Hossein Amanloo; Shoja Ahmad Vand
Volume 4, Issue 14 , December 2015, , Pages 103-133
Abstract
This paper tries to study the Recognition of royal identity in Ancient Iran,using discourse analysis. The foundations of royal identity in Ancient Iran isbased on the divine order and pattern of the political system. Thus, it isresponsible for all of the affairs of the ideal king as hand of the idealintentions. ...
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This paper tries to study the Recognition of royal identity in Ancient Iran,using discourse analysis. The foundations of royal identity in Ancient Iran isbased on the divine order and pattern of the political system. Thus, it isresponsible for all of the affairs of the ideal king as hand of the idealintentions. The king of Ancient Iran is the most perfect representative of thecelestial law implementations.This article deals with the question of the identity of the ideal king inancient structures in order to lead the society to Utopia. This paperhypothesis argues that this identity is formed through signs such as:charisma, race, justice and truth, religion and piety, dutifulness, intellect andwisdom, strength and courage, education and teaching. The central slab, theKing as a representative of the gods on Earth have stabilized these signs
mohammadjavad fathi
Abstract
The Caspian basin is very important due to the geopolitical situation and energy resources, especially oil and gas. In recent years, competition over energy resources in the field has increased between regional and extra-regional actors, which in addition to the tension and confrontation between the ...
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The Caspian basin is very important due to the geopolitical situation and energy resources, especially oil and gas. In recent years, competition over energy resources in the field has increased between regional and extra-regional actors, which in addition to the tension and confrontation between the actors, has intensified instability and insecurity in the region. Moreover, how to transfer and deliver the Caspian energy and projects and proposed routes for the transfer of energy from different countries have added to the insecurity and instability. Among the different projects and proposals for Caspian energy transmission, energy transmission through Neka- Jask pipelines which is provided by Iran, is among the important proposals. The question of this study is what effect does the energy transfer by Neka-Jask pipeline in terms of geo-economic and geo-strategic has on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Based on the authors, in addition to economic and trade advantages, the implementation of Neka-Jask pipeline has increased the bargaining power of Iran in regional and international relations and with the conjoining of pipeline security with national security, national security will also increase.
Abstract
The accumulation of values as an ideal with the realities of existence, in taking strategic decisions of the system in various cultural, political, social, and economic fields ... is one of the most important issues which has attracted the minds of many elites since the early revolution. Regarding the ...
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The accumulation of values as an ideal with the realities of existence, in taking strategic decisions of the system in various cultural, political, social, and economic fields ... is one of the most important issues which has attracted the minds of many elites since the early revolution. Regarding the importance of this issue, the purpose of this article is to explain and analyze the character of the realistic idealism (two basic components of the wise decision making model) in the strategic decisions of Imam Khomeini since 1357 to 68. Since this feature of Imam's leadership has not been scientifically investigated so far, In this research, the strategic decisions of Imam Khomeini in the domain of research are selected and the categories related to the two features of idealism and realism, using quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the words of Imam contained in 22 volumes of Imam Khomeini Sahifeh, extraction, classification, analysis and inference Has been done. The findings of the research show that all the strategic decisions studied in this study were within the framework of the wise decision-making features and has two components of idealism and realism. Thus, it can be concluded with certainty that Imam Khomeini, in making strategic decisions, was a realistic idealist.
Political Sociology
Omid Ghaderzadeh
Abstract
Introduction An examination of the orientations and social, cultural, and political activities of the clergy in Kurdistan underscores their active role in the social system. The concept of political culture can help understand the social and political inclinations. According to Tessler (2011), the analysis ...
