Political Science
Bahram Akhavan Kazemi; Hosein Mohseni
Abstract
Pandemics are among the most important events affecting various economic, social, cultural, and political aspects, hence an acid test of functioning of states. Considered as a kind of intervention in social relations, the epidemic disease, owing to its characteristics, targets the logic of established ...
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Pandemics are among the most important events affecting various economic, social, cultural, and political aspects, hence an acid test of functioning of states. Considered as a kind of intervention in social relations, the epidemic disease, owing to its characteristics, targets the logic of established relationships and can potentially have an epoch-making capability. This internal characteristic renders the epidemic disease completely political. In this respect, the present research tries to answer the key question of what negative and positive effects pandemics exert on politics. The research is based on the hypothesis that pandemics have both negative and positive dimensions. The negative aspects include several issues imposed on societies, such as the increased instability, civil war, insecurity, increased power of the state and statism, rebellion, etc. Meanwhile, pandemics have positive aspects, such as the social and political cohesion, peace and cooperation between nation-states, growth of cyberspace activities and more pressure on the state, cessation of some wars, and growth of political and freedom-seeking movements—which are generally overlooked under the shadow of great challenges.There is ample literature, both in English and in Persian, on epidemic diseases and the global coronavirus disease. In her book The Impact of Outbreaks of Infectious Diseases on Political Stability, Menzel (2018) argues that the spread of Ebola, tuberculosis, and influenza caused unrest in some countries. Examining about 120 countries during an eighteen-year-long period, she observes that the three diseases were significantly correlated with the level of political stability in the affected countries in a particular year. Moreover, the research on the US policies in prevention of AIDS in African countries observed that the HIV pandemic caused international instability and insecurity, especially in African countries, so HIV has become a priority for the US foreign policy. Despite the research attempts, it seems that the topic has not been dealt with in a focused manner. In this respect, the present article intends to examine each of these pandemics in a historical context in order to shed light on their impact on politics and the political. The present study is thus necessary given its innovative subject.Focused on a novel research topic, the present study pursues the following objectives: the scientific explanation and analysis of the political effects of pandemics (esp. COVID–19), the analysis of the impact of the COVID–19 pandemic on the nature and performance of states, and the explanation of the effects of the COVID–19 pandemic on transparency, elections, and in general, on democratic processes in different countries.Imposed on societies throughout history, crises such as pandemics are generally considered as a manifestation of the political. For example, due to the outbreak of plague, merchants closed their shops and fled to the outskirts, which left workers and artisans without a livelihood. The closure of stores caused unemployment, leading to conflict over resources and the ensuing insecurity and chaos. In addition, the pandemic was one of the apparent reasons underlying the population decline, the death of elders, and the death of political and intellectual elite, which gave rise to the urban and rural chaos, insecurity and disorder in social relations, and the political chaos. Cholera is another pandemic affecting political life throughout history. The cholera pandemic not only caused a decline in population and state power as well as an increase in protests in countries such as India, but also disturb the power of empires and the sense of security of Western powers and put their vulnerability at risk. It also created tensions over whether global communications would remain open or closed. The Spanish flu, which occurred during World War I, killed a large number of people, resulted in chaos in different parts of the world, and changed the war plans and peace negotiations. Concerning HIV, the children losing their parents due to the disease are more likely to be recruited to terrorist groups. Furthermore, individuals with HIV, especially women, are excluded from society and politics.Despite their challenges, pandemics can have positive effects, albeit minimal, on politics. For instance, the plague pandemic caused a revolution of the elite and intellectuals and could stop the Hundred Years’ War between England and France. The influenza pandemic brought a sense of urgency to improve public health, leading to advances in medical science, public health planning, and international cooperation among states. Due to the cholera pandemic, the world states start international cooperation with each other, thus initiating the efforts to conclude international health agreements. HIV has also been an opportunity to correct fundamental injustices and mobilize positive political movements concerning issues such as women’s, children’s, and homosexuals’ rights.Regarding the negative effects COVID–19, the pandemic challenged and questioned many political issues. For example, it challenged participation in elections and voting as an obvious form of political activity. Moreover, the outbreak of COVID–19 led to a decline in the process of consensus building in most countries, with the executive branch taking and implementing decisions. The pandemic was also used as a pretext for limiting media activities. More importantly, the outbreak of COVID–19 led to an unprecedented increase in injustice and discrimination around the world. Meanwhile, the pandemic created good opportunities, such as generating new forms of civil mobilization, providing the means for human convergence, and reducing defense costs at the national and global levels.In general, although pandemics fundamentally challenge human life in various fields and particularly in politics, they intentionally or unintentionally open up a few opportunities for politics and politicians. Likewise, the COVID–19 pandemic brought about sweeping changes, created positive trends, and could revive many faded or forgotten areas in the political arena—the aspect which used to be hidden in the heavy shadow of the killing and harm caused by the virus.
Abstract
Sayed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi, with a new look at wisdom and the introduction of a new classification of sciences, set a new age appropriate for political science and philosophy of politics and created a major change in public opinion of his time that had an impact until that time. The current foot is ...
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Sayed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi, with a new look at wisdom and the introduction of a new classification of sciences, set a new age appropriate for political science and philosophy of politics and created a major change in public opinion of his time that had an impact until that time. The current foot is flat. In his view, wisdom should lead to change in the individual and society and bring about favorable effects for society. The present study seeks to show how Seyed Jamal defined this transformation of political wisdom and how this new perspective relates to religion. He seems to have done so by re-dividing the sciences, explaining the position of political philosophy and politics in contemporary times, critiquing and re-examining the functions of wisdom in the modern age, and providing reasonable and the emphasis on education and rational criteria for efficient social interpretation of the Qur'an and religion.
Akram Bagheri; Mohammad Javad Golamreza Kashi
Abstract
The generality and determinism of modern political society is a central issue in the present article. We have shown that modern political philosophy, due to the multiplicative nature of society, has become two camps of totalitarians in one hand and pluralists and non-believers on the other. But in our ...
