Political Sociology
Sadegh Panahinasab; Mansour Tabiee
Abstract
IntroductionIran is a vast country situated in a strategically significant region of the Middle East. Within its borders, a diverse array of ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist. A crucial aspect of Iran’s internal dynamics pertains to the formulation of ethnic policies aimed at fostering ...
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IntroductionIran is a vast country situated in a strategically significant region of the Middle East. Within its borders, a diverse array of ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist. A crucial aspect of Iran’s internal dynamics pertains to the formulation of ethnic policies aimed at fostering an inclusive unity and cohesion among its populace, all the while preserving and celebrating the richness of its cultural and ethnic diversity in line with the country’s objectives and ideals. Today, the formulation of ethnic policies has become an exceedingly vital and indispensable matter due to a number of factors, including the rise of micro and sub-national discourses and the need to regulate their interactions with the political system, government, and national identity; the proliferation of ethnic and religious groups in various countries and particularly in neighboring states; and the prominence of ethnic and tribal identities. Limiting the sphere of influence, authority, and acceptance of a shared collective identity, these developments are accompanied not only by the presence of influential international and regional factors and actors but also by gaps in ethnic identities. It is thus necessary to formulate ethnic policies in the country.A significant segment of Iran’s population comprises ethnic, local, and regional tribes and subcultures, whose inclinations, attitudes, and actions hold great importance across various social, cultural, and political domains in the country. The election is considered a key domain with the high frequency of occurrence in Iran. In this respect, the relationship and activities of ethnic groups during election periods represent a significant topic for study and investigation. The areas of interest include the degree and nature of participation of ethnic groups and their behavior towards a particular candidate or political party in the election. The participation in elections actually serves as a stable indicator of political participation.In Iran, ethnic groups perceive their participation in elections as playing a social–identity role in political dynamics. As candidates vie for as many votes as possible during their election campaigns, they engage in election campaigns characterized by slogans and the presentation of plans and promises. Meanwhile, in the institutionalized and conventional opportunity offered by elections, voters and citizens form their opinions concerning the desired choice by listening to and comparing candidates’ plans, programs, and policies.In a study conducted by Agumore and Adams (2014) in Ghana, the examination of 17 influential factors on voting behavior revealed that candidates’ electoral messages had the most significant impact on voters, while the candidate’s ethnicity proved to be one of the least influential factors. This suggests that the stance and programs advocated by candidates play a crucial role in motivating voters to support them. Alwan (2020) studied the tribal power in Iraq and its implications for the political and social system. The findings demonstrated that a weak and corrupt government contributes to the encouragement of tribal dominance. The Iraqi people, regardless of their personal beliefs, are strongly attached to their tribes. Despite recognizing that tribes are pre-state organizations and a distorted form of civil society, they perceive no viable alternative due to the inability of the weak state to establish law and order.Akbari and Fakhari (2016) explored the influence of ethnicity and ethnic identity on the electoral behavior of citizens in Bojnurd. The research involved 367 participants from diverse ethnic groups. The results revealed an ethnic voting pattern score of 34.7 on a scale of 0 to 100. Additionally, the average ethnic identity score among the respondents was 58.6. The findings of the study indicate a significant relationship between ethnic voting patterns and variables such as ethnic demands, the sense of political legitimacy, and ethnic identity, as demonstrated by the multivariable regression model. According to Tabiee et al. (2022), there are numerous paradoxes, contradictions, and conflicts between political tribalism and the development in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The research suggests that an increase in the tendency towards political tribalism leads to a decrease in development in the province. However, the development and progress of society can mitigate the effects of political tribalism, potentially leading to its dissipation. Materials and MethodsThe present research used the method of content analysis for data collection. The method involves gathering empirical evidence by enquiring text units rather than directly surveying individuals. In content analysis, the primary unit of observation is the text itself. Concerning the present study, the researchers selected texts on the candidates’ speeches presented in various sources, including newspapers such as Ettela'at, Shargh, Resalat, and Vatan-e Emrouz, as well as the candidates’ speeches during visits to East Azarbaijan, Kurdistan, and Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The researchers also considered the coverage of these speeches in the aforementioned newspapers or locally relevant websites. Additionally, televised elections debates, particularly those focusing on cultural themes, were included in the