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Introduction An examination of the orientations and social, cultural, and political activities of the clergy in Kurdistan underscores their active role in the social system. The concept of political culture can help understand the social and political inclinations. According to Tessler (2011), the analysis of political culture entails the examination of the type of participation and practical involvement of people in political and social life, along with their orientations towards diversity and pluralism. Despite the increasing significance of political culture for development as well as social and political participation in Iranian society, there has been a notable absence of research on the political culture of clerics and its implications for social order and change. Considering the pivotal role of religious communities in the collective consciousness of Kurdistan and the interconnection of religion with ethnicity, identity, and politics, it becomes imperative to examine the role and agency of clerics in instigating social, political, and cultural changes. Focusing on the Sunni clergy in Sanandaj, the present study aimed to understand the clergy’s meaning-making system and interpretation of sociopolitical spheres in order to examine the dimensions and types of their political culture and its implications for cultural, social, and political development of Kurdistan Province.Literature ReviewA review of empirical studies reveals a gap in the literature on the connection between religion and the status of Sunni Kurdish clerics, as well as their practical involvement in political and social aspects of their community. It seems that there is no comprehensive study addressing the civic and political activism as well as the political culture of the Sunni clergy in Kurdistan. The present research endeavored to fill this void by adopting an innovative and exploratory approach.Mark Tessler’s typology of political culture orientations stands out due to its integrated nature and its focus on the theoretical literature of political culture, particularly in the context of Islamic countries, thus proving to be more relevant to the current study. Tessler’s definition of political culture encompasses both normative and behavioral aspects. The normative or pluralism/diversity dimension involves two variables: support for gender equality and political tolerance. The behavioral or the involvement dimension encompasses interpersonal trust, civic participation, political interest, and political knowledge (Tessler, 2011, p. 172). Moreover, Tessler classifies political culture in Islamic societies into four types: democratic, indifferent, activist, and parochial. Materials and MethodsThe present study used the ethnographic method and the interviews with 40 Sunni clerics in Sanandaj. A combination of theoretical and purposive sampling, along with maximum variation sampling, was used to select a sample of individuals aged from 30 to 65 years. Concerning the data analysis, ethnography adheres to analytical induction and grounded theory as an overarching, useful strategy (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).Results and DiscussionThe interview results made clear that over half of the interviewed clerics did not appreciate alternative thoughts and the benefits of diverse lifestyles. They would not accept pluralism and diversity in political–cultural opinions, nor would they support gender equality. Concerning the involvement dimension, the interviewees exhibited restricted participation in both political and social spheres, and their level of interpersonal trust was notably limited. According to the research results, the political culture orientation of the interviewees can be characterized as limited and parochial.ConclusionThe interpretive analysis of the political culture of the sampled clerics indicates that the limited political culture is not substantially aligned with development in cultural, social, and political arenas. The limited political culture fails to foster a generalized social capital, multiculturalism, and the openness of civil society. In certain instances, it can impede cultural and social change by hindering the potential for making demands, advocating corrective actions, and pursing political reform. Considering the influence of lived experience and political opportunities on political culture, it seems necessary to institutionally recognize Sunni clerics, expand political opportunities, and foster increased openness within institutional and structural channels. These measures can lead to a more inclusive political culture, thus facilitating a shift towards a democratic political culture.
javad khademzadeh; Jahanbakhsh Izadi; alireza soltani
Abstract
Today, public diplomacy, as a complement to formal diplomacy, has become an important tool in the realization of foreign policy goals through the use of modern information and communication technologies, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is also given its potential cultural, religious and political capabilities ...
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Today, public diplomacy, as a complement to formal diplomacy, has become an important tool in the realization of foreign policy goals through the use of modern information and communication technologies, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is also given its potential cultural, religious and political capabilities tries to take advantage of this instrument to realize its principles and objectives in the international arena. The question of this research is whether the Islamic Republic of Iran, given its potential cultural, religious, and political capabilities, has been successful in its public diplomacy? It is also mentioned in the response that the Islamic Republic is weak in a structural, institutional and managerial context of public diplomacy and, accordingly, has failed to act in the field of public diplomacy as it deserves.
International Relations
Arslan Ghorbani; Hadi Torki; Saeed Mirtorabi; Gholamreza Karimi
Abstract
Introduction In humanities, especially within the field of international relations, the application of theory to the analysis of events or phenomena in foreign policy and the international system is widely recognized as a salient approach. The application of theories allows us to gain a more profound ...
