mahdieh heydari; HOSSIEN DAHESHIAR
Abstract
The most serious threat that is perceived by each of the carriers involved in the crisis in an international crisis is "the threat of their fundamental values." Through an analytical descriptive method, this paper seeks to understand why Iran's direct violence to manage crises Syria. So the main question ...
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The most serious threat that is perceived by each of the carriers involved in the crisis in an international crisis is "the threat of their fundamental values." Through an analytical descriptive method, this paper seeks to understand why Iran's direct violence to manage crises Syria. So the main question of the research is why Iran is using maximum violence to manage the Syrian crisis? The temporary response is that Iran has used the highest levels of violence to manage the crisis on the basis of the perception of the threat to its fundamental values in the Syrian crisis. In this study, using Stanford's model of crisis management, we conclude that the perception of the threat to Iran's fundamental values in the Syrian crisis that threatens Iran's territorial integrity, its strategic depth, the threat of the collapse of the resistance axis, and, ultimately, the imbalance of ideology in area in the Syrian crisis has called for a violent response from Iran. The data collection and information collection in this study is based on a library method that includes the use of internal books and articles and foreign, publications and press and internet sites are valid.
Seyed Abdolamir Nabavi; mariam Rahimi
Abstract
The region of Middle East and North Africa has endured evolutions and transformations for more than four years, and has changed the regional and international relationship. This region has occupied an important and significant position all over the time. Egypt, among that region and following Tunis, ...
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The region of Middle East and North Africa has endured evolutions and transformations for more than four years, and has changed the regional and international relationship. This region has occupied an important and significant position all over the time. Egypt, among that region and following Tunis, has experienced a series of evolution in which raise questions on changes in political culture and their sources and how these changes influence new political evolutions in future. It seems that growing virtual communication networks in Egypt help the transformation and transition from semi-modern political culture, as the January 25th revolution in 2011 wan a symbol of it. However cultural resistance in side of some actors challenged the post-Mubarak situation, mainly in realization and stabilization of democracy. This paper puts the demographic and cultural structure of Egypt in the center of research and uses the secondary analysis method to analyze the variants and their influence based on the data collected from three field studies which have been done in 2011 in al-Ahram Center.
Abstract
The emergence of Salafi Takfiri groups as unofficial actors has added to the uncertainty surrounding the future of the West Asian region and its forms of conflict. Many questions and ambiguities surrounding the prospects of the West Asia region in the light of the existence of terrorist Takfiri groups ...
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The emergence of Salafi Takfiri groups as unofficial actors has added to the uncertainty surrounding the future of the West Asian region and its forms of conflict. Many questions and ambiguities surrounding the prospects of the West Asia region in the light of the existence of terrorist Takfiri groups and the future of the conflicts and crises of the region can take place at the expense of these groups from the stage of equations. In the present study, we have used scenarios (desirable, probable, and possible) using future research techniques, including the process of research (quality analysis of the process), and the analysis of the propulsion, as forces of change and through the interaction of trends and drivers. The extracted scenarios are as follows: a) Desirable scenarios: 1. The first favorable scenario: the total destruction of takfiri groups and the formation of democratic regimes in conflict-stricken countries based on the division of power model; 2. The second best scenario: the temporary repression of Takfiri groups and the rule of the republican rule model (Presidential Bashar al-Assad's presence); (b) Possible scenarios: 1. Possible scenario: Takfiri withdrawal from the formation of a government; but the internal division of power among ethnic groups and religions; 2. The probable scenario II: the disintegration of Syria; Iraq, Libya and other countries involved in the crisis and the formation of the game New expensive in the field of regional equilibrium (Kurdish state formation in the region); (c) Possible scenario: advancing Takfiri forces claiming the Islamic state and conquering more territories.
Seyed Mohammad tabatabaei; hassan kabiri
Abstract
The position of transatlantic relations in the structure of the international system and the role of these relations in the processes of power structures is of great importance. The two power spectra that have the greatest degree of coordination in the international system structures, but the relations ...
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The position of transatlantic relations in the structure of the international system and the role of these relations in the processes of power structures is of great importance. The two power spectra that have the greatest degree of coordination in the international system structures, but the relations have taken on a different form during the Tramp era, and in some cases it has been instable. What has been pointed out in this study is the critical components of the relationship between the two sides, the United States and the European Union, during the Tramp era, which can be expressed in the Paris Agreement, the common security and defense ties and the Middle East peace process. Research question: What are the critical components of EU-US relations during the Tramp era? The research hypothesis; what is more apparent in the foreign policy of Trump is a divergence in various fields with the European Union that the most important components of the crisis in its foreign policy; defense and security policies, the nuclear agreement, the Middle East peace deal and the Paris agreement. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and for information gathering, it is mainly used in library and site studies.
mokhtar Salehi
Abstract
The center of gravity of the world economy is shifting from the West to the Asian continent with China. China's new Silk Road initiative is one of the most important indicators of the shift in centrality. The key question is what strategy has Europe taken towards the Silk Road initiative? The research ...