analysis.Results and DiscussionRelying on empirical evidence, the study analyzed and compared ethnic slogans and ethnic belonging in the 9th and 11th presidential elections. According to the results, the representation of ethnic slogans stands at 31.11%t in the texts produced by candidates during the 9th election, whereas during the 11th election, the figure increased significantly to 68.89%. Moreover, the representation of ethnic belonging was found to be 26.93% and 73.07% in the texts produced by the candidates during the 9th and 11th elections, respectively. These findings indicate that candidates during the 11th period placed considerable emphasis on ethnic issues, delving more deeply into these matters. They made concerted efforts to attract the votes of ethnic groups by highlighting ethnic concerns and giving significant attention to these issues in their campaign texts and speeches. As a result, the candidates who had prioritized ethnic issues could receive a larger share of votes in the aforementioned provinces.ConclusionAccording to the research findings, it can be concluded that there was a significant increase in the representation of slogans and ethnic belonging by candidates during the 11th election compared to the 9th term. The candidates put a special focus on ethnic issues in their speeches and campaign texts. Among the candidates in both elections, Hassan Rouhani stands out for emphasizing ethnic issues more than others. His receiving notable and substantial votes in these provinces, particularly in Kurdistan, indicates his special attention to this category.The research findings, particularly in the 11th election, indicate that addressing ethnic slogans and belonging and highlighting them in presidential campaigns can effectively increase candidates’ votes in provinces with a significant ethnic population. However, regarding the reasons behind the heightened attention to ethnicity and repetition of past issues by the candidates in the 11th election, it is suggested that the demands and needs of ethnic groups had not been adequately addressed in previous elections. Alternatively, it is possible that the repetition of past issues is merely a strategy to secure votes, with candidates failing to address these demands even after winning the election, thus treating them merely as a means to an end.
Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami; Morteza Esmaeili; Aboza Behzadi Aghaee
Volume 4, Issue 15 , March 2016, , Pages 95-124
Abstract
Practical and theoretical developments in international politics and the following changes in foreign policy of countries have attracted the cross-regional powers. This paper concentrates on Latin America, raising a question about similarities and differences between the Chines and Iranian approaches ...
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Practical and theoretical developments in international politics and the following changes in foreign policy of countries have attracted the cross-regional powers. This paper concentrates on Latin America, raising a question about similarities and differences between the Chines and Iranian approaches toward this region which traditionally considered US backyard. By comparing the two approaches, results show that although Tehran and Beijing criticize the ongoing international discipline, China focuses on the economic aspects in her relations toward Latin area, but Iran prioritize political-security attitude in this matter. Assessment of capacities and attractions of Latin America and US tendency to the region and the process of deepening relations of the two countries with this region in terms of Ahmadinejad and Hu are parts of this paper which confirms the main idea.
Saleh hassanzadeh
Volume 1, Issue 3 , December 2013, , Pages 75-108
Abstract
there are two views about the relationship and interaction with the political system in west .1) Theory of Democracy. 2) Christian doctrine of divine right. As in Islam between Sunni and Imami faced two perspectives. Proponents of democracy do not have right to rebel against the government. Or Such right ...
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there are two views about the relationship and interaction with the political system in west .1) Theory of Democracy. 2) Christian doctrine of divine right. As in Islam between Sunni and Imami faced two perspectives. Proponents of democracy do not have right to rebel against the government. Or Such right only permitted for the whole nation. In theory of Divine Rule of Christianity obedience is necessary. In Islamic doctrine, many religious parties alowed to have an uprising against the cruel ruler . Although the overarching concern of turmoil as a serious obstacles in judgment has joined to the revolt. Explicitly, Hnabeleh discredit out to the ruler and has been banned. Verses and perspiration can not deny it.This position is not logically consistent. Imamia differ In related to the administration of justice and governments. Certainly in the Imamate and infallible rule is not justified defiance against them. Due to Impeccability ofcharacteristics is not acceptable to make a mistake or do sin. According to Shiite belief ,in the occultation of Imam Mahdi such permission is dedicated to Adel Faqih .The supreme authority of the state is not under these conditions is the government of compact and idolatrous .According to Islamic teachings stand up against tyrant have steps.
Abbasali Rahbar
Volume 2, Issue 4 , April 2013, , Pages 77-104
Abstract
Hermeneutic understanding of the problem and understanding the dilemma of modern hermeneutics, and it responds with an understanding of the interaction between action and language. With emphasis on the developments made in the realm of politics, reason and religion from the perspective of hermeneutic ...
