Ali Adami; Elham keshavarz
Volume 5, Issue 16 , June 2016, , Pages 121-141
Abstract
Until the early twentieth century, international relations affected issues such as war and peace, anarchy of the international system, foreign policy and military power. In such a condition, the prominent role of the cultural power of governments was neglected aspect of political studies. Hence, in recent ...
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Until the early twentieth century, international relations affected issues such as war and peace, anarchy of the international system, foreign policy and military power. In such a condition, the prominent role of the cultural power of governments was neglected aspect of political studies. Hence, in recent decades with the emergence of new theories of international relations and the process of globalization, the issue of international politics became acute, and this has changed the nature of hard power. On the other hand, in order to have greater influence in global politics, the governments have tended to regional cooperation .In this case, the new regionalism caused changes in the nature of the international system
mostafa delavarpour Aghdam; Seyed Jalal Deghani Firoozabadi
Abstract
Containment of Iran's nuclear, missile and space programs, Iranian regional movements to fight Takfiri terrorism, U.S. dual interpretation of Terrorism and human rights, increasing AIPAC regime lobbying in U.S. Congress and Iran's support for the region's liberation movements, have prompted U.S. Congressional ...
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Containment of Iran's nuclear, missile and space programs, Iranian regional movements to fight Takfiri terrorism, U.S. dual interpretation of Terrorism and human rights, increasing AIPAC regime lobbying in U.S. Congress and Iran's support for the region's liberation movements, have prompted U.S. Congressional legislators to take steps towards ratification of comprehensive sanctions against Iran before JCPOA.
Improving the economic and livelihoods and Iran phobia defeating through reducing sanctions pressure, was the most important priority of the Islamic Republic of Iran in accepting JCPOA. For this reason, Congressional post-JCPOA sanctions against Iran has focused toward making inefficient of economic, commercial and banking diplomacy, weakening missile power of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Engineering of regional arrangements through the accumulating, intelligent and aggregating of non-nuclear sanctions.
The most important innovation of this research is that using descriptive-analytical method and by collecting information through documentary and library studies, in addition to the comparison of the sanctions policies of the congresses in the pre and post-JCPOA, it has suggested ways to counter coercive diplomacy of U.S. congress.
Seyyed Mohammad Tabataba'i; amir jafarzadegan
Abstract
The State has for centuries been the only actor of the international system. After the end of the Second World War II, theoretical foundations and some practical facts led to the erosion of statehood and the emergence and diversification of new actors in the international arena. New actors recognized ...
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The State has for centuries been the only actor of the international system. After the end of the Second World War II, theoretical foundations and some practical facts led to the erosion of statehood and the emergence and diversification of new actors in the international arena. New actors recognized in the anti-realist views of international relations including liberalism and its branches and theories such as postmodern and by designing concepts such as global civil society, transnationalism, globalization and soft power, make the changes in the form and nature of international relations. In addition to, some practical realities such as the permeability of state sovereignty and the development of new subjects such as human rights and the environment have accelerated this change. It has been made to highlight the role of sub-state actors in foreign policy. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is also influenced by some actors in different ways. How did these influences occur? After studying the sub-states actors, identify their ways of influence on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran through Participation in public diplomacy of the country, The promotion of Iranian-Islamic culture, Humanitarian measures, Normalization, Signing Agreements, and technical-commercial exchanges.
Yaser Esmaeilzadeh Emamgholi; Hassanali Ahmadi Fesharaki
Abstract
The new generation of studies on security is an outcome of the transition from
the Cold War that has turned the traditional concepts and definitions of security
to something new that includes diverse aspects such as political, economic,
social, and environmental matters. This study attempts to discuss ...
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The new generation of studies on security is an outcome of the transition from
the Cold War that has turned the traditional concepts and definitions of security
to something new that includes diverse aspects such as political, economic,
social, and environmental matters. This study attempts to discuss and analyze
one of the most dangerous and complicated threats of the world security and an
effective variable on the Islamic Republic of Iran`s security, namely ISIS. In fact,
the study is carried out to answer this fundamental question, “How can Iran`s
security be effected by ISIS as a threat?”. The qualitative analysis of available
data reveals that ISIS presence and influence in the region in terms of security to
act as a double-edged sword for Iran's security. Ignorance about each edge of
the abovementioned blade can result in the flawed analysis of ISIS impacts on
Iran's security. This article is an applied research with qualitative research
method in which an attempt is made to measure the impact of the independent
variable of "ISIS" on "Iran's security".
Hossein mircheraghKhani; masood MoeiniPour
Abstract
The root of the nature, the reasons and the quality of sociopolitical leaders' thought is hidden in their epistemological system. Understanding this system helps to recognize the influential components in analyzing sociopolitical issues from the viewpoint of the person. Although there are many scientific ...