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The generality and determinism of modern political society is a central issue in the present article. We have shown that modern political philosophy, due to the multiplicative nature of society, has become two camps of totalitarians in one hand and pluralists and non-believers on the other. But in our political society, despite the intensifying emergence of social pluralities, we are still locked in a homogeneous and generalized understanding of political society. Considering Mulla Sadra's role in founding contemporary Islamic political thought in Iran, we claim the possibility of reading Mulla Sadra's theory of unity of existence, which provides the possibility of considering the whole of political society simultaneously with the acceptance of individuality and otherness in its modern sense. In this reading, we draw on Paul Ricoeur's hermeneutic model alongside the theory of Emmanuel Levinas, who can think of the capabilities of the text to solve our society's current problem and address zeal.
Mehdi Zibaei
Abstract
The recent uprisings in the Arab world that alike the previous ones were started from North Africa (Sudan and Algeria) have limitedly spilled over into Iraqi and Lebanese states; it made one more time necessary for scholars to consider the relations between state and society. In general, the social contract ...
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The recent uprisings in the Arab world that alike the previous ones were started from North Africa (Sudan and Algeria) have limitedly spilled over into Iraqi and Lebanese states; it made one more time necessary for scholars to consider the relations between state and society. In general, the social contract within the Arab world since the post-independence era to Arab uprisings is included in three sections in which the quality of relations between state and society are varied. In other words, the social contract of the Arab world in the modern era (after the First World War) was influenced more by the interests and policies of the major actors in the international environment than by the internal components. In the light of the historical sociological theory of international relations, this article intends to examine the social contract of the Arab world in a historical perspective. In this regard, while focusing on the social contract leading to the Arab unrest, some of the obstacles to the formation of a new and comprehensive social contract in the Arab world will be mentioned.
Hossein Deheshyar; Syed mohammad Aminabadi
Abstract
Identity can be considered as a link between Constructivism theory and theoretical studies related to international crises. According to a Constructivist Point of View, identities are the basis of interests and roles, and actors determine their friend and Enemy based on the identity they envision for ...
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Identity can be considered as a link between Constructivism theory and theoretical studies related to international crises. According to a Constructivist Point of View, identities are the basis of interests and roles, and actors determine their friend and Enemy based on the identity they envision for themselves. Accordingly, the main purpose of the present article is to answer this question: What role does Identity play in International Crises? In answer to this question, using the descriptive-analytical methods, we seek to test Hypothesis that if actors with inconsistent identities are involved in a crisis the crisis will have a high potential for intensification and expansion, and will most likely lead to the use of violent methods of crisis management. The best application of this hypothesis is the Syrian crisis. The beginning of the Syrian crisis was strongly influenced by the identity crisis within the Syrian government, and for this reason, two identity conflicts (Neo-Salafi-Alavi) and (Kurdish-Arabic) were highlighted in this crisis., Subsequently, two revolutionary and conservative axes led by Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as the third actor, Erdogan, entered the crisis and used all their power and proxy forces and allies to eliminate their "other" identities in Syria.
Developments in the Middle East
Abozar Rafiee Ghohsareh
Abstract
Introduction U Islam has always played a significant role in politics and governance in Islamic societies, ...
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Introduction U Islam has always played a significant role in politics and governance in Islamic societies, owing to its political and social nature. This role and significance have led authoritarian regimes in these countries to use Islam for legitimizing their actions in both domestic and foreign policy. The UAE government is a prime example in this respect, as it has manipulated religion and brought it in line with politics. To harmonize religion with its domestic and foreign policy, the UAE government has established its own religious institutions and attracted prominent religious figures, particularly after the so-called Arab Spring. These institutions appear to be independent, but they are fully supported by the UAE government in practice. In addition, prominent Sunni religious figures that support Sufi and non-political Islam are appointed as their leaders.Research Question(s)What were the goals of the UAE government in harmonizing religion with its foreign policy and what measures did it take to achieve these goals?ConclusionThe UAE government has taken extensive measures to deal with Islamist groups, including the Muslim Brotherhood, in order to prevent the spread of the Arab Spring and its potential dangers. One of the measures in this line is creating religious and intellectual foundations to counter Islamism. In response to the Arab Spring, the UAE government established institutions like Forum for Promoting Peace in Muslim Societies, the Fatwa Council, Tabah Foundation, and other religious centers. It also attracted renowned scholars with mystical and non-political leanings, such as Sheikh Abdallah bin Bayyah, Sheikh Hamza Yusuf, Habib Ali Zain al-Abidin al-Jifri, and Ali Nayed. These religious centers have significant financial support from the UAE government and are in competition with religious institutions supported by Qatar’s government. They promote an apolitical or neo-traditionalist Islam that opposes revolution, advocates maintaining the status quo, and supports unquestioning obedience to ruling political systems—a tendency which is also called theology of obedience.The UAE government has tried to use religious institutions to legitimize its actions in the field of politics, especially in the field of foreign policy. In this article, three examples of the efforts made by the political system ruling the UAE to "harmonize religion with foreign policy" have been examined: the Arab Spring, cutting off relations with Qatar, and establishing relations with Israel. In all three of these cases, the mentioned religious institutions fully supported the positions and actions of the UAE government and tried to create religious legitimacy for these actions and positions. In fact, the political system ruling the UAE has been very interested in using religious institutions and figures to legitimize its controversial policies inside and outside the country.
hamid saeedijavadi; aliakbar amini
Abstract
Sheikh Ismail Mahallati, known as a modernist scholar in Najaf, supported and defended the constitution with the beginning of the constitutional movement and after its establishment in Iran, along with other prominent scholars of that seminary, such as Akhund Khorasani, Mazandarani, Naeini and Tehrani. ...