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Hermeneutic understanding of the problem and understanding the dilemma of modern hermeneutics, and it responds with an understanding of the interaction between action and language. With emphasis on the developments made in the realm of politics, reason and religion from the perspective of hermeneutic understanding human cognitive processes is very important. Bearing in mind that this is a significant component in any sense of reason and religion are different epistemological and can only be used as a quick method to help them understand. This article looking for this hypothesis that being update with Contemporary conceptions of reason and religion, reason and faith between the old perception of change will occur with time and space requirements in understanding the reason religion helps. Sunni scholars to understand the new law and understand the intentions of the continuity theory of jihad in understanding Sharia scholars are Shia. Based on a view of discourse, dialogue with the understanding of the Islamic resurgence of religion as a social issue and multidimensional focus on the dignity of man, and divine traditions with renewed attention to rationality derived from revelation
Abo Mohammad Asghar Khani; Fatemeh Ghorbani; Mehrdad Halal Khor
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, , Pages 79-112
Abstract
Abstract The new mass communications technology, such as social media and network, began a different era for spectrum of political discourses in the term of contents, dealing with crises and influences on the recent surroundings. Usage of these devices and technologies could change the style of promotion ...
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Abstract The new mass communications technology, such as social media and network, began a different era for spectrum of political discourses in the term of contents, dealing with crises and influences on the recent surroundings. Usage of these devices and technologies could change the style of promotion of ideas in the society. New technology can facilitate the effective interaction between individuals, groups, movements and beneficiaries in handling of crises. In this research, the hypothesis is referring to the new political participation by means of new social media like internet, social network (face book, twitter), cell phones, weblogs, chat rooms and Emails. In a political sociological perspective, a great number of young, unemployed Egyptians who had suffered from the tyranny of Mubarak took advantages of the new communicational tools and lead the process of a protest. This research will concentrate on the role of these new tools as accelerator of Egypt 2011 January 25 uprising.
mojtaba zareei
Abstract
بازخوانی عالم واقع با توجه به مفهوم وامکانات" فطرت " درگاه های بسیاری را بر اندیشه ی ما خواهد گشود . امروزه در گیر و دار مشکلات عدیده ی مادی و معنوی ای که فرارویزمانه و جامعه ...
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بازخوانی عالم واقع با توجه به مفهوم وامکانات" فطرت " درگاه های بسیاری را بر اندیشه ی ما خواهد گشود . امروزه در گیر و دار مشکلات عدیده ی مادی و معنوی ای که فرارویزمانه و جامعه ی ماست ، استلزام چنین رویکردی بیش از پیش احساس می شود چرا که در چنین وضعیتی ما شاهد این امر هستیم آنچه بیش از همه مورد اغماض قرار گرفته است بحث " رعایت انسان " است . بازگشت به استعدادها و اندیشه ی فطرت گرا به معنای مهیا کردن شرایط بیرونی به منظور عرصه ای جهت شکوفایی استعدادهای بالقوه ی انسان است ؛ بطوریکه انسان اعتبار " مثال " پروردگار بودن را بیابد . در این مقاله در صدد برخواهیم آمد که با وارد کردن مفهوم، قوه و فعل " فطرت " در گفتمان سیاست خارجی امکاناتی را که این مفهوم خواهد توانست به روی انسان در این عرصه ببخشد و همهنگامبازدارندگی هایی را که بر آن اعمال می کند ، مورد تبیین و بررسی قرار دهیم .
Asghar Eftekhari
Volume 3, Issue 8 , December 2014, , Pages 83-99
Abstract
Liberty and Security :An Interactive Model Asghar Eftekhari* (Received: 2014/April/7 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Virtues have the main rule in managing Social and Political Life; hence, the following question is important: If there be an opposition between ...