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The root of the nature, the reasons and the quality of sociopolitical leaders' thought is hidden in their epistemological system. Understanding this system helps to recognize the influential components in analyzing sociopolitical issues from the viewpoint of the person. Although there are many scientific works regarding the thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei, there has not been a work which investigates his epistemological system in analyzing sociopolitical issues. Using a descriptive-analytical method and having an epistemological approach, seeks to discover the epistemological system of Ayatollah Khamenei in sociopolitical issues. In answering the question that what criteria Ayatollah Khamenei uses in analyzing sociopolitical issues, we came to the conclusion that his epistemological system analyzes the sociopolitical issues by relying on the four processes of recognition that is the possibility of recognizing political issues, the capability of accepting the truth or falsehood of political events, the possibility of recognizing the true political event from the false one and the relationship between political events. The most important distinction of his epistemological system from that of other political analysts is the combination of experiential data with logical evaluations and revelational adjustment.
Mohammad Mehdi Mazaheri; Azam Molaee
Volume 2, Issue 7 , December 2014, , Pages 125-146
Abstract
The authors of this paper try to explore the black box in the contemporarydomestic issues, the nature of the state, the identity and the impact of theseissues on the foreign policy approaches. Based on an appropriate theoreticalframework, using the principles of constructivism school with emphasis onenvironmental ...
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The authors of this paper try to explore the black box in the contemporarydomestic issues, the nature of the state, the identity and the impact of theseissues on the foreign policy approaches. Based on an appropriate theoreticalframework, using the principles of constructivism school with emphasis onenvironmental factors and cultural resources, values and norms, the authorsexplain how to plan the formation of identity in contemporary Iran’s foreignpolicy.The central idea of the paper is that Iran's foreign policy orientation hasprofoundly influenced by the identity of the approaches, however, the weaknessor absence of civil society makes the government’s define identity through thepolitical elite rather than logical interaction with the nation. Such a process hassevere effects on Iran's foreign policy and caused losing national interests insome cases
mohammadjavad fathi; mojtaba abdekhodaei; sarem shiravand
Abstract
Sometimes using the concepts of science could be helpful in understanding political relations and international researchers. One of the conceptual interest in the geopolitical system is used, is the concept of "code" and "genome" in geopolitics. Geopolitical genome, the genetic map of each country's ...
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Sometimes using the concepts of science could be helpful in understanding political relations and international researchers. One of the conceptual interest in the geopolitical system is used, is the concept of "code" and "genome" in geopolitics. Geopolitical genome, the genetic map of each country's that affects domestic and especially foreign policy of the countries. Countries consider genomes of other actors as geopolitical codes. Interaction or confrontation of Code / genome of countries creates an atmosphere that can be aligned or inconsistent with national and regional interests. The authors of this paper attempt to identify factors affecting geopolitics of Iran and Saudi Arabia. To answer the question of "what impacts geopolitical tool in foreign policy with Iran and Saudi Arabia? The hypothesis of the paper is that the geopolitical genome and the heritability and geographic features of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran are very influential in the formation of geopolitical codes, orientations and strategies of the two countries in the external arena, and both actors are trying to turn off its negative gene and power generating forces and activating the positive and powerful genes, while the geopolitical approach dominates the relationship between the two actors.
hasan majidi; mohsen rahiminia
Abstract
This article tries to address the issues of the eleventh presidential election, and discusses the conduct of Dr. Hassan Rouhani's election discourse as a candidate for the presidential election of the eleventh period, and to answer by means of discourse analysis method the question of "how the hegemony ...
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This article tries to address the issues of the eleventh presidential election, and discusses the conduct of Dr. Hassan Rouhani's election discourse as a candidate for the presidential election of the eleventh period, and to answer by means of discourse analysis method the question of "how the hegemony of the discourse of moderation in the eleventh presidential election is explained? In this research, our claim is that t The claim of the article is that the components of the victorious candidate discourse in the eleventh presidential election are more based on the diverse articulation of different slogans, myths and alteration in its relation to the discourse governing the tenth government, the availability and credibility of the discourse of moderation in society and having a political subjectivity can be analyzed. The findings of this paper show that the discourse of moderation in the discursive struggle was more hegemonic due to the position of subjectivity and political subjectivity, more active and coherent, the use of the process of marginalization and highlighting, more effective access and credibility than other competing discourses.
behrooz daylamsalehi; Gholamreza Saebi
Abstract
The core Obama’s foreign policy, specifically in his second term, was to solve the country’s international crisis in the Middle East and also to solve Iran’s nuclear issue. White House, in harmony with Europe, tried hard to put pressure on Iran, taking advantage of sanctions to create ...