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The center of gravity of the world economy is shifting from the West to the Asian continent with China. China's new Silk Road initiative is one of the most important indicators of the shift in centrality. The key question is what strategy has Europe taken towards the Silk Road initiative? The research hypothesis suggests that European countries are skeptical about China's true aims and intentions in presenting the Silk Road initiative. In this regard, Europe seeks to pursue China's strategy of assimilating and then controlling it through prudent cooperation with China to advance the plan. The findings of the study showed that, from the perspective of the European Union, although China is trying to be transparent about its strategy, the purpose of the Silk Road strategy for cooperation with the European Union or some European countries has not been specified. The European Union believes China's approach is to trade unilaterally and export goods to Europe. The research topic is examined in accordance with the theoretical framework of the Beijing Consensus. The method of measuring and examining the subject is a descriptive-analytical method.
Amir Masoud Shahramnia
Volume 2, Issue 5 , June 2013, , Pages 197-217
Abstract
Concentration on the importance of “Nation-State” as a notion and the
characteristics of a nation that can be seen in Nationalism has long been
changed in political thought. it can be argued that nation has changed to a
political term and nationalism describes different aspects of the
nations.Nationalism ...
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Concentration on the importance of “Nation-State” as a notion and the
characteristics of a nation that can be seen in Nationalism has long been
changed in political thought. it can be argued that nation has changed to a
political term and nationalism describes different aspects of the
nations.Nationalism or the nationalist sentiment is associated with
positive and negative consequences. In this study, lights shed on the
explanation of the contradiction or interaction between the ideology of
nationalism and Islamism? Despite strong background of Nationalism in
Iran, factors such as the Islamic Revolution, religious leadership Imam
Khomeini and emphasis on Islam and Islamism after the Islamic
Revolution emphasis on Islam and Islamism after the
Finally, it is assumed that despite contradictions between the two, a
positive, balanced version of nationalism is approved in Islam and Islamic
internationalism is in accordance with Islamic teachings.
Ali Reza Samiei Esfahani; Mohsen Shfiei Seif Abadi
Volume 4, Issue 14 , December 2015, , Pages 199-227
Abstract
The following article is orchestrated on the basis of scenario-basedprocessing as one of the main methods of future study. It tries to answer thismain question that “what would be the probable direction of the Salafijihadist groups such as Al-Nusra Front and Islamic state of Iraq and Syria(ISSI) ...
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The following article is orchestrated on the basis of scenario-basedprocessing as one of the main methods of future study. It tries to answer thismain question that “what would be the probable direction of the Salafijihadist groups such as Al-Nusra Front and Islamic state of Iraq and Syria(ISSI) in the Middle East? It seems that five scenarios can be anticipated inthree categories: A) Favorable scenario: 1) the final destruction of TakfirijihadiIslamists and democratically distribution of power under theceremonial leadership of Bashar al-Assad 2) suppression of takfiri groupsand ruling of the Islamic Republic, instead of the Arabic Republic of Syriaand Iraq. B) Probable scenario: 1) the elimination of Da’ash anddistribution of power between Kurds, Shiites and Sunnite in Syria 2)Breakup of Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan's independence. C) Possible scenarios:1) capturing Baghdad and Beirut government and establishing thegovernment known as the Islamic regime by takfiri-jihadi groups. In order tokeep their own entities, the political systems of Syria and Iraq should carryout reforms mainly in the political, economic and social realms
mohammadjavad fathi; gafari zahed
Abstract
The analytical and critical recognition of the place of Jihad's component in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior form the core of the paper. It has been attempted to answer the fundamental question based on the qualitative methodology of historical analysis and documentation and the means of pinpointing ...
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The analytical and critical recognition of the place of Jihad's component in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior form the core of the paper. It has been attempted to answer the fundamental question based on the qualitative methodology of historical analysis and documentation and the means of pinpointing which component of jihad is in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior. The findings of the paper show that such as denial of defensive jihad and the emphasis on Jihad Fatah, placing jihad under the principles of religion, customary and individualizing jihad, expanding the scope of jihad inclusion, ignoring the rules of Jihad and emphasizing on total violence and new innovations in Jihad, such as jihad marriage, medicine, children, and cyber-media jihad constitute the basic components of the Islamic State's view of jihad. From the perspective of ISIL, jihad has become conceptualized and used as an instrumental means, and the result of their false and distorted religious views has been manifested in the form of a heinous and brutal act.
fatemah mirabasi; ahmad saie; alireza azghandi
Abstract
This article aims to understand the nature and causes of reproducing bureaucratic corruption in transitional societies from the legal sociology view point. According to the authors, since the operation of bureaucratic system firstly is determined by the nature of power elites and the present structural ...
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This article aims to understand the nature and causes of reproducing bureaucratic corruption in transitional societies from the legal sociology view point. According to the authors, since the operation of bureaucratic system firstly is determined by the nature of power elites and the present structural relationships in the society; on this basis, the protector-nurturing mentality and surveillance lacking of dominant elites alongside lacking rule of law is the pivotal factor of growing corruption in transitional societies. This dilemma gradually leads to forming an anomic situation in various structures of bureaucracy and changing it into an arena for rent-based games and thus, causes the process of development to wane and accordingly, causes the society to involve mentally and morally in contradiction and turmoil and from the perspective of political economy subject to increasing passivity and devolution. The final resultant of this situation is social capital crisis and vulnerability in human capital. The article with an expressive approach and in the mold of combination of various sociological theories shows why and how bureaucratic corruption in transitional societies continues reproduction, and finally deals with the foundations of an anticorruption policy and its implications.