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Introduction In humanities, especially within the field of international relations, the application of theory to the analysis of events or phenomena in foreign policy and the international system is widely recognized as a salient approach. The application of theories allows us to gain a more profound understanding of the actions and reactions of countries’ foreign policies in the international system. In this line, the present study aimed to develop a model to gain a better understanding of Iran–China relations. The research sought a clearer insight into Iran–China comprehensive strategic partnership by employing a set of theories at the levels of international system, foreign policy, and domestic scene of policy formulation and decision-making. At the level of international system, it is necessary to consider the convergence between Iran and China in the context of US-led Western hegemony and counter-hegemony. At the level of foreign policy, it is crucial to consider cognitive approaches in foreign policy analysis. At the domestic level, one must take into account Iran’s prevailing economic circumstances and its challenges stemming from the US- imposed sanctions, which have prompted the Look to the East policy. China also seeks to export the surplus of its production and advance the Chinese model through partnerships. Delving into these issues, the present article investigated both theoretical considerations as well as various dimensions of Iran–China relations in practice.Literature ReviewRekabian et al. (2021) assert that Iran and China have actively pursued closer cooperation in regional and international organizations as a countermeasure against Western interventions. Shafiei (2022) posits that China’s comprehensive strategic partnership with Iran is primarily motivated by its own strategic objectives, while Iran engages extensively with China out of its specific needs and requirements. Corneliussen (2020) suggests that the Iran–China agreement has the potential to reshape the strategic and geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East. Figueroa (2022) highlights that Western sanctions stand as the primary hurdle to the realization of the 25-Year Iran–China Agreement and the enhancement of economic ties between the two countries. Scita (2022) argues that Washington is actively attempting to manage the contradictions arising from these roles through continuous mediation efforts. According to Loft et al. (2022), China is actively pursuing control over critical technological and industrial sectors, essential infrastructure, strategic resources, and supply chains.Materials and Methods The present study used a descriptive method to offer an analysis of Iran–China partnership.Results and Discussion The approach taken by Iran and China in establishing their comprehensive strategic partnership can be seen as a form of convergence between the two countries. China, in particular, seeks to advance its own strategic goals through these partnerships. It is also important to recognize that there are shared identity constructs between Iran and China, which can be characterized as the power of ideas evolving within the realist framework in the international system. In addition, this partnership has emerged from a nuanced understanding and recognition of the geopolitical landscape, especially within the context of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran is pursuing its first significant international partnership and agreement in the last century. Beyond addressing domestic needs and fulfilling economic, political, and military requirements, the Iran–China agreement is rooted in a strategic grasp of counter-hegemony as a pivotal factor in forging such agreements.ConclusionTo gain a deeper insight into the Iran-China comprehensive strategic partnership, it is essential to explore various aspects and variables, ranging from domestic factors to the perceptions of their leaders, decision-makers, and policymakers, and to the dynamics of the international system. Comprehending and recognizing the positions held by the leaders of both nations within the international arena can facilitate the identification of national interests, commonalities, differences, and potential conflicts. Therefore, to enhance our understanding of the comprehensive strategic partnership between Iran and China requires an analysis of both domestic and foreign factors and variables. This approach offers valuable insights into the rationale and strategies that underlie the Iran-China partnership. The partnership is shaped not only by domestic and international circumstances but also by the perceptions of decision-makers and authorities in each country. Moreover, the resistance to a third party, such as the US, can exert a significant influence. All of these factors lead to a realist perspective in the international arena, which can contribute to more informed and effective decision-making processes for both countries involved in the comprehensive strategic partnership.
rohallah hosseinpoor; Ahmad Rashidi
Abstract
The growth of new communication and information technologies and the formation of a networked society have had major effects on the world life, including the formation of virtual reality. Influenced by the cyber community, the occurrence of protests and riots in November 2017 in a number of cities in ...
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The growth of new communication and information technologies and the formation of a networked society have had major effects on the world life, including the formation of virtual reality. Influenced by the cyber community, the occurrence of protests and riots in November 2017 in a number of cities in Iran, especially small cities, the Iranian official policy space was faced with severe shocks and the formation of the anti-power current had many effects on cyberspace policy. The main question of the article is what effect did virtual social networks have on the November 2017 protests? Applying Castells’s network community theory as well as descriptive-analytical method and using secondary data, the research findings show that social networks in the context of existing dissatisfaction in society and with increasing political activism accelerated and strengthened the protests and riots of November 2017. Overcoming the currents of power, viral spread of rallies, horizontal leadership, spontaneity, were among the influential factors of virtual social networks in intensifying the protests.
Ebrahim Abbassi; Shabnam Akbari
Abstract
The immigration is an important subject in the world and the Middle East. This subject has been affected economic, social and political factors. The main question of this research is why Iranians immigrants move to Kuwait and how could affect the political, social and economic relations between two countries? ...
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The immigration is an important subject in the world and the Middle East. This subject has been affected economic, social and political factors. The main question of this research is why Iranians immigrants move to Kuwait and how could affect the political, social and economic relations between two countries? Hypothesis of this research is that we can explain the causes of immigration on the basis of two theories: the theory of attraction and repulsion and model of cost-benefit. The variables in the national, regional and international levels explain the trends of immigrations of Iranians to Kuwait including: Petrol, Islamic Revolution, the Persian Gulf War, Relationships between Iran and Saudi Arabia and etc. Research findings show Iranian immigrants are important minority in this country. But governments of two countries couldn’t have a share from this potential in extension of their relations. The causes of them are on vision of Kuwait government to immigrants as stranger, be Shia most of them and not pay attention of Iran government to them and their economical vision for business. The research with analytic and descriptive method try to study why and effect of immigration and Iranian immigrants on relations between Iran and Kuwait.
Hossein Soranari
Abstract
"Eurasian regionalism", as a single phenomenon, has had different constructivist representations in the Russian identity macro-discourse of Eurasianism. These representations have been produced in the context of a two-way construction between Russia's identity and interests, and due to the severity and ...