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The core Obama’s foreign policy, specifically in his second term, was to solve the country’s international crisis in the Middle East and also to solve Iran’s nuclear issue. White House, in harmony with Europe, tried hard to put pressure on Iran, taking advantage of sanctions to create and expand civil unrest in Iran in order to undermine legitimacy of the government. It is clear that the root of the Iranian-Western conflicts cannot be reduced to Iran’s nuclear program. In fact, religious ideology of Iran’s Islamic system is the main reason of this controversy. Meanwhile, presence of Israel in the region and the role of other countries specifically Arab countries should not be neglected. The hypothesis of this paper is: US foreign policy in Iran’s nuclear issue follows rational, organizational and bureaucratic models of decision making and orchestrated toward interaction of national interests.
Hamid reza Mohammadi; ebrahim Ahmadi
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to examine the reality of geopolitical relations Iran and Pakistan. This article attempts to answer the question that is obstacles fundamental to convergence of geopolitical relations of Ira On what is basis? How can the two countries, to minimize tensions between, Convergence ...
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The purpose of this article is to examine the reality of geopolitical relations Iran and Pakistan. This article attempts to answer the question that is obstacles fundamental to convergence of geopolitical relations of Ira On what is basis? How can the two countries, to minimize tensions between, Convergence relations have experience? The above article the factors affecting in geopolitical relations Iran and Pakistan is divided into two main levels and supplement and in the end Based on a combination of the two levels; the need for détente with Saudi Arabia, Help solve the political crisis in Afghanistan, Iran's role in the convergence of India and Pakistan on the basis of mutual dependencies, Deepening trade and economic relations between the two countries and participate actively in regional and global groupings is The proposed solutions two countries have to convergence achieve. The above study is descriptive-analytic and information you need, based on library method and Collected to Referring trusted sources.
Ali Adami; Ehsan Movahedian; Reza Niknam
Volume 2, Issue 5 , June 2013, , Pages 131-161
Abstract
In recent years, Iran- US Challenge has undergone major developmentsincluding sanction against the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iranwhich means rapture of Iranian transactions with the world. According to US.officials these sanctions targeted Iranian financial capacities to ensure slowernuclear ...
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In recent years, Iran- US Challenge has undergone major developmentsincluding sanction against the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iranwhich means rapture of Iranian transactions with the world. According to US.officials these sanctions targeted Iranian financial capacities to ensure slowernuclear activities and changes in the behavior of the Iranian government. SinceIslamic Republic nuclear program and its behavior and interaction with the Westare managed under competent leadership of the Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei,assessment of his Attitude will guide us to find out the impact of the sanctionson Islamic Republic stances. Thus, this article tries to answer the followingquestion: Did the sanction against Iranian centeral Bank Change the Supremeleader anti-western stances? In order to do so, contents of leader’s 24 publicspeeches analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively before and after sanction.Authors conclude that Supreme leader anti-western stances strengthen afterIranian Central Bank sanction
Sadegh Mohammadi; Mohammad Ali Basiri
Volume 4, Issue 14 , December 2015, , Pages 135-166
Abstract
Globalization as a process or a project brings inevitable effects in the international system. One of these effects of globalization will be globalized religion. What is the globalized religion? There are different opinions among experts in this field. There can be a core of consensus about this ...
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Globalization as a process or a project brings inevitable effects in the international system. One of these effects of globalization will be globalized religion. What is the globalized religion? There are different opinions among experts in this field. There can be a core of consensus about this globalized religion which is a package of shared principles and values in universal religion. In this religious context the religion that is more complete and more comprehensive would have a greater share and this religion is Islam. Submission theology believes the process of globalization provides a space for understanding the true principles of religious beliefs which can lead to human salvation in this world and the other. The main question of this paper is: what is the impact of globalization on submission theology? The main hypothesis of this paper is that globalization provides possibilities and influences for submission theology in the area of religion to form a single and unifying discourse. The aim of this paper is to examine the relationship between submission theology and religious pluralism for achieving a single and unifying discourse of comprehensive religion in the process of globalization. The research method will be analytical and descriptive using library tools.
Sajad Bahrami Moghadam
Abstract
Given the significant influence of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China, their strategic beliefs and theories and perceptions of the objective international environment have had a profound impact on different aspects of Chinese political life and behavior. ...
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Given the significant influence of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China, their strategic beliefs and theories and perceptions of the objective international environment have had a profound impact on different aspects of Chinese political life and behavior. This article focuses on the economic implications and implications of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping's international objective environment and explores the hypothesis that our conceptions are explored through the perspective of the theoretical, conceptual, and empirical approach to Robert Jervis's international politics. Dong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China have had a decisive influence on the economic policies of the People's Republic of China, with Mao Zedong's conceptions of Communist economic policies and Deng Xiaoping's perceptions leading to reopening policy and economic reforms. That has had different economic implications for China. The findings of the article show that Deng Xiaoping's perceptions of the international objective environment are a determining factor in China's focus on improving living standards for citizens and the economic and military emergence of the People's Republic of China, which has significantly reduced poverty, increased wealth, strength and strengthened China's national security.