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Sheikh Ismail Mahallati, known as a modernist scholar in Najaf, supported and defended the constitution with the beginning of the constitutional movement and after its establishment in Iran, along with other prominent scholars of that seminary, such as Akhund Khorasani, Mazandarani, Naeini and Tehrani. Coinciding with the establishment of the first term parliament and about a year before of Naini's book "Tanbih-al-ummah and Tanzih-al-mellah", he wrote a treatise entitled "Leali al-Marbutah in the Necessity of the Constitution", all of which was in defense of the Constitution and in response to its religious opponents. Sheikh Ismail Mahallati's main concern was how to overthrow the authoritarian regime and then control and monitor the government's performance. The discourse of local political thought in this treatise is formed around three basic axes: limiting the power, power of the nation and religion and rationality. Each of the above three components have elements that can be combined to overlap the nature of each component. In total, these components have eleven basic elements. With a historical and analytical approach, this article seeks to explain various aspects of neighborhood political thought in defense of the Iranian constitutional movement.
Ahmad Azizkhani
Abstract
This paper is shaped based on the question about the fall of Egypt and probable answers in the contemporary Egypt. (Question) With the fall of Cairo by Napoleon, this very question was raised amongst the Egyptian elites and three answers as westernism, nationalism, Islamic fundamentalism were mentioned. ...
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This paper is shaped based on the question about the fall of Egypt and probable answers in the contemporary Egypt. (Question) With the fall of Cairo by Napoleon, this very question was raised amongst the Egyptian elites and three answers as westernism, nationalism, Islamic fundamentalism were mentioned. this research propose is that due to the incapability of these three ways to solve the issues like incompetency and lack of identity, the fourth answer as political Islam flourished which sought to eradicate above-written problems by presenting a new model. (Proposal) this model not only paid attention to the Islamic values, but also tried to put Islamic rationalism and modern rationalism into same direction. Therefore, Political Islam has been always involved with reviving Islamic identity as well as conforming it to global values. It should be noticed that one at times has been prioritized over the other, a process which is called transforming Islamic movement. This paper is to focus on the transformation of this movement under the two topics of “finding identity” and “adaptation” (Achievements).
mohsen Shafiee Seifabadi; ali bagheri dolatabadi
Abstract
The main question of the present article is "How has Covid-19 affected the globalization discourse in the current crisis? And what will be the scenarios facing Corona and the globalization discourse?" The results of a future research method show that the discourse of globalization is hurting by ...
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The main question of the present article is "How has Covid-19 affected the globalization discourse in the current crisis? And what will be the scenarios facing Corona and the globalization discourse?" The results of a future research method show that the discourse of globalization is hurting by the central sign of liberalism and by floating signs such as the free market and global trade before the Corona crisis. Corona's oversight has intensified, with states continuing to tighten their policies, such as blocking borders, controlling and restricting information and news, disregarding social justice and human rights, the spread of nationalism, authoritarianism and severe censorship. This practice gradually challenged the rest of the floating signs. Seems that there are five scenarios for the future of the globalization discourse, which are as follows: A) Favorable future: the return of globalization to the past and reunification between states. B) Probable future: 1. Reducing the speed of the globalization process and turning states to utilitarianism. 2. Reducing the speed of the globalization process, and temporarily shrink the international environment. C) Possible future: stopping the discourse of globalization, the failure of capitalist ideology and the emergence of new ideologies.
hassan ahmadi; Hosein Harsij; hamid nassaj; Abbas Hatami
Abstract
According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The question is that why the process of political changes has not been materialized ...
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According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The question is that why the process of political changes has not been materialized in spite of this class increase in Saudi Arabia and Iraq? Based on the theory of transition to democracy and the comparative method, findings show that both countries are similar in increasing symbolic features of emerged middle classes, such as the development of higher education, bureaucracy and per capita income. However, due to cultural barriers, the rentier nature of the government, the patronage relationship, and the negative role of the external factor, any role in advancing democratization is excluded from this class, and tactical liberalization from above may lead to revolutionary change if democratic demands are not met, and may cause a general uprising. Political instability and structures imposed by American after the collapse of the Baathist regime are also responsible for dysfunction of this classes in Iraq in the establishment of democracy while Iraq has passed the first process of democratization by the collapse regime of Saddam and entered the second phase of democratic institutional consolidation, yet Saudi Arabia has faced serious barriers in her first phase.
Mehdi Hedayati Shahidani; Mohammad Reza Babaie
Abstract
With the aim of defeating the goals of the Yemeni revolution, the Saudi-led Arabic Coalition entered the Yemeni campaign in 2015. But there were clear signs of disagreement among key members of the coalition on the Yemeni scene. The southern regions of Yemen became competition place of Saudi Arabia and ...
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With the aim of defeating the goals of the Yemeni revolution, the Saudi-led Arabic Coalition entered the Yemeni campaign in 2015. But there were clear signs of disagreement among key members of the coalition on the Yemeni scene. The southern regions of Yemen became competition place of Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Accordingly, the main question of the article is what are the most important factors of competition between the UAE and Saudi Arabia in the Yemeni crisis? The hypothesis is that the two actors' different perceptions of the common enemy component and their skeptical attitude about the desired results are the main factors in the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and UAE in Yemen. This article describes the components of competition between the two countries in Yemen through a descriptive-analytical method, and examines the impact of the competition between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi on the political future of Yemen.
International Relations
Seyedreza Mousavinia; Seyed mohammad Aminabadi
Abstract
IntroductionThe distribution of power in the international system and the relationship between the two are important indicators for the analysis of international crises. There is a direct relationship between the structure of the international system and stability, conflict, and crisis; therefore, the ...