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"Eurasian regionalism", as a single phenomenon, has had different constructivist representations in the Russian identity macro-discourse of Eurasianism. These representations have been produced in the context of a two-way construction between Russia's identity and interests, and due to the severity and depth of identity boundaries with internal and external "others", among the various narratives of the Eurasian identity discourse, they have found different shapes. Different representations have inevitably led to different behaviors from imperialism to co-operation towards Eurasian regionalism in Russian foreign policy. In other words, the dual continuous superior/ lower in determining the position of the various narratives of Eurasianism, has unceasingly involved Russia in the process of adjustment between regional behavior and semantic systems. The following article, in response to the cause of Russians' different behaviors toward Eurasian regionalism, uses the theory of "critical constructivist regionalism" to seek to assess the truth / untruth of this notion: "different constructivist representations from Eurasian regionalism in various narratives of Russian identity macro-discourse of Eurasianism, has led to different behaviors in its foreign policy towards Eurasian regionalism".
Developments in the Islamic world
Abdollah Sohrabi; Mohammad Bagher Khoramshad
Abstract
IntroductionThe Palestine issue has held a central position in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since its inception, the Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued a policy of non-alignment and protection of Muslims, marked by the non-recognition of the Israeli regime and the protection ...
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IntroductionThe Palestine issue has held a central position in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since its inception, the Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued a policy of non-alignment and protection of Muslims, marked by the non-recognition of the Israeli regime and the protection of Palestinian rights. This article aimed to elucidate the foreign policy perspective of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the Palestine issue, with a primary focus on formulating possible, likely, and desirable scenarios for Iran’s future foreign policy on this matter.Materials and MethodsAs an exploratory endeavor, the present research employed a qualitative research method, which consisted of two stages: an initial exploratory study involving extensive reading and subsequent interviews. The research did not involve a statistical population; instead, a community of experts comprising 21 individuals was selected through the snowball sampling method.Results and DiscussionThe interviews were conducted until reaching the saturation stage. Then, nine themes were identified through thematic analysis. The identified themes encompassed the main statements derived from the interviews. They are as follows:Prioritizing the Palestine issue and emphasizing its significance in Iran’s constitution, as well as the necessity of supporting anti-Israeli resistance according to Imam Khomeini’s perspective, as national religious duties and fundamental pillars of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran;Supporting the resistance front, fostering unity, aligning goals among resistance groups against Israeli dominance, and establishing strong ties with countries that maintain anti-Israel policies;The lack of public incentive to support Palestine attributed to distrust in domestic policymakers, divisions among Muslims, and lack of consensus and a single voice on the part of the regional superpower concerning the Palestinian cause;Potential compromises involving recognition of the Palestinian government, alongside the importance of Islamic unity and awakening;Supporting Palestine as a national project, requiring a unified stance and support from all branches of government, including political, economic, social, military, and cultural sectors, as well as academic and research institutions;Supporting the resistance front and pursuing common goals against Israeli monopolization, while fostering strong relationships with the countries opposing Israel;Advocating for international laws pertaining to Palestine, planning and overseeing referendums, and championing the right to self-determination;Highlighting Israeli vulnerabilities, dismantling the perception of Israeli invincibility, exposing the true nature of Israel, and refusing to recognize it;Restoring the lost rights of Palestinians and reclaiming control over their territories;Achieving absolute dominance in the Middle East and gaining control over its financial and economic resources as Israel’s main objective, in addition to its strategic positioning. ConclusionIn conclusion, the following strategies are recommended for Iran’s foreign policy on Palestine. First, the regional crisis indicates that the Middle East experiences the highest political and security unrest compared to other regions. This is primarily due to the conflicting security policies pursued by actors with different identities. The United States has focused its national security strategies on the Middle East. Iran should aim to create a regional and Islamic identity among the actors in order to foster constructive interaction. Each country in the Middle East has its own identity incentive to play its political role. Therefore, any regional innovations by Iran in addressing the Palestinian conflict and promoting Middle East peace should take into account making an identity model. The emergence of Islamic groups has transformed the nature of conflicts in the region, highlighting the influence of identity and ideological trends. These factors have also imposed limitations on the United States and Israel.Second, the redress of Palestinian rights is the main issue in the Middle East. Iran should play a role in establishing a strong, integrated government in Palestine as a first step towards finding an Islamic identity and reducing ongoing bloodshed in the region. Other countries must recognize the Palestinian government. Third, the increasing conflicts in Palestine keep the peace proposal to come into effect and help stablish two governments in this region. Iran’s foreign policy goal on Palestine should be to support the idea of establishing a unified Palestinian government based on the majority demands. Organized support for Palestinian fighters is necessary under these circumstances. However, if Palestinian groups reject Iran’s policy, a new wave of anti-violence policies will emerge in the region. Therefore, revolutionary movements in Palestine should be recognized internationally, especially by the Islamic world. This recognition will help protect the revolutionary identity and resistance in Palestine by preventing Israel from repressing them. Finally, Iran’s foreign policy towards Palestine relies on the support of its own people. It is crucial for Iran to maintain and protect this public support at any cost. While the current support is largely based on religious beliefs, the government should also clarify other aspects of its policy to the people. Addressing any questions or concerns that arise will help reinforce Iran’s policy on supporting the Palestinian cause. Therefore, Iran’s foreign policy on Palestine should be backed by comprehensive national support, and any compromise in this regard is tantamount to compromising Iran’s Islamic and revolutionary identity.