Akbar Zolfaghari; Taha Ashayeri; Azam Rajabi Nasab
Abstract
This study seeks to explore the body language of the candidates for the twelfth term of the Iranian presidency in different situations during the debate. The studied method is qualitative content analysis. According to the research results, the main central concepts of body language; In the tone of voice ...
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This study seeks to explore the body language of the candidates for the twelfth term of the Iranian presidency in different situations during the debate. The studied method is qualitative content analysis. According to the research results, the main central concepts of body language; In the tone of voice (creating calm and maintaining composure - understanding the content and validation - criticizing the current situation and discrediting the speeches of others - mastering the stage and managing it - balance in speaking - strong and loud voice emphasizing the words of the audience - creating Not superior to competitors); In the type of view (mastery of the situation and calmness - surprise and doubt in the representation of reality - addressing members of society - lack of excitement and lack of anxiety - in the view of some candidates, ineffective criticism); The state of the hands (acknowledging the claims - if not using the hands - has been reassuring people about their psychological readiness to criticize and rely more on spoken language) and their common denominator in using body language is more towards mastering the situation and maintaining calm and It has been coolness and addressing the people.
Fatemeh Taghavi Ramezani; Mohammad Soltani Far; Hassan Darzban Rostami; Hamid reza Hossini dana
Abstract
Introduction The information revolution has significantly altered the nature of power by enhancing ...
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Introduction The information revolution has significantly altered the nature of power by enhancing the capacity of soft power and reshaping the very foundations of power structures. In the past, leaders and politicians were the primary figures to determine national interests in each nation, but in the digital age, the Internet and social networks have functioned to eliminate the mediatorship, leading to the highlighted role of the individual, the emergence of public opinions, and distribution of power from the government to people and other key actors. Today, power derived from public opinions is considered by political actors as a potent instrument for accomplishing political objectives.Iran’s Twenty-Year Vision Document, looking ahead to 2025, outlines a comprehensive objective of the Islamic Republic of Iran as to attain a preeminent economic and technological position in the region while preserving its Islamic and revolutionary identity, being a source of inspiration in the Islamic world, and engaging in a constructive interaction in international relations. To secure the top economic position in the region and an influential position in the international arena, it is imperative to leverage the capabilities of the country’s diplomatic apparatus. Diplomacy serves as the executive arm of foreign policy within the framework of a country’s foreign policy doctrine. To thrive in the evolving global landscape requires possessing modern tools since the shifting global landscape demands novel tools and approaches. In today’s world, powerful governments employ soft power instruments to influence and sway societies.Diplomacy stands as one of the most critical tools for advancing a country’s national power and achieving its objectives. Leading governments have embraced digital diplomacy as a means to bolster their national brand and effectively manage their public image, thus reaching vast audiences. In the contemporary age of communication, a formidable presence on the global stage necessitates the strategic implementation of digital diplomacy, positioning it at the forefront ofa country’s public diplomacy initiatives. In this respect, the present research aimed to recognize the role of digital diplomacy as a pivotalpower-building instrument, and to incorporate it into Iran’s strategic planning.This research intended to offer a full-brown description of digital diplomacy by delving into the power-building factors of modern media. The objective was to formulate effective strategies that enhance the digital diplomacy initiatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran, thereby strengthening Iran’s influential presence in global politics and increasing Iran’s soft power as an important dimension of power. The research tried to address the pivotal question concerning the role modern media can assume within a country’s diplomatic apparatus. This would involve understanding how media can contribute to advancing national interests and bolstering a country’s influence and authority in the international arena. This research also sought to propose key indicators and strategies for advancing Iran’s digital diplomacy initiatives.Literature ReviewNumerous case studies and comparative analyses have explored digital diplomacy, underscoring the significant impact of social media in international diplomacy. However, despite the close interconnection of technology, diplomacy, and soft power, there is a lack of research that systematically situates these three domains within a theoretical framework and examines international relations theories by considering the role of modern media on the power-building capacity of diplomacy.In the article titled “Shaping Public Diplomacy through Social Media Networks in the 21st Century,” Costa (2017) posits that the Internet and information and communication technology have significantly influenced the definition and performance of public diplomacy. In “Foreign Policy in an Era of Digital Diplomacy,”Adesina (2017) draws the conclusion that digital diplomacy and internet-based activities play a vital role in effectively communicating a government’s foreign policy stances to both domestic and international audiences. In the article titled “Twitplomacy: Social Media as a New Platform for Development of Public Diplomacy,” Su (2015) argues that the impact of Internet users on the diplomatic agenda can complement political concepts. Considering the role of social media in the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ameli (2017) asserts that emerging social media technologies will play a central role in diplomacy by influencing social space.Ganjidoust (2008) focuses on the profound impact of information and communication technology in the field of diplomacy. The author contends that diplomacy has experienced greater influence from technological advancements compared to other domains, primarily because of its heavy reliance on the fundamental components of information and communication. According to Ganjidoust, the developments of the information age have brought about significant transformations in both the form and substance of diplomacy.Materials and MethodsThe Delphi technique was employed for identifying indicators, while the Dimetal technique was utilized for modeling. The study used Partial Least Squares technique to test the exploratory model and analyze the reciprocal influence between variables.ConclusionThe findings revealed that modern media plays a pivotal role as a complete mediator in the transfer of power to diplomacy. Through online communication, new media platforms foster interaction and networking among users. They employ activism, imagery, and psychological operations to craft their desired narrative, thus reinforce user engagement and convergence through orienting and streamlining, Ultimately, by fostering a sense of belonging, they establish identity and create opportunities within the system of diplomacy.To succeed in public diplomacy, particularly in the realm of digital diplomacy, requires a comprehensive strategy encompassing strategic goals, strategic priorities, and executive guidelines to attain the strategic goals. Concerning the Islamic Republic of Iran, the