has manifested itself in the management of crises which have been related to factors and settings of the concept of disintegration. Meanwhile, the topic democratic deficit points to the existence of some deficiency and inability in the EU with regards to attracting broad and influential participation of all the member states and their citizens in decision making arena. For this reason, the above mentioned topic has encountered various interpretations and commentaries and even objections. The aim of this article is to study theoretical and practical dimensions of the concept democratic deficit and to answer the main question: What are the theoretical dimensions of the topic democratic deficit and how it influenced the process European integration? Emphasis would be on the following hypothesis: The subject of democratic deficit as a conceptual model in the realm of EU discussions has attracted a widespread domain of favorable and unfavorable viewpoints and has culminated divergent consequences like Brexit.
Mohammad zaman Rastgoo; Ali Akbar Asadi; Syed S. Masoud Mousavi Shafaee
Abstract
The Sunnis in Iraq under the Baath regime had unique place in the political structure of Iraq.But with the fall of Saddam's regime and the formation of a new structure of the federal democratic, they the lost their high position and became a kind of confusion and political turmoil and took positions ...
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The Sunnis in Iraq under the Baath regime had unique place in the political structure of Iraq.But with the fall of Saddam's regime and the formation of a new structure of the federal democratic, they the lost their high position and became a kind of confusion and political turmoil and took positions and different political approaches in different periods. Therefore, In the years after 2003, Sunni political approaches influenced by historical domination-oriented mentality and the political and security environment in Iraq and partly the regional situation. Accordingly, Domestic political and security environment variables and other components had shaped new fluctuations in Sunni political approaches, despite the dominance of 'negative and suspicion Sunnis into the political process in the country. This article emphasizes that the political actions of Sunni in Iraq from a sinus of conflict and sanctions to participation in the power structure had fluctuated.However, according to the results of intangible and uncertain conflict options and also not fulfilling of balanced participation as an alternative proportional participation, Iraq's Sunnis are gradually moving towards the third option namely, the acquisition of sovereignty or local self-government in Sunni regions.
Abstract
In the recent decades, the Islamic World has encountered internal incidents (the emergence of movements and so on) and external events (American unilateralism and the like) and also, globalization has approached the political Islam in a different way from the past and from the West and has left some ...
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In the recent decades, the Islamic World has encountered internal incidents (the emergence of movements and so on) and external events (American unilateralism and the like) and also, globalization has approached the political Islam in a different way from the past and from the West and has left some effects! Such effects have not been investigated so far and through using the method of discourse analysis! This encounter raises the following question: "How the discourse of political Islam is formed in encountering globalization in North Africa as one of the influential epistemological zones of the Sunni World?" The assumption is that a new formation in the discourse of the political Islam has emerged in this zone in such a way that some signs have appeared in it which are categorized in opposition to political Islam (political post-Islam). The aim is reaching the main causes of such a change in two characters (Al-Qardawi and Al-Ghannushi) and two parties (Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Nihzah). Reaching this goal, which was done by studying a vast collection of verbal and nonverbal data including reports, historical events and interviews of representatives of the political Islam in the two countries through using discourse analysis, showed the formation of political post-Islam in the conflict and interaction of globalization and the political Islam in theory and practice.
ali esmaeiliardakani
Abstract
European Union crisis, especially (Greece, Ukraine, immigration and withdrawal of the Great Britain) cast light on the behavior and orientation of German foreign policy. Given the status of this country, it is expected that due to the economic and political growth of the country, it enjoys legitimacy ...
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European Union crisis, especially (Greece, Ukraine, immigration and withdrawal of the Great Britain) cast light on the behavior and orientation of German foreign policy. Given the status of this country, it is expected that due to the economic and political growth of the country, it enjoys legitimacy to gain more active role in international relations and even took the leadership role in European Union. On one hand, the great powers consider Germany as a de facto leader of the EU because it has the largest economy in the European Union and respect Angela Merkel as a powerful leader, but on the other hand there are doubts about matters of responsibility in this country’s foreign policy. There has been a question about ambiguity of German foreign policy toward EU for many years. This paper tries to study this ambiguity through two important issues of the EU which are: withdrawal of the Great Britain and the issue of immigration.