Abbas Naseri Taheri; Siavash Salavatian; Morteza Malek Moahmmadi
Abstract
Noticing the media efforts of Islamophobia and the creation of a disproportionate
image of Islam, the purpose of this paper is presenting perfect image of Islam in Press TV.
The two letters of Iranian supreme leader to the youth of EU&USA and other statements
related to the subject gathered ...
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Noticing the media efforts of Islamophobia and the creation of a disproportionate
image of Islam, the purpose of this paper is presenting perfect image of Islam in Press TV.
The two letters of Iranian supreme leader to the youth of EU&USA and other statements
related to the subject gathered for the content analysis method. The outputs of the first
step categorized in 15 molds and 7 overall topics (Phobia making, history and civilization,
true Islam, current problems, Islam and other ideologies, Islam and the Westand the West Society).
By this step, 30 experts of media and religion field targeted to taking a semi- structured interview.
After analyzing the qualitative content of the interview texts, the output derived of this step divided
in two parts: Assessing the present condition of Press TV and offering the suitable strategies for its
content management. Proposed strategies were categorized and summarized in three
areas: the programing (audience research, content creation, message distribution and feedback),
the planning (in or out of Press TV), and organizational structure (human resources,
TV’s organizational issues and so problems of channel). Finally, the media cycles which presented
by this research recommended for Press TV in order to take an effective media strategy due to studying media and its language.
Farhad Ghasemi
Abstract
The deterrence system has developed with the evolution of the international system and has experienced new forms. Facing the unstable and unpredictable challenges of the future, along with asymmetric threats in a nonlinear mechanism, is required to design a new analytical apparatus of deterrence and ...
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The deterrence system has developed with the evolution of the international system and has experienced new forms. Facing the unstable and unpredictable challenges of the future, along with asymmetric threats in a nonlinear mechanism, is required to design a new analytical apparatus of deterrence and its conceptual and theoretical reconstruction. It forms the main purpose of the present article. In this regard, the fundamental question arises as to how in this model of the emerging international system, deterrence can be reconstructed conceptually and theoretically? The author intends to reconstruct it by using the method of deductive inference and focusing on theories of complexity and chaos, especially its basic principles such as the networked structure of the system, nonlinearity, sensitive dependence, and cascading failure. This study focuses on the dynamics of power and the mechanisms that turn it into a threat through nonlinear logic and its mechanisms and the principles emphasized by the theory of complexity and chaos. The author introduces nonlinear network deterrence to the field of strategic studies as an innovative and new concept. This pattern is a start point of the sixth wave of deterrence in International Relations. It will provide a new model for designing Iran's deterrence.
Vahid RanjbarHeydari; Arsalan Ghorbani; Reza Simbar; Ebrahim Hajiani
Abstract
The Persian Gulf is one of the world's premier geographical areas. This region includes the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries plus Iran and Iraq. The study seeks to answer the question of which scenarios will be the future of the relationship between Iran and the Cooperation Council at 1404 ...
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The Persian Gulf is one of the world's premier geographical areas. This region includes the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries plus Iran and Iraq. The study seeks to answer the question of which scenarios will be the future of the relationship between Iran and the Cooperation Council at 1404 horizons. The present study uses 5methods of futuristic research, namely, cross-impact analysis, 5 key factors; the attitude of the rulers of Iran and the Cooperation Council countries towards each other; increasing the arms and military rivalry of the member states of the Council and Iran with the aim of hegemony in The region, fears of the Shiite Crescent Celestial Theory and the Centenary Revolutionary Guards have been identified with the aim of confronting Iran and identity differences, the future of Syria, Iraq, Yemen on the relationship between Iran and the future of Iran's nuclear program. These proxies were used as the underlying factors in the Scenarios program. Finally, with multiple analyzes, including a panel of experts, out of 128 possible scenarios, 4 possible scenarios were identified: war boats, warships, passenger ships, and shipwreck. Eventually, the scenario of Warship identified as a probable scenario with a high probability of introducing the passenger ship's scenario as a preferred and desirable scenario for Iran.
fariborz samimi; mohammad ebrahim movahedi
Abstract
This study aims to investigate the effects of socio-economic status, the degree of religious faith, and media in the tendency of individuals to acceptance of principalism ideology. This research is applied type in terms of purpose, and descriptive and analytical in terms of the method used, and data ...
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This study aims to investigate the effects of socio-economic status, the degree of religious faith, and media in the tendency of individuals to acceptance of principalism ideology. This research is applied type in terms of purpose, and descriptive and analytical in terms of the method used, and data collection has been done through a survey. Sampling method was cluster multistage sampling and the sample size (n) was estimated to be 368 people. The data collection technique was a 32-item questionnaire and data were analyzed using SPSS and SMART PLS software. The results of the research indicate that the average score of those who have a low socio-economic status tends to be high for the ideology of principalism. In the context of media impact, there is a reverse relationship between the viewing of foreign media outlets and the tendency of people towards the principalism ideology, and in relation to the impact of domestic media, the results indicate an increase in people's tendency towards principalism ideology when longer viewing of domestic media channels happens. It was also revealed that the tendency towards principalism ideology varies in terms of the average religiosity of individuals, and those who have a high degree of religiosity are more inclined towards the ideology of principalism.