strategic goals are as follows: Making a powerful image of Iran, national branding of Iranian–Islamic identity, informing people about the policies, beliefs, and values of Iranians, and introducing opportunities and strengths. The strategic priorities of the digital diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran include Interacting with citizens and foreign populations to foster and enhance mutual relations, providing transparent information and swift responses to counter misinformation, combating online hooliganism, presenting leadership guidelines, and engaging in social listening and social monitoring. Without a thorough analysis and practical solutions to this question, it is not possible to address the needs of audience satisfactorily. The assessment of attitudes, questions, and challenges is the most critical aspect which guides the subsequent actions. Concerning interaction, it is recommended to interact with influencers, as well as political, religious, cultural, and national figures, to clarify ambiguities and foster constructive dialogues through the dissemination of pre-prepared images, messages, and video clips. Moreover, regular evaluation of the outcomes on the basis of a theory of structures and processes can help ensure the effectiveness of digital diplomacy and coordination.
International Relations
Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Ali Dehghan
Abstract
Introduction Traditionally, the strategic and tactical communications of the member states of the ...
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Introduction Traditionally, the strategic and tactical communications of the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)—both before and after gaining independence in the 1970s—have predominantly adhered to Western approaches and attitudes. Notably, there has been a significant shift in the foreign policy and economic perspectives of the member states. This shift is characterized by an increased focus on fostering economic–political interactions with the Asian super-region, particularly the East Asian subregion (e.g., Japan and China). This shift is evident in collaborative mega-projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s Arab Policy Paper, and increasing relations in different fields. The new policy reflects a discernible shift in discourse and a departure from purely Western perspectives, heralding a transition to emerging economic and political views within the Asian super-region, while maintaining relations with Western powers, such as the United States. The present study aimed to examine the political–economic factors accelerating the Asianization of the GCC members and steering them towards new Asian partners. The central question is: What political–economic factors have contributed to the Asianization of the Persian Gulf and the shift of focus of GCC members towards Asian partners? The article posits that the shift in the foreign policy of GCC members can be attributed to the influence of various factors associated with individual, societal, and governmental levels, as well as the factors relating to roles and the structure of the international system.Theoretical FrameworkIt seems that a multi-causal explanation of how the GCC countries engage with emerging Asian powers, as well as their gradual foreign policy shift from the Western block towards Eastern powers, necessitates an approach that takes into account both macro and micro perspectives. To conduct a multi-causal explanation of Asianism in foreign policy actions and behaviors of GCC states, the present research integrated macro-level analytical components, such as the influence of the international structure, and the micro-level factors such as the roles played by leaders, governments, and society. Given its inclusivity and theoretical breadth, the theoretical framework could offer more analytical possibilities to address almost every component and factor involved in Asianization of the Persian Gulf.Materials and MethodsTo address the research question and test the hypothesis, the study relied on the descriptive–analytical method and causal inference, adopting a multi-causal approach at both micro and macro levels. Results and DiscussionThe Asianization of the Persian Gulf region, influenced by various political–economic requisites, stands out as the most pivotal political and diplomatic shift experienced by the Arab countries in the region. The end of the Cold War in 1991 marked a transition from a bipolar to a multipolar international system. Amid the struggle of the Western bloc for supremacy during the Cold War, Asia embarked on a decisive path of growth and prominence in the 1960s and 1970s, diverging from the prevailing Western current. As an ancillary consequence in the international scene, regionalism has emerged in Asia, with a focus on East Asian actors. With the rise of the emerging pole of power in East Asia over recent decades, the Asian super-region is actively working to shape the new international order and extra-regional agendas, leveraging increased economic power and the ability to shape the discourse at the international level. The economic rise of China, alongside Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and India, which accounted for a third of the world’s gross domestic product in 2000, heralded the participation of the Asian super-region in the international order. These developments gave rise to Asianism as an alternative to the Western framework as well as a successful model of economic development at both regional and extra-regional levels—which could expand the influence and reach of Asian countries in shaping political agendas and the then new international order. Therefore, Asianization can be viewed as a transitional process that includes the divergence of governments at regional and international levels from the dominant Western current in political, economic, cultural, and military arenas, leading to the increased role and dominance of Asian alternatives over recent decades.The research findings highlight that beyond historical interactions in cultural, energy, commercial, and military areas, several factors have contributed to the Asianization of the GCC members. The factors include a generational shift among the GCC leaders, the necessity of fostering a productive economy to ensure the survival and legitimacy of the Persian Gulf states, and global developments in the international structure such as the acceleration of power shift from the West to the East, the remarkable rise of China, and the need for regional balance. In recent years, these factors have resulted in the stabilization and acceleration of the Asianization among the GCC member states. Notably, the contribution of the international structure is significantly more influential than other variables. The ongoing transition and structural changes within the international system have not only shaped the evolving attitudes of new GCC leaders towards economic functionalism and international cooperation but also imposed certain requirements at the reginal and international levels that could further propel the Asianization process. The latter include alliances and coalitions with Eastern powers while balancing against Iran. The variable of structural changes even becomes more significant when considering its constitutive role in shaping the future of Gulf–Asian relations.ConclusionCurrently, the process of Asianization in the Persian Gulf is intertwined with the broader global trend of Asianization. Nevertheless, it appears that the GCC countries will continue to consider their relationships with the US and the West as crucial, particularly in military-cum-security domains where they largely rely on the US and Western partners. However, the increasing economic and political dependence on the East is influenced by evolving requirements, suggesting that international–regional connections will ultimately lay the foundation for the all-round dominance of Eastern powers, such as China, over the Western and security configuration of the Persian Gulf.