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IntroductionThe distribution of power in the international system and the relationship between the two are important indicators for the analysis of international crises. There is a direct relationship between the structure of the international system and stability, conflict, and crisis; therefore, the nature, consequences, and management of international crises as well as behavioral patterns of international actors all vary according to the structure of the international system. The present research seeks to explain the relationship between the two by focusing on the negative and positive impact of the bipolar structure on the escalation of the Syrian crisis. It is assumed that the behavior of states is influenced by the structure of the international system, be it unipolar, bipolar, multipolar, or transitional.The study tries to answer the key question as to how the positive and negative role of the bipolar structure contributed to the escalation of the Syrian crisis. The research is based on the main hypothesis that the lack of systemic limitations particular to the bipolar structure of the Cold War restricted identity, ideological, and geopolitical conflicts in the Middle East region during the Syrian crisis, and that the crisis escalated—from both negative and positive perspectives—due to the emergence of the putative bipolar structure at the regional level through the zero-sum game between the two regional poles, namely Iran and Saudi Arabia, along with their regional allies and proxy arms. Despite the extensive literature both about the Syrian crisis and about the impact of the structure of the international system on international crises, no independent research seems to have been conducted on the negative and positive impact of the bipolar structure on the Syrian crisis, so the present research has novelty in this respect.The structure of the international system and the Syrian crisisThis research argues that the distribution of power in the international system, also known as structure, undeniably affects the political and security dynamism at the level of the regional (sub)systems. During the Cold War, the two superpowers could not be indifferent to the instability in the strategic regions of the world because any instability and crisis therein would lead to an ideological vacuum and the possibility that the vacuum would be filled with rival ideologies—hence changes in the status of the satellite countries. However, the collapse of the bipolar system and the end of the Cold War resulted in a period of instability in the international system. According to Waltz and Mearsheimer, the systems that are not bipolar are unstable, and the instability undeniably affects the escalation of international crises and conflicts, such as the Syrian crisis.The Syrian crisis was characterized by the lack of bipolarity, a transitional period in the international system, and the absence of a new system and establishment of new rules. As a result, the US, uncertain about its strategy for stepping in the crisis, transferred its responsibility for maintaining the stability of the system to its regional allies; consequently, the intervention of regional actors, as one of the main factors, contributed to the escalation of the Syrian crisis. Meanwhile, the lack of the stabilizing structure prepared the ground for the formation of a regional bipolar structure centered on Iran and Saudi Arabia and their proxy arms, which would escalate the instability. By defining their interests in the Syrian crisis within the zero-sum game (i.e., maintaining Assad/overthrowing Assad), the regional bipolarity played a big role in escalating the Syrian crisis, and Syria became the main field for the new regional cold war between Iran and Saudi Arabia.ConclusionSyria was considered as one of the Soviet satellites during the Cold War, so if the Syrian crisis had occurred during the Cold War, Russia would have stepped in the crisis, the US would have withdrawn from it, and regional actors (e.g., Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey) would not have been allowed to use their proxy forces (e.g., Hezbollah, the Free Army, and Salafi groups) in order to play an independent role in the crisis in line with their interests. The reason is that the bipolar system would not essentially allow the regional actor to play an independent role in the system. However, the Syrian crisis escalated as a result of the end of the bipolar system, the transitional situation in which the rules of the new system had not been established yet, the US strategic uncertainty about how to step in the crisis, its fear of military intervention and experience of Iraq and Afghanistan, its transfer of responsibility to its weak regional allies, the regional bipolarity centered on Iran and Saudi Arabia and their ensuing strong presence with their proxy forces—in line with their predetermined interests—and finally the historical opportunism of Russia to restore its dignity and historical status in the Middle East and support its historic ally.
Majid Abbasi
Abstract
The political upheaval known as the Islamic Awakening, which has gripped the Arab Middle East since 2011, in one case led to the overthrow of the ruling regime in Libya through Western military intervention. The military intervention came as Gaddafi's foreign policy shifted from an anti-Western orientation ...
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The political upheaval known as the Islamic Awakening, which has gripped the Arab Middle East since 2011, in one case led to the overthrow of the ruling regime in Libya through Western military intervention. The military intervention came as Gaddafi's foreign policy shifted from an anti-Western orientation to voluntary engagement with the West, and relations seemingly normalized. But despite these changes, the onset of the internal Libyan crisis led to a practical and immediate response by the Western coalition aimed at overthrowing Gaddafi. This study, while theoretically studying Libyan foreign policy in the framework of James Rosena's theory and using a descriptive-explanatory method, seeks to answer the main question of why Gaddafi pursued an interactive and participatory foreign policy with the West in the last decade of his rule. But after the beginning of the popular uprising, the Western countries in the form of NATO began to intervene militarily in this country? The main hypothesis is that despite pursuing a policy of interaction with the West; Lack of trust between the parties and the lack of social, economic and political reforms and the continuation of internal discontent led the Western countries to support the fall of Gaddafi as the crisis in Libya began.
International Relations
Gholamali Cheganizadeh; Saeed Shokoohi
Abstract
Introduction The way decision-makers perceive events is just as important, and potentially even more ...