International Relations
Gholam Reza Haddad
Abstract
IntroductionOver the span of four decades, the islamic republic of iran (iri) has consistently prioritized the confrontation with the united states as a fundamental axis and ultimate objective in its foreign policy. This stance has not only endured until now but has also shaped the boundaries of iran’s ...
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IntroductionOver the span of four decades, the islamic republic of iran (iri) has consistently prioritized the confrontation with the united states as a fundamental axis and ultimate objective in its foreign policy. This stance has not only endured until now but has also shaped the boundaries of iran’s maneuverability in other arenas. The present research aimed to address different aspects of iran–u.s. enmity by answering the following questions: how has confrontation with the u.s. become entrenched as the axis and ultimate objective in the foreign policy of the iri? and what are the prospects for potential shifts in this approach in the future?Literature ReviewIran–U.S. relations, along with the underlying causes of their mutually confrontational policy, has been the subject of numerous research studies. Some studies dealt with Iran–U.S. relations from a historical standpoint, aiming to explain the origins of mutual hostility through a chronological description of events in their relations. For instance, in the book titled US Foreign Policy and Iran: American–Iranian Relations Since the Islamic Revolution, Murray (2010) explored the history of Iran–US relations during the tenure of five presidents. She focused on the role of ideology, the dichotomy of democratization/stability or idealism/realism, informational and cognitive errors, the lack of mutual understanding rooted in language and image-making, the impact of events and their timing, the tools and levers of foreign policy, and the missed opportunities to restore relations. Rubin (1981), in an article titled “American Relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran, 1979–1981,” focused on Iran–U.S. relations during the two years following the hostage crisis. For Rubin, the root of the mutual confrontation can be traced back to the perceptions of Revolution’s leaders of America’s role in supporting the Shah and attempting to thwart the success of the Revolution. In the article “US-Iran Relations: Issues, Challenges, and Prospects,” Hussain (2015) addressed the impediments to détente in the history of Iran–U.S. relations. Hussain emphasized various factors such as regional peace processes, terrorism, the nuclear issue, domestic policies in both countries, and America’s regional allies, namely Israel and Saudi Arabia. In Becoming Enemies: U.S.–Iran Relations and the Iran–Iraq War, 1979–1988, Blight et al. (2012) employed the methods of critical oral history, drawing on declassified documentation and interviews with key decision-makers in American foreign policy during the Iran–Iraq war. They argued that the roots of Iran–U.S. enmity would go back to the performance of American foreign policy during the war and its impact on the IRI’s foreign policy.Several studies tried to examine the role of other actors as mediating variables in Iran–U.S. relations. For instance, in the article Jafari-Movahhed (2022) argues that a major impediment to improving relations between Iran and the U.S. is intricately linked to the substantial and fundamental problems that the IRI has with Israel. According to Jafari-Movahhed, the identity ties between the U.S. and Israel, together with the influential role of the Zionist lobby in America, makes it almost impossible to normalize Iran–U.S. relations, at least in the short term. In the article entitled “The Role of Public Opinion Engineering in America on Iran–U.S. Relations,” Pourkhosh-Saadat (2015) attributed the origins of animosity between the two countries to the psychological operations orchestrated by adversaries of the Islamic Revolution. Specifically, Pourkhosh-Saadat points to the influence of the Israel lobby in the U.S, contending that any shift in Iran–U.S. relations would depend on the opinion and decision of the AIPAC lobby and Israel-affiliated media. He argues that AIPAC is actively engineering Iran–U.S. relations through its media. In “Great Power Rivalries and the Persistence of Iran–U.S. Adversarial Relations,” Lotfian and Faghih (2021) posit that as economic pressures on Iran increase due to the delayed lifting of sanctions by both Europe and America, Iran will increasingly turn to alternative allies. They argue that heightened antagonism from the U.S. will push Iran towards closer ties with China and Russia. In response, American policymakers are likely to become more determined to strengthen relationships with regional allies and partners. While the authors do not directly address the underlying causes of Iran–U.S. enmity, they contend that escalating tensions among the U.S., China, and Russia may contribute to the intensification of hostilities between Iran and the U.S. (Lotfian & Faghih, 2021).The literature has also focused on the process of Othering and the construction of Self/Other in Iran–U.S. relations. For example, Duncombe (2016), in the article titled “Representation, Recognition, and Foreign Policy in the Iran–US Relationship,” offered an understanding of Iran–U.S. enmity by focusing on the construction of states’ identity through representation of Self and Other. According to Duncombe, representation and misrecognition contribute to a mutual feeling of disrespect, thus exacerbating the tensions between the two countries.The novelty of the present research lies in its unique interpretation of the process of Othering, in which three types of Others are recognized: the historical Other, the domestic Other, and the foreign Other. The study tried to answer the research questions by examining how the interaction between the three Others has constructed the identity of the IRI. Materials and MethodsThe present study adopted a constructivist approach with a focus on identity, and used it in combination with the typology of states in political economy, incorporating both sub-national and transnational levels of analysis. The aim was to examine the formation and consolidation of the iri’s foreign policy with an eye to the process of othering the u.s. The analysis intended to offer insights that can explain the most endurable axis of the iri’s foreign policy, namely anti-arrogance within the culture of confrontation and conflict, and shed light on its inevitability as well as its structural consequences on domestic policy.ConclusionThe research findings were grounded in the conceptual constructs such as Othering identification, triple Others, projective identification, constitutive and regulative rules, and allocative and authoritative resources. Additionally, the analysis relied on the dichotomy of organic/instrumental state, highlighting structural sclerosis that challenges fundamental transformations. The study finally addressed the feasibility and evaluation of the capacities and requirements for change in the core axes and ultimate objectives of the IRI’s foreign policy.