Developments in the Middle East
Majid Mohammadi; Ahmad Bakhshayeshi; Mohammad Tohidfam; Aliakbar Amini
Abstract
IntroductionIranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties have been a source of insecurity in western Iran, undergoing significant changes in their movement over time. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, they exploited the vacuum in central power and the nascent revolution, creating instability and insecurity ...
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IntroductionIranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties have been a source of insecurity in western Iran, undergoing significant changes in their movement over time. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, they exploited the vacuum in central power and the nascent revolution, creating instability and insecurity in Iran’s territories against the central government and people residing in Kurdish regions. Later, as the central government established itself and brought peace and order to the country, these parties sought refuge in Iraq under Saddam Hussein’s regime, which was then at war with Iran. After Saddam’s fall, they fled to northern Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, citing a shared Kurdish identity as the reason. Understanding the roots of their presence in northern Iraq and their impact on Iraqi Kurdistan requires examination of the current power structure in Iraq and sociological analysis of its ethnic and religious dynamics, especially during the democratization process in the post-Saddam era.The overthrow of Saddam Hussein had a profound impact on Iraq’s political structure, resulting in consociational democracy as the replacement. Consociational democracy, as an alternative for majoritarian democracy, relies on the cooperation and agreement of the power elite and parties involved in heterogeneous societies. Given Iraq’s unique cultural, social, and historical factors, it was not feasible for majoritarian democracy to ensure public participation and protect minority rights. Even consociational democracy has its own consequences and effects. In Iraq, consociational democracy led to changes in the power dynamics and positions of the Iraqi Kurds. These changes had implications beyond Iraq, affecting the Kurds of other countries—including Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties—given their shared identity and common historical and cultural background. The main question of the research is, what is the impact of consociational democracy and the institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan on Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties? Literature ReviewUsing analytical and descriptive methods, Pourahmadi et al. (2016) examined the obstacles facing the democratization process in Iraq. The results revealed multiple factors including ongoing insecurity and political instability, low levels of economic and social development indicators, weak civil political culture, and other factors that exacerbate these crises. Nasri and Rezaei (2018) adopted an analytical–descriptive approach to examine the limitations and possibilities of the Iraqi Kurdistan region in achieving independence. The results concluded that currently, due to structural constraints, geopolitical nature, and resistance from neighboring countries, complete independence for the Iraqi Kurdistan region is not feasible. Relying on the content analysis method, Mohammadi (2008) studied ethnic divisions and their role in ethnic divergence within the country. The results indicated that in regions with higher social divides, there is greater ethnic divergence, while areas with intersecting divides experience lesser divergence.Materials and MethodsThe present research used a qualitative method and a descriptive–analytical model to investigate the impact of consociational democracy and institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan on Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties.The research employed Lijphart’s perspective on consociational democracy as a theoretical framework and applied it to the Iraqi context. The main objective of the study was to offer a thorough analysis of how consociationalism and power institutionalization in Iraq have impacted Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties.Lijphart identified four key criteria for consociational democracy: grand coalitions, proportionality, mutual veto rights, and segmental autonomy or federalism. These criteria were incorporated into the government structure of Iraq after 2005. This study analyzed the impact of this democratic process on Iraqi society, including the Kurdish population, and assessed the effects of changes in Iraqi Kurdish society on Iranian Kurdish movements, particularly anti-Revolution movements. To ensure the study’s reliability, the researchers relied on 20 experts, including university professors and specialists in the issues related to Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan, and the Kurdish anti-Revolution front. Additionally, the results of in-depth questionnaires were used to formulate and compare the findings.ConclusionIn conclusion, the consociational democracy and institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan have led to a shift in the autonomy strategy and the adoption of federalism among Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties. As a result, their independence and centrifugal tendencies have increased. The discourse of autonomy among these parties has evolved into a discourse of federalism, influenced by Iraqi Kurdish politics. This shift does not diminish the significance or meaning of the process, but rather opens up a more nuanced discussion of separatism, including the right to self-determination and a Kurdish independence referendum within a federal framework. Federalism is a more appealing and populist concept for the anti-Revolution parties. These armed groups have continued to provide military and urban warfare training to the Peshmerga forces in the Kurdistan region and occasionally engage in guerrilla attacks on Iran’s borders. Since the fall of Saddam’s regime, Iraqi Kurdistan has become a base of support for Kurdish anti-Revolution forces, enabling them to create pursue instability in western Iran and pursue their separatist agenda through both soft and hard tactics.Due to the strong sense of Kurdish identity, the Kurdish society and the Kurdish anti-Revolution are inevitably influenced by Iraqi Kurdistan. This issue should be addressed in order to control the peace and security of the borders. In this line, it is suggested that the costs of hosting the Kurdish anti-Revolution in the Iraqi Kurdistan region be increased for both the regional government and the central government of Iraq. This can be achieved by relying on soft power, diplomatic efforts, and negations with the Kurdish and Iraqi authorities, or if necessary, by resorting to military power.