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Liberty and Security :An Interactive Model Asghar Eftekhari* (Received: 2014/April/7 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Virtues have the main rule in managing Social and Political Life; hence, the following question is important: If there be an opposition between different Virtues, which one should – or could – be preferred? In this paper, author tries to analyze the relationship between Liberty and Security, and suggest two models in this regard. This two models developed by Islamic- Iranian discourse can be labeled Negative and positive. Security is the main virtue in Negative Model but Liberty is the major one, in the Positive Model. Therefore, author has designed a complex model which is biased on two different principles: Power (in negative model) and Satisfaction (in positive model). * Associate Professor of Political Science at Imam Sadiq University. (Eftekhariasg@gmail.com)
Morad Kaviani; Ebrahim zarghami; Hava valizadeh
Abstract
Over the past two decades, climate change and rising water consumption have faced many of the world's regions with a freshwater crisis. The data available about our country, also due to the change in the climate and inefficiency of the current consumption pattern, suggests that the security of the country ...
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Over the past two decades, climate change and rising water consumption have faced many of the world's regions with a freshwater crisis. The data available about our country, also due to the change in the climate and inefficiency of the current consumption pattern, suggests that the security of the country and hence the national security of the country will henceforth be linked to each other. However, our country has the capacity to reduce existing concerns in the management of consumption patterns. The Caspian Sea is one of these capacities. The present study is based on the assumption that using the reserve of the Caspian Sea could increase the country's water security. The methodology of research based on the argumentative approach and the research methodology has a descriptive-analytical character and its information has been gathered by a library method. The findings of the research showed that the favorable conditions of the geographical environment of the Caspian Sea, along with the water needs of the country, has made the use of this reservoir a strategic option. Active diplomacy, legal framework, the use of national security thinkers and environmental assessments are among the most important requirements for the use of the strategic reserve of the Caspian Sea.
Hamid Salehi
Volume 3, Issue 11 , April 2015, , Pages 87-101
Abstract
The main purpose of this Article is examining the third wave of Alnehza from the perspective of the Islamic awakening and the religious revival in the countries of Arab region. The revolutionary movement in the Arab world as a comprehensive movement based on religious and theological discourse ...
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The main purpose of this Article is examining the third wave of Alnehza from the perspective of the Islamic awakening and the religious revival in the countries of Arab region. The revolutionary movement in the Arab world as a comprehensive movement based on religious and theological discourse has been analyzed in this regard. This social movement has waged prominent Islamic awakening indicators that will provide a new literature review in this matter. In fact, the first wave of Alnehza has risen form of political and religious reforms in Muslim communities headed by Jamaledin Asad Abadi. The second wave of the Islamic revolution led by Imam Khomeini and the third wave, without any charismatic or social leaders, formed in shape of certain social symbols and stories. Thus, the main hypothesis of this Article regarding the third wave argues that Islamic awaking turns to be a model and manifestation for the new movements in the Arab world.
Morteza Noormohammadi; Hojjat Kazemi
Volume 4, Issue 12 , July 2015, , Pages 87-113
Abstract
Cultural Iranophobia is a phenomenon that resembles the Persian Gulf
countries’ fear of Iran’s identity and culture. This fear comes from an unreal
presumption that they have given to Iran’s cultural components and foundations.
According to this way of thinking, a system of meaning ...
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Cultural Iranophobia is a phenomenon that resembles the Persian Gulf
countries’ fear of Iran’s identity and culture. This fear comes from an unreal
presumption that they have given to Iran’s cultural components and foundations.
According to this way of thinking, a system of meaning has been constructed in
their view, that we can call it a “discourse”. This discourse consists of many
elements like Shiism, Iranian nationality and the revolutionary nature. This
phenomenon can have irreparable effects on Iran’s cultural image and
landscape. It can also hinder Iran’s strategies and programs for extension of its
culture to the regional and global cultural space. Hence, this research tries to
analyze the role of culture in genesis of cultural Iranophobia in the Persian Gulf
states and bring up the question about the the genesis of cultural Iranophobia in
countries in Persian Gulf arena. The hypothesis of this research is that dualism
between Arab and Ajam [non-Arab], intervention modeling and Conservative /
revolutionary attitude are elements of Iranophobia in the Persian Gulf state; and
these elements are intensified by Iran’s enemies and created a horrifying image
from the Islamic Republic of Iran, so it will reduces Iran’s cultural relations.
Heshmatollah Falahat Pisheh; Safar Valad Beighi
Volume 2, Issue 6 , September 2014, , Pages 89-115
Abstract
The Paradigm and pattern of “Anatolian Islam “in Turkey is encounteredwith the state of serious rupture between “Religion” and “Politics”. Thisrupture is a result of failure in unity and also a fresh power struggle amongpoliticians of the ruling class in the country ...