Public policy
Amir mohammad Izadi; Hosein Harsij
Abstract
IntroductionPolitical corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either to further personal interests or to protect group interests. ...
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IntroductionPolitical corruption is one of the crucial concerns in today’s political landscape that has captured the attention of researchers. Political corruption refers to the breach of public norms by those in political power, either to further personal interests or to protect group interests. It entails the manipulation of political institutions and internal regulations, thereby impacting government bodies and the overall political system. Consequently, political corruption is often anticipated to result in institutional deterioration. However, since the 1980s, globalization has influenced the way through which categories of modern politics, including political corruption, are addressed. In the context of globalization, the examination of political corruption transcends the confines of the nation–state and should be viewed as a global concern.Literature ReviewA review of primary studies concerning the impact of globalization on political corruption reveals a spectrum of pessimistic and optimistic opinions among scholars. Optimists argue that globalization diminishes political corruption, while pessimists contend that it, in fact, increases political corruption. However, recent research indicates that the discrepancy between these viewpoints stems from their differing understandings of the relationship between globalization and political corruption. By adhering to a linear approach, both groups attempt to find the relationship between these variables, and consequently prescribe or discourage further engagement with globalization to exploit opportunities and avoid threats. To resolve this discrepancy, new studies, adopting a non-linear approach, posit that social and political globalization serves as a significant precursor to corruption. Economic globalization is perceived as both a prelude to and a consequence of varying levels of corruption.Materials and MethodsAs a quantitative research, the present study employed regression analysis as a highly practical quantitative method. Specifically, it utilized polynomial regression, which is supported by recent studies as well as by the secondary data sourced from the V-Dem Institute and the KOF Swiss Economic Institute.Results and Discussion According to the regression analysis, the normative nature of political corruption necessitates a redefinition of public and private interests at both the societal and governmental elite levels if the aim is to enhance the social dimension of globalization. The coefficient of the political dimension indicated that increased globalization can lead to a reduction in political corruption as global pressures compel the country to undertake structural and institutional reforms, including safeguarding property rights, enhancing transparency in decision-making processes, and improving the quality of public services. However, the results showed that there is no linear relationship between economic dimension of globalization and political corruption. Instead, the economic dimension influences the impact of other dimensions on political corruption in a non-linear, curved manner. As this dimension increases, political corruption decreases up to a certain point, but beyond that threshold, corruption levels begin to rise.One of the ideals and goals that emerged during the formation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran was the fight against the political corruption that had been rampant during the Pahlavi era, which required a revolutionary change as the only means to eliminate corruption. However, following the success of the Revolution, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran inherited a political, governance, and administrative system that later fell into the depths of various forms of corruption. The present research aimed to address a fundamental question: What is the impact of Iran’s engagement with globalization on the level of political corruption in the country? The necessity of conducting such studies arises from the importance of understanding the effect of globalization on various political issues with the ultimate aim of leveraging the benefits and avoiding the threats. Considering Iran’s economic structure, the system of international sanctions against Iran, and the normative nature of political corruption, it is expected that the various dimensions of globalization may have a detrimental impact on political corruption in Iran. Conclusion In conclusion, given the concurrent influence of different dimensions of globalization on political issues, policymakers are recommended to follow a non-linear approach to leverage the opportunities and avoid the threats of globalization.
International Relations
Marjan Badiee Azandahi; Farzin Zandi; Kyomars Yazdanpanah
Abstract
Introduction In today’s geopolitical competitions, the intricate and innovative concept of gray zone represents a military approach based on geopolitical advantages. Within this strategy, the primary objective is to secure control over desired territories and advance security interests in the conflict. ...