Hamid Nassaj
Abstract
Today, the Islamic world is faced with the emergence and growth of takfiri ideas; Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia, the SSP in Pakistan, Al-Qaeda in many parts of the Islamic world and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria recently split from al-Qaeda in Syria and Iraq have emerged. The findings of this research ...
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Today, the Islamic world is faced with the emergence and growth of takfiri ideas; Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia, the SSP in Pakistan, Al-Qaeda in many parts of the Islamic world and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria recently split from al-Qaeda in Syria and Iraq have emerged. The findings of this research show that the Takfiri Groups that their most important achievement has been discrediting the concept of humanity are not new phenomenon. In fact, they are the contextual and theoretical continuation of the Kharijites. In the first decade of the emergence of Islam, three streams of Sunni, Shi'a and Kharijites were divided and this division still causes confrontation. Takfiri groups are similar to Kharijites in the both theoretical principles and context and backgrounds of emergence. Mass excommunication of others, ignoring the circumstances of time, resistance to diversity and change, following the tradition and lack of attention to rationalism, violence and an exclusive look to Monotheism are some of the their similarities. In this article the perspective of historical analysis and comparative methods used as methodological approach and the theory of Manuel Castells about identity of resistance and fundamentalism used as theoretical framework.
Seyed Shamseddin Sadeghi; Samira Moradi
Abstract
After the Cold war, Islamic Republic of Iran took advantage of “tendency toward east” as an initiative for foreign policy in order to tackle structural pressures. In the post- sanction era Iran tries hard to face the global monopolar system to ensure preservation of its political objectives. ...
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After the Cold war, Islamic Republic of Iran took advantage of “tendency toward east” as an initiative for foreign policy in order to tackle structural pressures. In the post- sanction era Iran tries hard to face the global monopolar system to ensure preservation of its political objectives. Although over the past two decades, the dynamics of Iran-Russia relations have seemed unstable and, to a certain extent, unpredictable for other players in the international arena; Iran's foreign policy got attracted to Russia due to its new hegemonic power in international system. In fact, Russia is going to be more powerful in different economic, political and military aspects, and Iran tries to ensure its national interests in cooperation with this rising power. Thus, this research aims to analyze the possibility of this kind of alliance which can benefit both parts and it argues that Iran tries to reduce structural pressures through this alliance.
Hossein Khani
Abstract
Growth of neo-Salafism and the emergence of the ISIS phenomenon Which has grown increasingly in the Middle East and has influenced several countries, Indicates a new chapter in security issues in the area. Accordingly, the main question of this article is that In the light of ISIS threats in recent years, ...
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Growth of neo-Salafism and the emergence of the ISIS phenomenon Which has grown increasingly in the Middle East and has influenced several countries, Indicates a new chapter in security issues in the area. Accordingly, the main question of this article is that In the light of ISIS threats in recent years, what is the regional security vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of the paper shows that due to the continuation of the drivers of these threats, Iran's regional security lies in a confrontation with the Salafist-Takfiri flow. The present paper, using qualitative methodology, and the bibliographic-descriptive technique divides into two parts. The first section examines research texts related to the emergence of ISIS and its impact on regional security in the Islamic Republic of Iran And the second part also seeks to provide an analytical framework based on the presence and continuity of critical factors (drivers) of crisis Which recognizes them provides a perspective on regional security for the Islamic Republic of Iran.
sajad moradi kelardeh
Abstract
Saudi Arabia's Regional Foreign Policy as an important player in the Middle East and the Arab world is affected by Middle East new changes, especially Iran's presence in Iraq. Most analyses about Saudi Arabia's Foreign Policy toward Iraq were formulated based on realistic approaches and less attention ...
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Saudi Arabia's Regional Foreign Policy as an important player in the Middle East and the Arab world is affected by Middle East new changes, especially Iran's presence in Iraq. Most analyses about Saudi Arabia's Foreign Policy toward Iraq were formulated based on realistic approaches and less attention paid to the role of normative and identity elements. Taking advantage of the analytic method and constructivism theory of Foreign Policy, the present paper tries to answer this question: what is the role of identity elements in Saudi Arabia's foreign policy toward Iraq? The hypothesis of the paper is: the Saudi Arabia's foreign policy in Iraq can be explained based on its identity elements and material and tangible benefit. Findings of the paper illustrate that Saudi Arabia's Foreign Policy in Iraq in local and regional areas, actually composed of identity elements such as Arab identity, Wahhabi Islam, Saudi political system and material elements that has helped in its interventionist approach in order to change current situation and increased instability in Iraq.