Asadollah moradi; Amir Masood Shahramnia
Volume 4, Issue 15 , March 2016, , Pages 125-152
Abstract
This article considering the position of Syria in the regional policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, trying to answer the question of whether the crisis in Syria will affect Iran's regional security?In response to this question the research hypothesis is that the crisis in Syria due to its geopolitical ...
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This article considering the position of Syria in the regional policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, trying to answer the question of whether the crisis in Syria will affect Iran's regional security?In response to this question the research hypothesis is that the crisis in Syria due to its geopolitical and geostrategic position and its place in the main cycle of resistance can weaken Iran's regional security. The main purpose of this article is to analyze Iran's regional security in the light of the developments in Syria. Methodology of the research is descriptive-analytic, trying to discuss the influences of independent variable. Results of the research show that with continuity of the Syrian crisis, Iran regional security will face different threats such as weakening the axis of resistance, formation ofdiscoursiveconflicts, intensify sectarian and religious tensions, and etc. Theoretical backbone of the research is based on "Copenhagen School" on regional security.
Seydreza Mousavinia
Volume 4, Issue 15 , March 2016, , Pages 9-35
Abstract
Theorizing History of Iranian foreign relations can help researchers to understand the weaknesses of Iranian foreign policy toward great powers during the last five centuries. This Article is an attempt to explain the attitudes and common patterns of Iranian foreign relations from Safavieh to Pahlavi's ...
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Theorizing History of Iranian foreign relations can help researchers to understand the weaknesses of Iranian foreign policy toward great powers during the last five centuries. This Article is an attempt to explain the attitudes and common patterns of Iranian foreign relations from Safavieh to Pahlavi's fall in a new theoretical framework which is called Iranian Realism. In fact, this theory is constructed according to the Iranian foreign relations during the last five centuries and it offers pathological perspective to study Iranian foreign relations. Although Iranian Realism borrows some elements from Realism and Neo-Realism, it significantly differs from them. Deterministic influence of an anarchical international system, individualistic approach, non-institutional decision making process, structural authoritarianism, positive and negative balance making trend, permanent security threats and no convergence of interests between Iran and great powers are some of the key elements of Iranian Realism. In fact, Iranian Realism as its name implies, is an Iranian context-based theory and applicable to Iranian foreign relations toward great powers during the last five centuries.
Hassan Danaee fard; Ali Reza Hassan zadeh; Somayeh Nasrollahi
Volume 3, Issue 8 , December 2014, , Pages 101-118
Abstract
SurveyoftheKeyMethodsofImprovingPublicTrusttoGovernment Hasan Danaee Fard* - Ali Reza Hasanzadeh** - Somayeh Nasroallahi*** (Received: 2014/April/17 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Public Trust is considered as a strategic capital of any political system. Accordingly, ...
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SurveyoftheKeyMethodsofImprovingPublicTrusttoGovernment Hasan Danaee Fard* - Ali Reza Hasanzadeh** - Somayeh Nasroallahi*** (Received: 2014/April/17 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Public Trust is considered as a strategic capital of any political system. Accordingly, one of the main challenges facing governments is “public Trust management”. The governments should use mechanisms to achieve this objective. The final goal of this research is to suggest mechanisms for public Trust promoting to the Iranian government. It is provided in mix method. In the first stage, the mechanisms are provided through reviewing and a scale is developed along taken mechanisms and in the second stage, such scale is justified by public. Finally, 38 determined mechanisms are classified in 5 categories. The main ones are: social equity in using public service, making political and economic peace, and existence of efficient judicial institution. It is also analyzed the gap between the current and desired situation using the mechanisms in which there is significant difference between them in all identified mechanisms. *Associate Professor of Public Administration, Tarbiat Modarres University h.danaefard@modares.ac.ir **Associate Professor of Information Technology Management, Tarbiat Modarres University .ar_hassanzadeh@modares.ac.ir ***Master of Public Administration, Tarbiat Modarres University som.nasrollahi@gmail.com (corresponding author)
Abstract
The role of united state of America in Middle East region extremism with emphasis on Iraq and Syria Abstract Since 2011, followed by the start of the unrest in the Arabic countries of the Middle East, the extremists in the region, especially in Iraq and in Syria has increased. Given the ethnic and religious ...