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The Paradigm and pattern of “Anatolian Islam “in Turkey is encounteredwith the state of serious rupture between “Religion” and “Politics”. Thisrupture is a result of failure in unity and also a fresh power struggle amongpoliticians of the ruling class in the country leading by Rajab TayebOrdoghan in one hand and proponents of the Gulenist religious leader,Fethullah Gulen, on the other hand . Occurrence of new developmentsinside and outside of the country , imposed new conditions and positions onthis unity and the religious ,political pattern in Turkey , resulted in itscollapse .The Gulenist ideology and movement, arising from their relationswith the Justice and Development party , left some national and regionaleffects and thus ,it can be anticipated that just like some experiences ofcollapsing other political and religious movements ,ideologies andalliances , the quake in Anatolian Islam will leave important repercussionsinside and outside of Turkey
Abolghasem Shahryari; Mohsen Khalili; Hossein Akbari
Abstract
Political tolerance and permission of activity for all groups and political parties,
is an inseparable component of democracy, especially in countries like Iran with
various groups and political parties, each of them has a unique outlook and
approach. Lack of political tolerance, prevents the creation ...
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Political tolerance and permission of activity for all groups and political parties,
is an inseparable component of democracy, especially in countries like Iran with
various groups and political parties, each of them has a unique outlook and
approach. Lack of political tolerance, prevents the creation of solidarity in
achieving the goals of the political system and political will at the highest levels
of political violence. This question has two parts: what is the level of political
intolerance in this sample? What factors are affecting the political tolerance?
Therefore, the aim of this study is to survey, measure of the political tolerance
and its influencing factors among students in Ferdowsi University. According to
the theoretical background, social capital variables, political awareness,
education, gender and age as factors influencing political tolerance were
selected. The results show that political tolerance is desirable. The results of the
research also show that social capital has the greatest impact and political
awareness and education is second and third in terms of importance. Moreover,
Bridging Social Capital has a greater impact on political tolerance than
Bonding Social Capital
Hossein Salimi; Hamidreza Akbari
Abstract
Political Islam is one of the most influential discourses in the Middle East and the Islamic world and has a significant role at the global level. In the last century, when social and political demands in the Middle East and the Islamic world reached to critically boundaries, these discourses played ...
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Political Islam is one of the most influential discourses in the Middle East and the Islamic world and has a significant role at the global level. In the last century, when social and political demands in the Middle East and the Islamic world reached to critically boundaries, these discourses played a powerful alternative role in social, political and security sphere. Of course, in the secular and Western approach this role has been accompanied with violence and conflict due to the contrast with the global order and the structure of the international system. Thus, many experts have described this discourse as a negative and disruptive factor in the regional and global order.
In this study, we tried to formulate this discourse in the international system and the Middle East; it includes the following three major components: "The historical, identical and epistemological factors”. It is tried to answer this question that: what are the bases for political Islam’s actions in terms of epistemic assumption in the political system and international arena?
saeed attar; elham rasooli sani abadi; masoumeh jargeh
Abstract
Nuclear Dispute of Iran and Countries 5+1 has been one of the most challenging issues in Iran's domestic and foreign policy over the past decade. Using descriptive-analytical method, the purpose of this article is to study of nuclear dispute of Iran and countries 5+1 in the period of 2005- 20015 based ...
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Nuclear Dispute of Iran and Countries 5+1 has been one of the most challenging issues in Iran's domestic and foreign policy over the past decade. Using descriptive-analytical method, the purpose of this article is to study of nuclear dispute of Iran and countries 5+1 in the period of 2005- 20015 based on the game theory. The findings of the paper show that two sides of the dispute used the war of extinction game and the edge of the abyss game as conflict games from 2005 to 2011. These games were based on non-cooperation. Due to the failure to achieve goals and becoming more difficult the continuation of these games for players, two sides of the dispute went to the bargain game and prisoner's dilemma game. Also depending on the type of each game at each stage, the time of negotiation rounds was determined so the time of negotiation rounds decreased dramatically.
Seid Mohammad Tabatabaei; Ali Soleimani
Volume 2, Issue 7 , December 2014, , Pages 93-123
Abstract
Conflicts between Islamic Republic of Iran and The Zionist regime has longbeen studied from the various perspectives of International Relations.Perspectives such as Constructivism, Realism, Regional Balance of Power, aresome of these perspectives. In other works geopolitical status, ideological,geostrategic, ...