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Introduction The way decision-makers perceive events is just as important, and potentially even more important, than the events themselves. Regardless of the actual situation and reality, decision-makers act based on their perception of what is happening. This underscores the crucial role that cognitive and mental factors play in shaping the behavior of actors. When analyzing international political issues, it is necessary to distinguish between the operational milieu and psychological milieu. This is especially important when major or acute issues of the international system are at play, and emotions, nationalism, or ideology come into play. Currently, during Joe Biden’s presidency, the relationship between China and the US is experiencing one of its worst periods, and rhetorical tensions between the two countries have escalated. In this context, the possibility of non-emotional dialogues and understanding significantly has decreased. Instead, both sides are arranging their policies and reactions based on their perceptions of each other’s intentions. Therefore, it is crucial to address the issue of perceptions and misperceptions between these two rival countries.Research QuestionsThis article aimed to analyze how Chinese elites perceive the intentions and policies of American officials towards Beijing. Understanding the perceptions of Chinese elites can shed light on their behavior and reactions to events in the international system for outside observers. For the purposes of this research, Chinese elites refer to influential groups in policymaking and public opinion, including policymakers, university professors, researchers, journalists, and businessmen. Specifically, this study explored Chinese elites’ perceptions of US intentions, Washington’s policies towards Taiwan and India, the rivalry between the two countries, and Beijing’s future role in the international order.Literature ReviewDespite the critical importance of understanding China’s perceptions and misperceptions of US policies and goals, there has been limited research conducted on the topic. Boullenois et al. (2018) published a report for the European Council on Foreign Relations, which studied the three distinct perceptions of Trump held by Chinese elites. Kennedy (2007) explored the US policies towards Taiwan and the perceptions of those policies among Chinese elites, while Sinkkonen and Elovainio (2020) surveyed the views of Chinese students and the educated class on the threats posed by America and Japan. Their findings indicated that students who consumed Chinese media for extended periods were more likely to be sympathetic to the media’s narrative of the enmity of Japan and America. In 2015, the Carnegie Institute published an analytical report titled “Perception and Misperception in American and Chinese Views of the Other” (Johnston & Shen, 2015), which analyzed Chinese people’s attitudes towards Americans and themselves, China’s role in international leadership, and the role of American parties in Chinese politics. Similar to the previous studies, the present research aimed to examine Chinese elites’ perceptions of the US policies and intentions and their impact on Beijing’s foreign policy. However, this study innovatively relied on authentic surveys and Chinese sources to extract and analyze the Chinese elites’ views about the US.MethodologyThis research employed the method of directed qualitative content analysis to extract and analyze Chinese elites’ perceptions of US policies and intentions towards Beijing. Directed qualitative content analysis is a deductive approach that begins by determining the variables and key concepts of the research based on a theoretical framework and existing literature. Then, the researcher collects, codes, and analyzes data related to these variables and concepts. In this study, the data related to the variables specified in the conceptual framework was collected from the Chinese elites’ views and interviews, as well as the review of the existing literature in the field. The collected date was then coded, decoded, and analyzed within the conceptual framework. Finally, the study went on to examine the effects of those perceptions on China–US relations. The variables were also categorized based on the items specified in the conceptual framework.ResultsThe research findings indicate that Chinese elites perceive the US as follows: 1) China’s main enemy, 2) China’s identity enemy, 3) China’s main rival in international leadership, 4) China’s main economic and technological competitor, and 5) the challenger to China’s regional power. According to the results, younger elites are less pessimistic than their older counterparts, while businessmen hold a more pessimistic outlook than political or academic elites. Discussion A crucial element in China–US relations is the perception that the window of strategic opportunity is closing. According to the analysis, Chinese decision-makers view the favorable foreign environment as a strategic opportunity for China’s growth. The US was preoccupied with issues in other regions and did not actively seek to curb China, which created a strategic opportunity for China. However, many Chinese strategists now believe that this strategic opportunity is diminishing, and China will face increased pressure going forward. This shift in the strategic environment is likely to alter Beijing’s calculations and approach. These factors have contributed to China’s more assertive and confrontational foreign policy towards the US inrecent years, while attempting to manage the confrontation and prevent it from spiraling out of control.ConclusionThe rigorous economic policies imposed by the US on China have led many Chinese experts to perceive that America is in decline while China is on the rise, and this trend cannot be halted in the long term. Additionally, China’s skepticism towards international norms and institutions dominated by the West, particularly the US, has grown. When these norms and institutions impinge on China’s critical interests, Beijing’s distrust and confrontational stance intensify.By observing the US policies, China concludes that the US easily uses international norms and institutions to advance its own interests and resorts to double standards. Deep pessimism towards international norms lies in the realistic view among many Chinese strategists that the international system is ultimately an anarchic system in which the most powerful actors determine the rules. What is important is the relative power of the country and its material capacities.Finally, some US policies have made Chinese elites worry that America may create more problems for China. For example, withdrawing from international agreements and institutions concerning climatic changes, free trade, and arms control has concerned China. Moreover, according to the Chinese, America ignores the trade problems of other countries and blames others for its own problems. Therefore, China considers America a troublesome country. This situation will not only reduce the economicinterdependence between the two countries in the long term, but also intensify the possibility of conflict between the two.
Hossein Delavar; Mohsen Eslami; Masoud Mousavi Shafaee; Mohammad Hosein Jamshidi
Abstract
One of the distinguishing features of the current international situation is the growth of China as a great power. The growing power of China for protecting of security interests is directly tied to the US international position; As a result, China's strategic engagement with the US is one of the issues ...
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One of the distinguishing features of the current international situation is the growth of China as a great power. The growing power of China for protecting of security interests is directly tied to the US international position; As a result, China's strategic engagement with the US is one of the issues that is essential to understand the future state of international order. This article examines China's pattern of behavior toward the US under the unipolar order system. Hence, the question that the authors have tried to answer with a descriptive-analytical approach is that what pattern governs China's foreign policy to advance its interests, and strategic interactions with the US in the current international order? Findings show that due to the necessity of entangling polarity, economic factor and threat perception, China has adopted a dual pattern of behavior, like the domestic capabilities and external soft balance, in order to advance its strategic interests and interactions with the US. The first concept refers to the continuation of economic efforts along with increasing military capabilities to increase China's relative power. In the second concept, China's internationally balanced behavior toward the United States is considered. This is mostly done through multilateral institutions and economic diplomacy.
saeed mirtorabi; mahtab sari aslani
Abstract
Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as well as many other phenomena associated with the "emergence of China," ...