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The role of united state of America in Middle East region extremism with emphasis on Iraq and Syria Abstract Since 2011, followed by the start of the unrest in the Arabic countries of the Middle East, the extremists in the region, especially in Iraq and in Syria has increased. Given the ethnic and religious context of the Middle East, diversity of extremist group in this region is Predictable. The question that arises is that the role of trans-regional power such as united state of America in the Spread of extremism in Middle East how evaluated? This study argues that, the United States is the major causes of survival and function of extremist forces in the Middle East, including in Iraq and Syria.The formation of extremism in the Middle East, despite the availability of its domestic context, also needs to external stimulus. The aim of this study is evaluate the impact of external factors such as the US government's role in the formation and spread of the phenomenon of extremism in the Middle East.The research method is descriptive and analyticalKey word: Middle East, extremism, ISIS. United state of America, Financial and military assistance.
Ali Asghar Davoodi
Volume 3, Issue 11 , April 2015, , Pages 103-127
Abstract
In the current history, diplomacy as the practice of conducting foreign relations between states through official representatives and peaceful methods had different types. Today, as a result of technological revolution, the importance of science and technology has been raised and most of politicians ...
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In the current history, diplomacy as the practice of conducting foreign relations between states through official representatives and peaceful methods had different types. Today, as a result of technological revolution, the importance of science and technology has been raised and most of politicians tend to use it as an instrument in developing their nation’s foreign policy. Hence, it seems that a new kind of diplomacy approaches and it can be labeled Science and Technology Diplomacy. In the age of Globalization and Interdependence, it will be one of the best devices to formulate and execute foreign policy as well as following national interests beyond the boundaries. During the last decades science and technology have been improved outstandingly in Islamic Republic of Iran. Due to the great stance of the neighbors in the Iranian foreign policy and common economic, cultural and historic relations in the past, we can conduct this kind of diplomacy in Afghanistan. Our focus, in this paper, is on the main challenges and opportunities that may be exist on conducting Science and Technology Diplomacy of Iran in Afghanistan. We concluded that despite of many ongoing challenges, there are so many factors that will facilitate the scientific and technologic presence of Iran in Afghanistan. Undoubtedly, removing the obstacles in conducting this kind of diplomacy in Afghanistan, will promote the political and economic relations between these two Islamic countries.
Abbas Keshavarz Shokri; Somayeh Ahmadvand
Volume 2, Issue 4 , April 2013, , Pages 105-125
Abstract
The two most important countries in South Asia, India and Pakistan have nuclear weapons and have turned this region into high-risk territory. With the acquisition of the atomic bomb in 1974, India, Pakistan, based on historical conflicts and to improve their situation Concern to world powers, especially ...
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The two most important countries in South Asia, India and Pakistan have nuclear weapons and have turned this region into high-risk territory. With the acquisition of the atomic bomb in 1974, India, Pakistan, based on historical conflicts and to improve their situation Concern to world powers, especially the United States of America consequences of nuclear tests in India and Pakistan, the two countries led to adopt appropriate policies. It analyzes the factors that influence its direction and the main purpose of this article. The central question of this paper is “what are the differences between America's policies toward India's nuclear Pakistan after the Cold War”. According to this descriptive - analytical study, it was observed that the country's foreign policy of the United States of America on the type of interaction affects the country. This kind of difference in India and Pakistan position in America's foreign policy caused different America's foreign policy toward the countries.
hadi azami; mohsen soltani
Abstract
Dependence of countries to each other has lots of effects in the Geopolitical weight and type of behavior. Relations between Iran and Azerbaijan, from the beginning of 1990, when the country gained its independence, faced with challenges. The Nakhichevan as part of the Azerbaijan Separated by Zangezurmargi ...
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Dependence of countries to each other has lots of effects in the Geopolitical weight and type of behavior. Relations between Iran and Azerbaijan, from the beginning of 1990, when the country gained its independence, faced with challenges. The Nakhichevan as part of the Azerbaijan Separated by Zangezurmargi corridor from motherland. After the Nagorno-Karabakh War, Iran has been the only way between Nakhichevan and Republic of Azerbaijan. Due to the many challenges and security relations between the governments of Azerbaijan and Iran over the years and also due to the lack of geographical continuity of the country with its exclave unit (Nakhichevan) that it is the biggest strategic problems of Nakhichevan, Which it can be used for dependence of Nakhichevan to Iran and changing the level of relations between two countries. The method research of this paper is descriptive-analytic and collecting data for this paper is based on using library resources and questionnaire for surveying and prioritizing of various variables in Political-security fields for increasing dependency of Nakhichevan to Iran. According to the results and the experts' views, Development of regional cooperation between border regions in northwestern of Iran, Nakhichevan,Trying to reduce the influence of regional power such as Turkey in Azerbaijan (Nakhichevan),Using of the same religion as a political factor for increasing level of relation, have been the most effective factors for increasing Nakhichevan's dependence on Iran in the political-security dimension.