Yousof Qorashi; Hadi Sadeghi Aval
Abstract
This article examines different aspects of Pakistani Baloch nationalism and its impact on Iranian Baloch who inhabit in Sistan-Balochistan province. The importance of this issue in one hand, is based on deeply ideological, religious, ethnic and sometimes security developments in Iran's border areas, ...
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This article examines different aspects of Pakistani Baloch nationalism and its impact on Iranian Baloch who inhabit in Sistan-Balochistan province. The importance of this issue in one hand, is based on deeply ideological, religious, ethnic and sometimes security developments in Iran's border areas, and on the other hand, in the east and southeast Iran, there is a country, that is Pakistan, in which fundamental, anti-Shia, ethnic, and ideological groups have existed. In the article, based on Emile Durkheim’s concept of mechanical solidarity, we intend to analyze the historical and social formation of Baloch in Pakistan and its impact on ethnic fragmentation in the eastern borders of Iran. The findings reveal that based on Durkheim's concept of mechanical solidarity, Pakistani Baloch has inspired Iranian Baloch ethnically and ideologically, and despite their varieties in terms of practical mechanism, Pakistani Baloch generally desire the formation of the Great Balochistan. Base on the aspiration, some groups are branched Baloch are inclined to military modus operandi so that they can the eastern areas of Shiite Iran and attract Baloch who live in Sistan-Baluchistan province. Based on this aspiration, some branches of the Baloch tribal elite even went to the military direction, while insecuring the Eastern regions of Iran, attract Baluchis living in Sistan and Baluchistan province.
ali adami; nazanin nazifi; aref bijan
Abstract
If the past to the present, the Middle East can be defined in one word, that word is "instability." Following the current challenges, the opening of relations between the two countries in the Middle East is more significant than other regional alliances: "Israel and Saudi Arabia". The main question is: ...
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If the past to the present, the Middle East can be defined in one word, that word is "instability." Following the current challenges, the opening of relations between the two countries in the Middle East is more significant than other regional alliances: "Israel and Saudi Arabia". The main question is: to what extent Israel and Saudi Arabia have been able to succeed in balancing against Iran? it's assumed that; The factors that keep these two governments together are: concern over Iran's nuclear deal, It also reduced the presence and role of the United States in the region, Reduce the US presence and role in the region, And crises caused by extremism and the civil war in Syria. However, given the challenges of regional and trans-regional actors, the proximity of two governments is not a step towards consolidating a balanced alliance to isolate and confront Iran. Despite the commonalities and causative factors in the normalization of relations between the two countries more than before, According to Randall Schwedler's “Under balancing" theory can be said: The two countries have not been able to form a strong alliance especially against Iran as their common enemy.
Hassan Bashir; Mohsen Amin
Abstract
The annual speeches of the political leaders at the UN General Assembly are the most visible opportunities for the members of the organization to present their international approach to their global government at the global platform. In this paper, using content analysis methods and analyzing discourse, ...
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The annual speeches of the political leaders at the UN General Assembly are the most visible opportunities for the members of the organization to present their international approach to their global government at the global platform. In this paper, using content analysis methods and analyzing discourse, the text of the speeches of Hassan Rouhani and Donald Tramp at the general assembly of 2017 will be examined in quantitative and qualitative terms and discussed in the context of CMM as one of the ideas of the field of between Cultural communication. The application of this theory in our analysis showed that while Rouhani's speeches were mostly from the "protestor" position, he addressed regional issues and equal relations with Iran-the world; Tramp, adopting a top-down position as the "moderator of the world", depicted a pattern of the state and the nation of America As an action plan for other countries. Also, the use of three interpretive, critical, and applied levels of CMM theory clarified that, firstly, the identity contradictions presented in two speeches deriving from a different global pattern of culture were with each speaker, and secondly, the only solution was to adopt a third way that could have the threatening or objectionable side of the parties In a dignified and equitable manner, to engage in communication, dialogue and engagement, and provide for cross-border communication in the form of transnational organizations
mohsen bayat; ebrahim taheri; mehdi zolfaghari
Abstract
Why Iran has a different security policy in Syria and Iraq? Many explanations have been raised within the framework of materialist notions. The purpose of this paper is to provide an alternative explanation with a critical approach. We used the qualitative method of documentary analysis that includes, ...
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Why Iran has a different security policy in Syria and Iraq? Many explanations have been raised within the framework of materialist notions. The purpose of this paper is to provide an alternative explanation with a critical approach. We used the qualitative method of documentary analysis that includes, aside from the accurate presentation of question, hypothesis, and purpose of research, several stages; providing an interactive dialectical framework with the aim of conducting research, determining and select resources that have authenticity, credibility, representativeness and meaning and also content sampling from resources. This explanation is based on the hypothesis that the Islamic identity of Iran is the most important factor in shaping Iran's security policy. This alternative explanation is not only explaining Iran’s military and security role in the region’s countries but also justifies and legitimizes it. Islamic identity is the most basic cause of Iran's security policy in these countries. The increasing instability in the region and the power vacuum as a mediator variable only have provided opportunity for tangible influence of Islamic identity on Iran security policy.