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Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as well as many other phenomena associated with the "emergence of China," has sparked a lot of controversy about the motives and consequences of this transformation, which has not yet been addressed in our country. In this regard, the present paper, regardless of the implications of this evolution, examines its causes and context by referring to Beijing's motivations as donors and the needs of African societies as recipients in the context of the core question of the article. The hypothesis that the article examines by descriptive-analytic method is that the rapid increase of Chinese foreign aid to African countries in recent years is primarily due to the international requirements for responding to structural changes in China's domestic political economy and the alignment of the needs of African with Beijing foreign assistance. So, it can be predicted that the presence of China in the Africa will continue to increase in the coming years, and foreign aid will continue to be considered by Beijing officials as one of the main means for establishing this wider presence.
Seyed Abdolamir Nabavi; Nozhan Etezadolsaltaneh
Abstract
As an ideological totalitarian state, on the way towards the utopic society, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has attempted to cultivate people via totalitarian control over the human lives. However, through an unusual reading of the sacred text (Koran), ISIS has focused on a special version of ...
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As an ideological totalitarian state, on the way towards the utopic society, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has attempted to cultivate people via totalitarian control over the human lives. However, through an unusual reading of the sacred text (Koran), ISIS has focused on a special version of education for kids and non-adults. Focusing on the ideological content of the educational texts and content Analysis of them, and based on the important conceptual frameworks introduced by Louis Althusser on the Ideological State Apparatus, the present study attempts to explore the ISIS textbooks, besides the emotional utilities they use in order to strengthen members’ loyalty to the Kaliph. Doing such exploration, our endeavor is concentrated on the different techniques ISIS applies to absorb and train non-adult members: 1. Desensitization to Violence, 2. Collective Identity Inculcation, 3. Positive Governance, 4. Loss/ Replacement of Positive Role Model (s) and 5. Trusted Adult Influencers.
Mohammad Reza Dehshiri; Mohammadreza Ghaedi; Seyed Mehdi Habibi
Abstract
The main question of the present article is "How has Covid-19 affected the globalization discourse in the current crisis? And what will be the scenarios facing Corona and the globalization discourse?" The results of a future research method show that the discourse of globalization is hurting by the central ...
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The main question of the present article is "How has Covid-19 affected the globalization discourse in the current crisis? And what will be the scenarios facing Corona and the globalization discourse?" The results of a future research method show that the discourse of globalization is hurting by the central sign of liberalism and by floating signs such as the free market and global trade before the Corona crisis. Corona's oversight has intensified, with states continuing to tighten their policies, such as blocking borders, controlling and restricting information and news, disregarding social justice and human rights, the spread of nationalism, authoritarianism and severe censorship. This practice gradually challenged the rest of the floating signs. Seems that there are five scenarios for the future of the globalization discourse, which are as follows: A) Favorable future: the return of globalization to the past and reunification between states. B) Probable future: 1. Reducing the speed of the globalization process and turning states to utilitarianism. 2. Reducing the speed of the globalization process, and temporarily shrink the international environment. C) Possible future: stopping the discourse of globalization, the failure of capitalist ideology and the emergence of new ideologies.
Marzieh sadat Alvand; Abolfazl Ghasemi
Abstract
Understanding health is a biological, psychological - social problem and requires complex policy actions and present of a variety of stakeholders in health policy process. In Contrary to the traditional approach to understanding health which was reductionist and medical, new approach is multi-dimensional ...
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Understanding health is a biological, psychological - social problem and requires complex policy actions and present of a variety of stakeholders in health policy process. In Contrary to the traditional approach to understanding health which was reductionist and medical, new approach is multi-dimensional and the attitude toward health is seen a phenomenon that depends on political, social, economic, cultural, individual and biological variables. New epidemic diseases including Covid-19 are not limited to medicine and must be seen as multi-level issue in a complicated format policy action. The main question of the present article is: what are the strategy principal policy making of confronting with corona? According to descriptive-analytic method and based on malign problem, research findings indicate policy design of confronting with corona must be applied at collaborative approach framework and at health governance frame. Governments must change the way they look at complex and malignant problems. It must change from command and control to leadership. The strategic implications of Corona policy-making are based on a collaborative approach, attention to the socio-historical context, changing the behavior of stakeholders and actors, determining authority, using health diplomacy, inclusive support system, increasing socio-political capital and using technology.
Political Sociology
Abolfazl Arasteh; Yaser Kahrazeh; Mehdi Salah; Zeinab Hashemi baghi
Abstract
IntroductionNot only does Iran have a high emigration flow compared to other countries but also it has a high immigration flow with foreign nationals, such as Afghans and Iraqis, immigrating to the country. The political and social circumstances prevailing in Iran’s Eastern and Western neighbors ...