Mohammad Bagher Khoramshad; Elahe Khani
Volume 1, Issue 3 , December 2013, , Pages 109-131
Abstract
The outbreak of color revolutions in post-communism, Latin-American,
Middle East were cause scholars to survey different dimension and traits
of this new revolutions from diverse dimensions. In this way, offering a
comprehensive and theoretic framework from mixing of the available
theories and objective ...
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The outbreak of color revolutions in post-communism, Latin-American,
Middle East were cause scholars to survey different dimension and traits
of this new revolutions from diverse dimensions. In this way, offering a
comprehensive and theoretic framework from mixing of the available
theories and objective elements of these revolutions and analyzing victor
and defeated color revolutions are the main purposes of this article.
Moreover essence and nature of color revolutions as a political and may be
social phenomenon will necessitate scaling this concept from the other
political and social phenomenon such as social movements and rebellions,
revolution, reform, etc
Abstract
Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, many analysts consider this crisis to be result of a conspiracy from outside actors mainly US and Britain and their regional allies such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. But some internal social gaps Such as ethnic and religious gaps mainly Shiite - Sunni ...
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Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, many analysts consider this crisis to be result of a conspiracy from outside actors mainly US and Britain and their regional allies such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. But some internal social gaps Such as ethnic and religious gaps mainly Shiite - Sunni and outgroup Kurdish - Arabic conflicts had led to the outbreak of a civil war in this country. In this paper, the main question is: how does the social gaps, mainly ethnic and religious, affect the formation and growth of radicalism in this country? It is argued that there are two major ethnic and religious gap in Syria and due to inability of the government in managing these gaps and extensive foreign involvement, Syria has faced conflict and social unrest. Therefore, from the beginning of the crisis in 2011 and with the massive influx of foreign militants into the country, Religious Ethnic gaps have also been extremely deepened and led to the growth of radical groups.
Ali Reza Kooh kan; Saei Tajari
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, , Pages 113-128
Abstract
Abstract With the onset of the political crisis in Syria, regional and trans-regional actors began to adopt different stances according to their interests in relation to this country which has a special geopolitical and geostrategic importance in the Middle East. Meanwhile, continuous efforts ...
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Abstract With the onset of the political crisis in Syria, regional and trans-regional actors began to adopt different stances according to their interests in relation to this country which has a special geopolitical and geostrategic importance in the Middle East. Meanwhile, continuous efforts of some governments to put pressure on and overthrow the Assad regime are one of the obvious factors in Syrian dilemma which have added to the complexity of the situation in this country. In order to contain Iran as part of its foreign policy strategy, Saudi Arabia as a regional actor has played a significant role in the changes in Syria. Saudi Arabia has initiated extensive measures, from financial and spiritual support of al-Qaeda militants to active participation in the Western-Arab axis, in order to persuade other countries to support the Syrian opposition and launched ceaseless efforts to attack this country. This article studies the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia and the interests and efforts of this country in the internal changes of Syria. The results of this analysis show that Saudi Arabia has entered the Syrian crisis with the aim of improving its own regional position and, in this regard, has adopted policies that will cause damage to the long-term interests of this country.
morad Kaviani Rad; Soheila Abbas Poor Gomari
Volume 4, Issue 12 , July 2015, , Pages 115-139
Abstract
Various theories about political phenomena are discussed on the basis of the subjective and objective characters. Phenomenology is one way to analyze the mentality, quality and specificity of political phenomena. Shiite and Sunni Islamic movements, according to their nature, have different understanding ...
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Various theories about political phenomena are discussed on the basis of the subjective and objective characters. Phenomenology is one way to analyze the mentality, quality and specificity of political phenomena. Shiite and Sunni Islamic movements, according to their nature, have different understanding of religion. This can be caused by the perception of the environment and the ratio that defines in connection with the perception of spatial and temporal existence. Based on environmental perception, when Objective understanding of place replaced by its subjective perception, location emerging patterns are involved because they are effective in creating the sense of place. The hypothesis of the paper indicates that the time-place oriented idea of Shiite and Sunni Islamic movements in the Middle East formed their strategies in practice.