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Conflicts between Islamic Republic of Iran and The Zionist regime has longbeen studied from the various perspectives of International Relations.Perspectives such as Constructivism, Realism, Regional Balance of Power, aresome of these perspectives. In other works geopolitical status, ideological,geostrategic, and geocultural problems have been considered by scholars andresearchers. But in this article, it has been tried to study each one of thesegovernments as a normative value system which attempt to expand and spreadits own norms and values in the international space. Therefore, the mainquestion of this paper seeks to explore the factors that lead to negativeperspective between the two. In fact, it can be argued that the expanded valuesystem of each government caused bankruptcy of norms of the other in theinternational system. In other words, the spreading norms of each one of thesetwo opposite value systems will guarantee the survival of that government ininternational system and limit the breathing space of the opponent.
Ali Akbar Jafari; Dayan Janbaz
Volume 5, Issue 16 , June 2016, , Pages 93-121
Abstract
Foreign policy as the most important international behavior of states has
always been the area of interaction between theory and practice. The analysis of
the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran from internal and external
sources has been interpreted from the traditional patterns of foreign ...
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Foreign policy as the most important international behavior of states has
always been the area of interaction between theory and practice. The analysis of
the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran from internal and external
sources has been interpreted from the traditional patterns of foreign policy and
based on the mainstream assumptions of positivist and utilitarian international
studies. But today it is seriously believed that a realistic analysis of the foreign
policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran will not be possible except in the
framework of our conceptual understanding of the Islamic Republic of Iran. On
this basis, we can say that after the victory of the Islamic Revolution we had saw
different effects of discursive constructs in the context of the totality of
knowledge in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the
question of this research is that how diversity discourse in foreign policy had
influenced Iran's nuclear diplomacy in different periods of time? In response to
this question, the hypnosis of this research is that the diversity of discourse on
foreign policy leads to mobilization of resource and consequently, different
diplomacy in foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran to resolve the nuclear
crisis in different periods of time.
Jafar Hezar Jaribi; Gholam Reza Karimi; Abbas Farhadi
Volume 3, Issue 9 , February 2015, , Pages 95-119
Abstract
This paper examines the Factors influencing the process of politicalsocialization of students. Effects of the political parties within the university andoutside the university (such as political parties and political figures); and thepolicies of the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology, on the ...
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This paper examines the Factors influencing the process of politicalsocialization of students. Effects of the political parties within the university andoutside the university (such as political parties and political figures); and thepolicies of the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology, on the process ofpolitical socialization of students has been studied. Details of the survey havebeen collected from a sample size of 1210 individuals among public universitiesnationwide and purified with the method of Stratified sampling. Data analysiswas also performed with "SPSS" software in 1392.The results of the study revealed these assumptions: The political parties withinthe college had a positive impact on the process of political socialization; andoff-campus parties and political organizations such as parties and politicalfigures and the policies of the Ministry of Science, Failed to have a major impacton political socialization of students
Mohammad Hossein Panahi; Somayyeh Shalchi
Volume 4, Issue 13 , October 2015, , Pages 95-118
Abstract
This study has investigated the effects of social factors on tendency towards democracy. Data for this analysis were collected from a sample of 643 citizens of Tehran aged 20 years and older. The theoretical framework was formulated using theories of Bourdiou, Inglehart, Habermas and Giddens. Social ...
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This study has investigated the effects of social factors on tendency towards democracy. Data for this analysis were collected from a sample of 643 citizens of Tehran aged 20 years and older. The theoretical framework was formulated using theories of Bourdiou, Inglehart, Habermas and Giddens. Social factors included social class, cultural capital, media usage, and religiosity. Descriptive findings reveal that majority of the Tehrani citizens have low tendency towards democracy. Only 4 percent of them have high level of tendency towards democracy. These citizens were more democratic in their attitudes than in their conducts. Explanatory findings show that there is significant relation among various dimensions of social class (i.e., cultural capital, economic capital and social status) with the tendency towards democracy. In addition, there is also significant correlation between cultural factors (i.e., social tolerance, social participation, democratic attitudes towards family) with the tendency towards democracy. Findings demonstrated that cultural capital was the most significant predictor of the dependent variable
Saeid Soleimanzadeh; Ali Omidi; Enayatollah Yazdani
Abstract
A series of events such as the Islamic revolution of Iran, occupation of the US embassy in Tehran, hostage crisis, and Iran's anti-American approach after 1979 resulted in the emergence of a phenomenon called Iran phobia in the West, especially in the US. Although it was assumed that the interaction ...