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IntroductionNot only does Iran have a high emigration flow compared to other countries but also it has a high immigration flow with foreign nationals, such as Afghans and Iraqis, immigrating to the country. The political and social circumstances prevailing in Iran’s Eastern and Western neighbors have led the immigration of their people into Iran, which in turn has extensively directed the national and international attention to policymaking and management of immigrants in Iran. Concerning the policymaking, several principles such as equality, multiple citizenship, dominant or effective citizenship, and human dignity should be taken into consideration by the officials. The issue in Iran manifests itself mostly in the immigration of Afghans, with more than 80% of the immigrant population. The common border as well as linguistic, religious, and cultural commonality between Afghanistan and Iran has provided the ground for the strong presence of Afghan immigrants in Iran, which is generally due to the principle of neighborliness. Sistan and Baluchestan Province is one of Iran’s provinces that are heavily involved with the immigration of Afghans, hosting a large number of legal and illegal Afghan immigrants every year. This widespread immigration has caused various problems and harms concerning security, social, cultural, and economic issues, hence the growing need for an appropriate immigration management model.MethodAs an applied–developmental study, the present article aimed to design an optimal model for management of Afghan nationals in Sistan and Baluchestan Province. The research used the qualitative method and the cross-sectional research design as the data collection procedure. The theoretical experts (university professors) and experimental experts (administrators of Sistan and Baluchestan Province) were considered as the statistical population of the research. Moreover, the theoretical sampling method was used to select the sample, which is an appropriate method for determining the sample size in the grounded theory methodology. A semi-structured interview was used to collect the data. To measure the research validity, the study relied on the criteria of validity, transferability, verifiability, and reliability.The Holsti coefficient was used to evaluate the reliability of the qualitative part. To analyze the collected data, the study employed MaxQDA software to perform the grounded theory method (data-based theory) based on Strauss and Corbin’s approach.To present the research model, the study relied on the viewpoints of eight selected experts and formulated six tentative questions: 1) What are the causal conditions at work in formulating policies for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 2) What is the central phenomenon in an optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 3) What are the influential bases and contexts in the process of formulating the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 4) What strategy should be used to implement the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan? 5) What are the effective intervening conditions in the process of formulating an optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchistan? 6) What are the consequences of implementing the optimal model for management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan?ResultsHaving analyzed the results of the interviews by using the database method, the research obtained the main indicators and categories as follows: background conditions (main category: implementation of conditional ban in the province), causal conditions (main categories: full implementation of the law prohibiting the presence of foreign nationals; cultural, religious and political similarities; and establishment of centralized management), the central phenomenon (main category: management of Afghan immigrants), strategies and actions (main category: the amendment of law and legislation), intervening conditions (main category: condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals), consequences (main categories: crime reduction and development of sustainable security in the province, improvement of economic conditions in the province, increase in the people’s level of satisfaction).Discussion and ConclusionConcerning the main indicators and categories mentioned above, the full implementation of the law prohibiting the presence of foreign nationals; cultural, religious, and political similarities; and establishment of centralized management were considered as the basic factors affecting the management of Afghan immigrants. This specific method of management effects the strategic amendment of laws and legislation. Yet it should be taken into account that condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals acts as an intervening factor in this respect, and the implementation of a conditional ban in the province can provide the background conditions. The strategic amendment of laws will bring about the behavioral consequences such as crime reduction and development of sustainable security in the province, improvement of economic conditions in the province, and increase in the people’s level of satisfaction. The results also showed that condemnation of the policy on banning the presence of foreign nationals is a deterrent and intervening factor with negative effects on management of Afghan immigrants in Sistan and Baluchestan, so it is necessary to eliminate it by adopting appropriate strategies.
aboozar omrani; Hossein Deheshyar
Abstract
Many researchers believe that, in the recent century, international law has grown and formed in order to achieve the goals of the great powers and in its shadow. In this way, the question is: Why and how great powers of the international system are determinative in the formation and expansion of international ...
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Many researchers believe that, in the recent century, international law has grown and formed in order to achieve the goals of the great powers and in its shadow. In this way, the question is: Why and how great powers of the international system are determinative in the formation and expansion of international law. It seems that the great powers, due to their position in terms of their various capabilities, can be effective in the creation and expansion of international law in various ways, such as customizing and shaping international treaties. The purpose of this article is to investigate the role of major powers in the evolution of international law, especially space law. In any case, just as the great powers created classical international law which did not exist before, in the modern era, it is the position and capability of the great powers, especially in the field of technology, that has given these powers the opportunity to take the lead in these matters. So the present study claims great powers are shapers, stabilizers and advocates of legal rules. In this regard, we try to study the role of the great powers, especially the United States and Russia, based on a descriptive-analytical method and using historical data.
Seyed Hamzeh Safavi; Mojtaba Norouzi
Abstract
With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, then recruitment of Mujahedeen from all over the world, and ultimately formation of al-Qaeda; the world faced with a new phenomenon and that understanding the nature and origins of the group and became a serious priority. The purpose of this study is recognizing ...
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With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, then recruitment of Mujahedeen from all over the world, and ultimately formation of al-Qaeda; the world faced with a new phenomenon and that understanding the nature and origins of the group and became a serious priority. The purpose of this study is recognizing the Identity transformation trend of a group called Arab-Afghans, and understanding the roots of the identity gap under the concepts of "self" and "other" as a model in formation of al-Qaeda and fundamentalist Islamic groups. It done by Focusing on the process of Arab-Afghan actions in three phases: local jihad, jihad on the margins of Islamic countries, and global jihad; As well as consideration of identity components in three ways: Goals, Common norms, and Equivalence-differences, It seems that Transition process in the sacred Jihad and al-Qaeda agenda are influenced by the transformation of identity and changing norms due to changing circumstances. This study seeks to answer the factors affecting the formation and transformation of Arab-Afghan identities; and assessing the hypothesis that Globalization, and the formation of the network society as an independent variable, and not paying attention to the beliefs of Muslim groups has led to the formation of Resistance Identity among Arab-Afghans.
International Relations
hossein delavar; Rashid Recabian
Abstract
Problem Statement The Chinese authorities’ understanding of the post-Cold War international conditions led to the adoption of a behavioral pattern in order to reduce the power gap, while avoiding international sensitivities about China. Therefore, China has pursued two agendas in the domestic ...