Abuzar Gohari Moqaddam
Volume 2, Issue 6 , September 2014, , Pages 117-141
Abstract
The Islamic awaking developments in the Middle East since 2011 havechanged the regional order in many different ways and influencedregional and trans- regional actors. In this situation, the United Stateswhich has defined many interest in the region, has been influenced morethan the other actors. This ...
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The Islamic awaking developments in the Middle East since 2011 havechanged the regional order in many different ways and influencedregional and trans- regional actors. In this situation, the United Stateswhich has defined many interest in the region, has been influenced morethan the other actors. This article describes the US interests in the MiddleEast and examines the Islamic awakening impacts on these interests. Theresults of this research prove that the Unites States is going to controland mange Islamic awakening impacts in the region through manydifferent ways including: direct military intervention, changing the rulingelites in some states, forcing internal reform in some countries, avoidingreliance on one ally in the region, promoting secular Islamic state,helping civil society of some countries, promoting human rights discourseand solving the Israeli-Palestinian peace process
Abstract
One of the the most important issues in middle east and contemporary turkey is the study of stability and threat factors of democracy. Among the other countries of middle east, turkey has long-term experience in democracy. A glance to the country show turkey s democracy has fluctuating matter. In the ...
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One of the the most important issues in middle east and contemporary turkey is the study of stability and threat factors of democracy. Among the other countries of middle east, turkey has long-term experience in democracy. A glance to the country show turkey s democracy has fluctuating matter. In the other words, democracy in turkey as a form of government and a kind of relations between society and the government have face threat and stability factors simultaneously. The main goal of the article is evaluating causes of the issue. the article argues some variables such as turkey s constitution amendments, party system and trying to accession to EU (stability variables) and ethnic threats, religious minorities challenges and the military interventions (threat stability) have influenced turkey s democracy. to evaluate the hypothesis, the article has some sections such as theoretical framework with emphasis on stability and threat factors, historical approach to democracy trends in turkey and evaluation of threat-stability variables in turkey’s democracy.
Seyd Mohammad Tabatabae'i; Milad Toopchi
Volume 4, Issue 13 , October 2015, , Pages 119-146
Abstract
Intellectual foundations and theoretical principles of the parties in the process of policy-making are of particular importance. So that,the effects of these principles could be seen during operational policies and observed in practices. Both reformists and fundamentalists parties inserted their ideological ...
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Intellectual foundations and theoretical principles of the parties in the process of policy-making are of particular importance. So that,the effects of these principles could be seen during operational policies and observed in practices. Both reformists and fundamentalists parties inserted their ideological and intellectual principles as inputs in the foreign policy system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. After analysis in the system, which has its own set of principles and rules certain policies are carried out. By comparing the inputs that two parties inserted to the system and outputs that appeared we understand methods of two parties were different about the nuclear program but according to the general foreign policy principles of the system of Islamic Republic of Iran, their goal was identical. The purpose of this article is to review and analyze reformists and fundamentalists methods to achieve Peaceful nuclear program according to the system theory.
Amir Masood Shahram nia; Razie Mehrabi Koshki; Mahdie Poor ranjbar
Volume 3, Issue 9 , February 2015, , Pages 121-141
Abstract
Evaluation of the youth national Identity as the most vital, the most legitimate andthe most common type of collective identity, and the study of the factors influencingit, is one of the issues that have been the constant concern of sociologists andpolitical thinkers. The main concern in this respect ...
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Evaluation of the youth national Identity as the most vital, the most legitimate andthe most common type of collective identity, and the study of the factors influencingit, is one of the issues that have been the constant concern of sociologists andpolitical thinkers. The main concern in this respect is to preserve and enhance thecitizens’, especially the youth, sense of belonging and commitment to concepts suchas history, culture, state and the political system. One of the things that have comescarcely into theoretical and empirical examination is the impact of socialnetworking on a National Identity. Networks intensely touch the intra-group andinter-group interactions and communications of people and seem to influencenational identity and national consolidation.This study aims to investigate the issue of whether social networks can affectstudents’ national identity and how much they do so. The method used is surveyand data were collected using questionnaires distributed among a sample of 294university students in 2013-2014. Their reliability was calculated in formalmethods, and their validity was assessed using Cronbach's alpha, and finally,they were analyzed by 22SPSS software.The findings of this study suggest that there is strong and significantrelationship between inter-group networks and four dimensions of nationalidentity, namely, the socio-cultural, historical, political and territorial identity.The abovementioned networks have more impact on the socio-cultural, political,historical, and territorial identity, respectively. Also, despite the impact of intragroupsocial networks on political and socio-cultural identity, the total value didnot confirm any correlation between students’ national identity and intra-groupnetworks.