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Introduction In today’s geopolitical competitions, the intricate and innovative concept of gray zone represents a military approach based on geopolitical advantages. Within this strategy, the primary objective is to secure control over desired territories and advance security interests in the conflict. Scholars in this field believe that countries such as Russia, China, and Iran have successfully employed tools and tactics within this concept, enabling them to pursue their security and political interests without triggering major power sensitivities. In this regard, the escalating intensification of geopolitical rivalries in Southwestern Asia, especially between Iran and regional and extra-regional countries, has become a significant challenge when it comes to ensuring security in this area. Adopting the security-for-all-or-no-one approach, Iran aims to establish superiority in its geopolitical rivalry with the United States, the most prominent external actor in this field. Since 2003 and the aftermath of the Iraq war, Iran has introduced a novel strategy in its geopolitical approach. In this respect, the present study aimed to elaborate on the concept of gray zone and highlight its key components as influential variables in Iran’s geopolitical strategy. Materials and MethodsAs an applied study, the present research employed a comparative descriptive–analytical approach. The data collection method involved a combination of library research and computer-assisted techniques.Results and DiscussionAs containment measures against Iran intensify due to the US unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), there have been increasing efforts to neutralize Iran’s strategies and weaken its regional activities, particularly in the realm of geopolitics of resistance. These developments pose a potential threat to Iran’s national security. It is thus necessary to identify and examine the components of Iran’s geopolitical strategy while considering alternative interpretations. Iran’s geopolitical expansion in the region have prompted the West and its allies to impede Iran’s geopolitical influence by scrutinizing its geopolitical territorialization approach marked by the formation and organization of as well as support for proxy forces, manifested in shaping the political dynamics of Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, and even in direct confrontations with the West on the Syrian battlefield. In this context, leveraging its historical, geographical, and cultural unity, Iran has successfully mobilized communities throughout Southwest Asia by relying on small non-state groups, and emphasizing commonalities while overlooking divergences. This mobilization effort is gradually expanding its reach from the southern Arabian Peninsula to the shores of the Mediterranean.By examining the interpretations of gray zone and geopolitics of resistance as two key strategies, this research aimed to address the question of how Iran seeks to achieve its desired security and implement its geopolitical strategy in Southwest Asia. The term axis of resistance refers to geographical regions that pursue both ideological and geopolitical objectives. On the other hand, gray zone is not necessarily a geographical representation of a strategy, but rather a number of tactics that employ specific tools to advance geopolitical interests in strategically significant geographical areas.The findings of this study reveal that Iran’s geopolitical rivalry in Southwest Asia, particularly with the United States, has led Iran to develop a distinct geopolitical strategy known as axis of resistance, or according to American scholarship, gray zone. In this strategy, Iran aims to achieve its security objectives by focusing on five key areas (i.e., military, political, economic, informational–narrative, and cultural or religious) and relying on cooperation and support of non-state armed groups in specific countries in the region. In this way, Iran has successfully achieved its objectives by establishing geopolitical corridors and attaining the desired geographical integration in Southwest Asia. This has enabled Iran to gain access to the Mediterranean Sea and establish proximity to Israel. However, unless subnational and national requirements are seriously taken into account, the mentioned security achievements will prove ineffective and temporary. In other words, despite Iran’s expansion of geopolitical territorialization, the erosion of internal capabilities, particularly in the political sphere, coupled with the disruption of Iran’s economic lifelines, will gradually lead to increased challenges in sustaining support for its geopolitical arms.ConclusionWhen examining the objectives, methods, and tools employed by the United States to counter Iran’s gray zone geopolitical strategy, it becomes evident that the US, rather than solely relying on its own capabilities and geopolitical confrontation, has prioritized targeting Iran’s vulnerable points. While countering Iran’s gray zone strategy, the United States has adopted a hybrid approach that encompasses all four primary domains: political, economic, military, and informational. However, America has specifically recognized the political and economic domains as the Achilles heel of Iran’s security, and by extension, of the gray zone strategy. At the same time, the United States is diligently uncovering Iran’s vulnerabilities by restructuring its decision-making processes within the government and military, as well as streamlining bureaucracy to facilitate prompt responsive measures in the gray zone. Through exerting influence and applying pressure on Iran in the aforementioned domains, the United States aims to achieve a goal that surpasses mere neutralization of the gray zone strategy, that is, undermining Iran’s national and territorial security. As a result, America has successfully identified Iran’s vulnerabilities in key military, political, economic, and informational domains. It has thus devised and carried out tactics appropriate for each domain, both within the framework of the US gray zone strategy and through conventional means.
Hadi Ajili; Mohammad Reza Bahador Khani
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, , Pages 26-26
Abstract
Abstract Central Asia and Caucasus has been a core of concentration for great powers for a long time. In Soviet Union era, due to the Russia’s domination on the region foreign access was limited. After the collapse of Soviet Union and independence of Central Asia and Caucasian countries, the gap ...