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Problem Statement The Chinese authorities’ understanding of the post-Cold War international conditions led to the adoption of a behavioral pattern in order to reduce the power gap, while avoiding international sensitivities about China. Therefore, China has pursued two agendas in the domestic and global spheres to respond to the emerging requirements. This has led scholars to debate the consequences of this balancing model for the decision-making circles of the world states, especially for the US and the international order.Significance and ObjectivesThe present article intended to analyze the prospect of change in the contemporary international order (structural order) by examining whether new poles are emerging in the current international order or not.The Main Question What are the consequences and challenges of China’s behavioral pattern for the United States and the structural international order?Research Hypothesis This research is based on the hypothesis that China’s behavioral pattern presents complex challenges to the US general policy towards China. This points to the uncertainties in predicting the consequences of China’s rise, in which policymakers face challenges in choosing between containment or engagement policy. China’s behavioral pattern is also seen as a reason for changing the structure of the international system and shaping the China–US bipolar order. In this respect, the following two points were suggested and discussed. First, the power gap between China and the United States will become almost equal, resulting in a dual superpower scenario where the United States will lose its superiority over China. Second, the strategic competition between China and the US will be very different from the confrontation between the US and the Soviet Union. China and the US will continue to cooperate in various fields (e.g., economy), while they may have conflicts in political and military domains.Research Method The present research used the historical research method with a descriptive–analytical and explanatory approach.Theoretical Framework This study used defensive structural realism as its theoretical framework in order to analyze the systemic characteristics of the international order, including the distribution and increase of power, and explain their effects on the behavioral priorities of countries. The structure of the international system is considered as the most important variable in the paradigm of structural realism.Kenneth Waltz’s theory of international politics offers a clear example of defensive structural realism. The present article contends that Waltz’s perspective should be taken seriously not only because it is the most accurate or realistic theory, but because it provides useful categories for comprehending reality. For instance, his concept of polarity determination helps to shape the behavioral priorities of countries and structural order of power distribution among units, which can be measured and typically changes in response to shifts in power among major states. Additionally, his focus on some kind of cooperation in the discussion on balance of power is also a valuable analytical category.Article Text Due to the post-Cold War international conditions, China has adopted a macro model of balancing, at domestic and global levels, in its strategic relationships with the US. Domestically, China has focused on building up its internal capabilities, while on the global stage it has pursued soft balancing. China’s balancing strategy in the unipolar world order is a reasonable and pragmatic response to its interests, capabilities, and strategic environment. Like any other government, China seeks to maximize its benefits and minimize losses in the field of foreign relations. Showing a keen awareness of the evolving international system, China has adeptly seized opportunities and confronted challenges. However, this behavioral pattern has important consequences and challenges for the international order, particularly for the US as the dominant pole.The balancing strategy pursued by China has generated complex conditions for decision-makers across the international system, particularly in the US as the superpower. Its most significant impact has been on the mentality of elites and their interpretation of the new realities, which has prompted a need to reassess American foreign policy.China’s behavioral pattern has enabled it to capitalize on broad opportunities and emerge as a decisive player in international politics, with its ongoing quest for power likely to have significant implications for the future of international politics. However, this development is closely tied to America’s position as the dominant pole of the international order, making the strategic relations between the two countries increasingly intertwined. As a result, managing these relations has become the most pressing issue in international politics, with stability and crisis in the global order at stake. As such, analyzing the pattern underlying China’s behavior and its relations with the US is critical for understanding the changing international order and its future trajectory.ConclusionChina is neither an ally nor a partner of the US and does not feel obligated to align its policies with those of America. However, unlike the Soviet Union, China does not adopt an explicitly adversarial stance towards the US. This has created challenges and consequences for the overall US policy towards China, and introduced uncertainties that pose significant challenges for policymakers in choosing between a policy of containment or engagement. An examination of the challenges posed by China’s behavioral pattern suggests that a combination of containment and engagement policies is more effective in serving American interests when dealing with China. While addressing the concerns of proponents of containment, the hybrid policy also attempts to avoid the pitfalls of mutual hostility, which is a major concern of supporters of engagement. This policy reflects the uncertainty in Washington about China’s future goals and capabilities. However, if China were to pursue regional hegemony or launch an attack on Taiwan, the hybrid policy could shift towards containment. Conversely, if China were to democratize and cooperate, this containment-plus-engagement policy could be replaced by a more cooperative relationship between the two countries.
reyhane salehabadi; mohsen janparvar; sajed bahrami jaf
Abstract
The outbreak of coronavirus has had various effects on the geopolitical situation of the world. Therefore, given the negative effects of the coronavirus, planning to deal with its problems, it is necessary to examine the various scenarios of the advancement of the geopolitical structure of the world ...
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The outbreak of coronavirus has had various effects on the geopolitical situation of the world. Therefore, given the negative effects of the coronavirus, planning to deal with its problems, it is necessary to examine the various scenarios of the advancement of the geopolitical structure of the world and strategies related to the various scenarios to be on the agenda. This research is applied in terms of purpose and its method is descriptive-analytical. Data analysis is based on futures research techniques, including interaction analysis. In this study, a total of 40 cases (uncertainties) have been considered for 8 key factors. The research findings show that among the developed scenarios, 11 strong and probable scenarios are the future progress of the geopolitical situation caused by the outbreak of Corona virus. Of 11 strong and probable scenarios, 4 scenarios are unfavorable, 2 scenarios are favorable, and 5 scenarios are static and intermediate. The results show that the probability of occurrence of negative states of the geopolitical structure of the world in the face of the Corona virus is twice as likely as the occurrence of favorable states. Therefore, according to the main goal of geopolitical knowledge, which is to design the best strategy in the relationship between actors, the most appropriate strategies should be considered in relation to the negative consequences of this virus.
mahdieh heydari; Morteza Noormohammadi
Abstract
The main question is why, at the same time as the outbreak of Covid-19 in the Middle East, military conflicts have become more persistent and intense? The research hypothesis is that the outbreak of Covid-19, and the involvement of regional governments in the Corona virus and efforts to contain and combat ...
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The main question is why, at the same time as the outbreak of Covid-19 in the Middle East, military conflicts have become more persistent and intense? The research hypothesis is that the outbreak of Covid-19, and the involvement of regional governments in the Corona virus and efforts to contain and combat it, have led to disruptions and a security vacuum, so that the groups involved decided to take this opportunity to take advantage of this security vacuum. The study concludes that governments' perceptions of security threats and the type of threats in the Middle East are still based on military threats, and the spread of the Corona virus has not changed that perception. Hence, the perception of a common threat from Covid-19, which requires the cooperation and joint efforts of governments and stakeholders to contain and counter it; which does not exist in the Middle East. The method of collecting materials and data in this research is based on the library and documentary method and also the research method is based on descriptive-analytical research method.