Abstract
شکل گیری اخیزش2011 مصر،موجب شد تا نظامی از تداخل گفتمانی در این کشور شکل گرفته و نوعی از تقابل و تعامل را بین سکولارها با مسلک دموکراتیک و اقتدارگرایی و همچنین اسلام گرایان ...
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شکل گیری اخیزش2011 مصر،موجب شد تا نظامی از تداخل گفتمانی در این کشور شکل گرفته و نوعی از تقابل و تعامل را بین سکولارها با مسلک دموکراتیک و اقتدارگرایی و همچنین اسلام گرایان با دو مرام یادشده، شاهد باشیم.از این رو،شاهد شکل گیری مجموعه ای از گفتمان هاییم که در نزاع با هم، سعی در به حاشیه رانی رقیب و تثبیت نظام معنایی خود داشته اند.یکی از این گفتمانها،گفتمان سکولار اقتدارگرا می باشد.بدین ترتیب،سؤال اینجاست که معنا و مفهوم گفتمان یادشده و همچنین مؤلفه های آن کدامند و چه گروه ها و احزابی از آن پیروی می کنند؟. پاسخ بدین پرسش با روش لاکلایی، اینگونه گشت که گفتمان مزبور سعی دارد تا دالهایی چون توسعه اقتصادی،حقوق شهروندی و کرامت انسانی،مبارزه با تروریسم،عدالت اجتماعی و استقلال در سیاست خارجی را به وسیله ی دال مرکزی «امنیت» معنابخشی کرده و هویتی جدید بیافریند.نظامیان مصر که از همین منطق گفتمانی پیروی می کنند،توانستند تا با امنیتی سازی مصر و به زور شمشیر ، گفتمان رقیبشان را به حاشیه رانده و خود را هژمون سازند.
Asgar Safari
Abstract
Since 1945, western countries and specially the United States have tried to secure their international interests by establishing international economic institutions, regional security organizations and dissemination of liberal political norms, Known as international liberal order. But in recent years ...
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Since 1945, western countries and specially the United States have tried to secure their international interests by establishing international economic institutions, regional security organizations and dissemination of liberal political norms, Known as international liberal order. But in recent years this order has been challenged by some newly emerged powers such as China. Inabilities in administration of some international affairs such as international order, global economy and terrorism have weakened west position more. This fact has risen an important question: what would be the future of international liberal order and whether we should expect emerge of a new international order as a replacement for liberal order in the future? With the aim of investigating statues of liberal international order in current situation and in the shadow of newly international emerged powers such as China, the article have put two questions forward: what is the view point of China to the current international liberal order and how the county efforts in regional institutional building specially in Central Asia could be analyzed? The finding of the research reveals that Chain is just interested to revise the current order and the country institution building effort is a part of its plan for this revision.
Mohammad Karim Mohammadi
Abstract
Postmodernism, as the current which has emerged out of developments in the modern world, and by enjoying the critical discourse of modernity, has created many effects on various spheres, including in the political arena. In this research, by raising this question that, what is the relation between post-modernism ...
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Postmodernism, as the current which has emerged out of developments in the modern world, and by enjoying the critical discourse of modernity, has created many effects on various spheres, including in the political arena. In this research, by raising this question that, what is the relation between post-modernism and politics, this hypothesis is formulated that, postmodernism, when implemented in politics, under the influence of relativistic attitudes in the ontological, epistemological and ethical spheres, offers a cynical and skeptical approach to power and rule, which leads to suspension the possibility of any political judgment or political action. In order to test this hypothesis, and by taking advantage of a coherent conceptual framework, first, the genealogy of this current, based on modernity’s process of change and evolution, is investigated and then, by analyzing different aspects of postmodern though in the realm of ontological, epistemological, ethics and politics, the consequences of this approach, on the political and related areas of power and politics, are analyzed.
ALIREZA BEYGI; ALIREZA BEYGI; Ramin Valizadeh Meidani
Abstract
The Bahraini government tried to suppress the Bahraini people's movement on February 14, 2011, with the trial of mostly Shi'ite leaders. The political defenses of February 14th leaders in the Bahraini military tribunals can be seen as another area of continuation of political contention against the government, ...
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The Bahraini government tried to suppress the Bahraini people's movement on February 14, 2011, with the trial of mostly Shi'ite leaders. The political defenses of February 14th leaders in the Bahraini military tribunals can be seen as another area of continuation of political contention against the government, so that the trial of revolutionary leaders has become a confrontation between two discourses. This article seeks to elucidate and analyze the attitudes of the leaders of the February 14th Bahrain Movement. Indeed, this study, by analyzing the discourse of the Bahraini leadership's defenses, is seeking to answer the question that the leaders of the February 14th movement, who have been in Bahrain since 2011, how do they defend themselves in response to al-Khalifa's allegations? The results of this paper, which are descriptive-analytic and library-based sources, show that these individuals have used the most from the use of quantitative and qualitative variables from vocabulary, metaphor and interests cases to defend themselves. The reason for this is the social position of the leaders, their level of knowledge and skills in speech and writing, because they all had high level of science and most of them are the leaders of the political groups and have been associated with different classes and groups. In the end, this research will express the imagined horizon facing this movement and will explain the type of political structure of power that has emerged in Bahraini society.