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Abstract Central Asia and Caucasus has been a core of concentration for great powers for a long time. In Soviet Union era, due to the Russia’s domination on the region foreign access was limited. After the collapse of Soviet Union and independence of Central Asia and Caucasian countries, the gap provided opportunity for other powers. Oil and gas has always been a reason for the presence of other countries in this region. Dire security situation of the region and limited access to the open sees raise a question about rationality of involvement in energy sector of the region. The hypothesis of this paper argues that political measures overwhelmed economic and security concerns for foreign energy investors in this region.
Seyd Reza Mousavi
Volume 3, Issue 8 , December 2014, , Pages 119-139
Abstract
Envy and politics; Nozick vs. Rawls Seyd Reza Mosavi* (Received: 2014/Jone/17 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract In order to create a fair and neutral position Rawls disregards the psychological features such as altruism and envy that might influence the establishment ...
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Envy and politics; Nozick vs. Rawls Seyd Reza Mosavi* (Received: 2014/Jone/17 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract In order to create a fair and neutral position Rawls disregards the psychological features such as altruism and envy that might influence the establishment of the principle of justice. It is however worth noting that in this process Rawls takes the principle of mutually disinterested principle in original position for granted. RobertNozick as Rawls’s intellectual rival who is among the founders of the libertarian school criticizes Rawls on the ground that Rawls’s initiation not only is not fair and neutral it is not in fact conformant to the human’s nature. Removal of envy from the original position is regarded as indefensible by Nozick because he believes that all features and qualifications of human nature should be considered in a political theory. However, Nozick claims that envy is not completely absent in Rawls’s theory. He believes that the principle of difference introduces envy to Rawls’s theory.This article examinesNozick’s criticisms and analyses his defense of the essentiality of envy in the development of a theory of justice. It also investigates whether Rawls’s theory of justice will itself create the envy. The methodological framework employed in this paper for the examination of the views of Rawls and Nozick is comparison and analysis of the content. * Assistant Professor of Political Sciences at Tehran Univetsity (rezamousavi@ut.ac.ir)
abozar gohari moghadam
Abstract
will be translatedTurkish foreign policy has gone through important changes since its establishment due to changing internal and international conditions. Even though its major orientation remained the same as well as its basic principles, the transformation of the global balance of power had important ...
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will be translatedTurkish foreign policy has gone through important changes since its establishment due to changing internal and international conditions. Even though its major orientation remained the same as well as its basic principles, the transformation of the global balance of power had important impacts over the Turkish diplomacy. In the last decade, marked by the outcome of the September 11 attacks in the international level and the AK Party rule in Turkey, the latter has taken important foreign policy decisions, which are mainly influenced by Ahmet Davutoğlu’s geopolitical approach, on how to deal with the new issues of the international scene. These can be seen both a continuation of Turkey’s traditional diplomacy line and a new vision implemented to better serve Turkey’s national interests.will be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translated will be translated
Abbas Keshavarz Shokri; Somayeh Ahmadvand
Volume 2, Issue 4 , April 2013, , Pages 127-159
Abstract
The aim of this article is to study the performance of the Islamist justice and development party of Turkey in the fields of domestic policy -that is the succession of this party in domestic political, social and economic fields- and foreign policy in both regional and international levels in 2011-2012. ...
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The aim of this article is to study the performance of the Islamist justice and development party of Turkey in the fields of domestic policy -that is the succession of this party in domestic political, social and economic fields- and foreign policy in both regional and international levels in 2011-2012. Attempts have been made in the present article to discuss the theoretical principals of the Islamism and viewpoints of the thinkers about Islamism process in turkey and the history of the Islamic parties in this country, as well as the performance of the Islamist justice and development party in in the fields of foreign and domestic policies. The positive performance of this party prepared the grounds for it to win the votes of Muslims and non-Muslims which catapulted it to power in 2011 for the third time
Hossein salimi; Leila Rahmati poor
Volume 3, Issue 11 , April 2015, , Pages 129-160
Abstract
United States as the sole remaining superpower after World War II and the Cold War era, has always tried establishing its hegemony in the world and forcing others into submission and acceptance of its order. Thus, economic development and control of the world energy resources, especially the resources ...
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United States as the sole remaining superpower after World War II and the Cold War era, has always tried establishing its hegemony in the world and forcing others into submission and acceptance of its order. Thus, economic development and control of the world energy resources, especially the resources in the Persian Gulf region is needed for establishing and maintaining its hegemony in the world as well. Hence, insecurity in the region has challenged the hegemony of the U.S. For decades the country's strategy is focused on reducing dependence on energy imports. China is a great power that is trying to improve its position in the global arena. In this way the path chosen by the Chines leaders is economic growth, which is highly depended on the country's energy resources especially the Persian Gulf. So what is considered important to China is energy supply security; but the different strategies of the two countries and its impacts on the Persian Gulf remains a question; the question that this paper will try to answer.