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A series of events such as the Islamic revolution of Iran, occupation of the US embassy in Tehran, hostage crisis, and Iran's anti-American approach after 1979 resulted in the emergence of a phenomenon called Iran phobia in the West, especially in the US. Although it was assumed that the interaction with the West and conclusion of the nuclear deal in Rouhani's government would weaken the Iran phobia propaganda; but no considerable change was observed in practice and the aggressive approach of Donald Trump and his administration towards Tehran indicate the persistence of Iran phobia in the US foreign policy. The main question of the paper is related to the reasons, purposes, and implications of Iran phobia in the US foreign policy in post-JCPOA era. The main hypothesis of the study is that the role of new McCarthyism in the marketplace of ideas, state identity, and speech acts are considered as the most important reasons and symptoms of Iran phobia in post-JCPOA era. Preventing Iran's economic recovery and making a kind of behavior change of Iran toward some domestic and regional issues are its main objectives of this policy. Breaching the JCPOA and reproduction patterns of antagonism and hostility between two countries may be the most important implications of Iran phobia.
mitra Rah nejat; hassan kabiri
Abstract
Azerbaijan, one of south Caucasus countries, is very important for Iran because of its geopolitics and geo-economics’ features. In spite of existence convergence background between both countries, we witness divergence between them. Main question: During 2000-2016 which factors impact on divergence ...
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Azerbaijan, one of south Caucasus countries, is very important for Iran because of its geopolitics and geo-economics’ features. In spite of existence convergence background between both countries, we witness divergence between them. Main question: During 2000-2016 which factors impact on divergence between Iran and Azerbaijan? Main Hypothesis: It seems economy-security-military factors are main factors that impact on divergence between two countries that regional and Trans-regional actors use them as influence tools for restriction of Iran’s influence scope in the region and threat of Iran. This article use analytical – description methods base on new data so that propose opportunities for foreign policy of Iran.
mahsa adibi; majid tavasoli roknabadi; Seyed Mohammad Ali Taghavi
Abstract
Since the triumph of the Islamic Revolution, when Iran became the center of Islamic political movement in the Islamic world, the West led by the US portrayed a hostile image of Islam and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Theorists and leaders of the Islamic Revolution such as Imam Khomeini, in order to counterbalance ...
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Since the triumph of the Islamic Revolution, when Iran became the center of Islamic political movement in the Islamic world, the West led by the US portrayed a hostile image of Islam and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Theorists and leaders of the Islamic Revolution such as Imam Khomeini, in order to counterbalance this move, portrayed the West as their other and the enemy. Ever since, such an image of the West formed Iran’s foreign policy. In this article, using Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analyses method and the post-colonial theoretical model, authors explore Imam Khomeini’s political discourse. The main question in this research is how the West as the other is represented in Imam Khomeini’s discourse, and how such a representation is affected Iran’s post-revolutionary foreign policy. Based on the hypothesis of this research؛ Imam Khomeini began to draw a boundary between the "us" of Iran and "the other" of the West and proceeded to produce an image of the West, which featured signs such as imperialist, exploiter, devil, tyranny, arrogant, and tyrannical, an image that has become the dominant attitude in our foreign policy. It has shaped the way that political activists are confronted with the outside world.
Hossein Masoudnia; S.Ali Majidinejad; Abdoreza Alishahi
Abstract
This study tries to study the security threats of the Pakistani Salafists for national security of The Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question of this paper is: regarding Deobandi and Wahhabi ideas of Pakistani Salafists which are basically anti- Shiite, what the threats of Salafist groups of Pakistan ...
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This study tries to study the security threats of the Pakistani Salafists for national security of The Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question of this paper is: regarding Deobandi and Wahhabi ideas of Pakistani Salafists which are basically anti- Shiite, what the threats of Salafist groups of Pakistan are for the national security of The Islamic Republic of Iran? And what aspects of the Islamic Republic of Iran's national security will be influenced by the threats of Pakistan's Salafist groups? The hypothesis of the research is: Salafism in Pakistan can pose threats to both hard and soft macro dimensions of national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Methodology in this article is descriptive-analytic.
gholamreza karimi; Seyed Ali monavari; saeed mirtorabi; parviz sharifi
Abstract
This article aims to investigate the effective factors on economic interactions in Saudi Arabia during and after conducting Jam negotiations in 2013-2016 based on the economic game theory by “Thomas Shieling” and using the documental method, with putting emphasis on this hypothesis ...
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This article aims to investigate the effective factors on economic interactions in Saudi Arabia during and after conducting Jam negotiations in 2013-2016 based on the economic game theory by “Thomas Shieling” and using the documental method, with putting emphasis on this hypothesis that the negotiation procedure and performing JCPOA with changing the role and expanding Iranian regional penetration, challenges Iran and Saudi Arabia’s relationships in regional level, which is one of the most important findings of this study. Based on the fear of nuclear negotiation feedbacks and the operative JCPOA agreement, Saudi Arabia would be encountered Iran’s political, economic and civil position in both regional and international level. It makes Saudi to be one of the main important oil reactor in OPEC in 2013-2016 with enhancement procedure beyond global requirement, the productive range 9,140,000 barrels in June 2013 was about 10,720.000 barrels in November 2016with the aim of serious battle with Iran, so that the decision and intention with the aim of increasing oil production more than the global market requirement, some challenges in Iran’s plans and programs and particularly positive reflections due to JCPOA agreement.
Abstract
Separation or closeness of Politics and administration is the key or principle place for production of knowledge in public administration area and scopes. In scientific societies of public administration, the degree of politics’ interference in administration named or called "politicization". On ...
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Separation or closeness of Politics and administration is the key or principle place for production of knowledge in public administration area and scopes. In scientific societies of public administration, the degree of politics’ interference in administration named or called "politicization". On the other hand, it is so obvious that there is a degree of politicization in all administrative systems of world’s countries or administrations and there is no country in that, public administration does not execute politicians’ likes. Related to the professionalization degree of bureaucracy, adherence to political wishes is variable. The final purpose of this article is the comparative study and survey of politicization in six European and orth American countries. In this study Researchers using comparative method try to answer these questions, what are the concept, processes and consequences of politicization in Denmark, Germany, France, Britain, United States and Egypt. At the end, politicization in Iran has been viewed that can be a guideline in the international era for our domestic administrators.
Hamid Nassaj
Volume 2, Issue 5 , June 2013, , Pages 101-130
Abstract
.In the early decades of the twentieth century, semi-modern states emerged in Iranand Turkey. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who managed to establish Turkey on theremains of the Ottoman Empire, tried hard to modernize turkey with Anti-religiousapproach. In Reza Khan successfully toppled the rotten Qajar Dynasty ...
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.In the early decades of the twentieth century, semi-modern states emerged in Iranand Turkey. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who managed to establish Turkey on theremains of the Ottoman Empire, tried hard to modernize turkey with Anti-religiousapproach. In Reza Khan successfully toppled the rotten Qajar Dynasty and took holdof the throne, Likewise, he believed in modernization through the process ofwesternization.Foreign relations between two countries, and especially Reza Shah`s historicvisit to Turkey, Strengthened the theoretical bond of the two rulers.when Rezashah returned, he became more determined in his Westernizationpolicy and particularly unveiling women.Despite similar theoretical approaches and the influence of Turkey on Iran,Comparing the westernization of Ataturk and that of Reza Shah reveals manydifferences in their magnitude and range. Ataturk omitted religious ranking,religious schools Sharia courts, and monasteries. He prohibited any religious signsand established European anti-Islamic civil law; he promulgated the payer, Quran,and Azan to be done in Turkish, and made a weakened change from Friday toSunday; none were done by Reza Shah. The resistance in the two countries wasdifferent too. There was no social mobilization in Turkey and the resistance wasregional and temporary. The question of this paper is which factors,despite similartheoretical approach, caused. the different achievements of Reza Shah and Ataturk.The main factor that can explain these differences (differences in the magnitude andthe type of resistance) is "religion and the organization of clergies. Moreover, thelack of deep thought tradition in turkey, turkey’s neighborhood with west, strongbureaucracy remained from Ottoman Empire and finally territorial threats by Greeksare other influential elements
