seyyed hassan Mirfakhrayi
Volume 3, Issue 8 , December 2014, , Pages 61-81
Abstract
Temporary Cabinet Foreign Policy: of Non – alignment to Neither West Nor East Principle Seyd Hasan Mir Fakhraei* (Received:2014/June/14 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Foreign policy of the Bazargan cabinet is one of the most controversial issues in the history ...
Read More
Temporary Cabinet Foreign Policy: of Non – alignment to Neither West Nor East Principle Seyd Hasan Mir Fakhraei* (Received:2014/June/14 – Accept: 2014/Octobr/27) Abstract Foreign policy of the Bazargan cabinet is one of the most controversial issues in the history of Iran's foreign policy which was based on non – alignment policy and neither west nor east principle. lack of a precise definition of this principle and absence of consensus on its meaning among political parties caused different interpretations and flow of various demands by political parties to the government based on their definition and this paper aims to analyze this government's challenges and problems via theoretical and practical analyze of non – alignment policy and neither west nor east principle in temporary cabinet and other contemporary political parties opinion . * Assistant Professor of Political Science at Allameh Tabataba’i University (for501520@yahoo.com)
Mahdi Hedayati Shahidani; Roman Vladimirovich Pinkovtsev
Volume 4, Issue 12 , July 2015, , Pages 61-85
Abstract
The natures of international phenomena have shown that great powers, far beyond different kinds of rivalries, tend to stabilize equation of power in the international environment. With outbreak of the Syrian crisis, Signs of this type of relationship has been observed between Russia and the United States ...
Read More
The natures of international phenomena have shown that great powers, far beyond different kinds of rivalries, tend to stabilize equation of power in the international environment. With outbreak of the Syrian crisis, Signs of this type of relationship has been observed between Russia and the United States since 2011. The main features of these relations include concepts such as Encouragement, Containment, Withdraw, and Resolution Building. In this paper, we review the functions of each of these concepts trough the Modelski crisis management model. The question of the paper highlights the main strategy of the two major powers, Russia and the United States, towards the Syrian crisis. Results reveal that the two consider mutual interaction and international interests in crisis management measures. Hence, they approaching the pattern of competition and cooperation, remaining from the Cold War.
Hassan Bashir; Hamid Reza Hatami
Volume 2, Issue 6 , September 2014, , Pages 61-88
Abstract
The 10th presidential election in Iran is significant and should be seriouslyexamined not because of a razor-edge margin rivalry between Fundamentalistand Reformist movements, but in the wake of the post-election events andspectrum category between fundamentalists and reformists. In this article, aneffort ...
Read More
The 10th presidential election in Iran is significant and should be seriouslyexamined not because of a razor-edge margin rivalry between Fundamentalistand Reformist movements, but in the wake of the post-election events andspectrum category between fundamentalists and reformists. In this article, aneffort is stepped up to study and scrutinize notes and news headlines publishedin the best-selling Iranian mainstreams of Keyhan, Ettela’at and Jomhouri-eIslami on the post-election unrests which started from June 13, 2008 [after theannouncement of early result of the election] to July 22, 2009 when the unrestconsiderably abated, by using Practical Discourse Analysis Method (PDAM)Findings show that Ettela’at daily has concentrated on “unacceptability of electionresults”, “Underlining the role of internal and external elements in sparking postelection unrests” and “announcement of annulment of election results. In Jomhouri-eEslami daily, the articles predominantly focused on “The unacceptability of electionresults”, “Underlining the role of internal elements in the aftermath of the presidentialelection” and the “Solutions proposed by Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani at a Friday Prayeraddress to end the post-election political stalemate. Keyhan headlines, however, adopteda U-turn and a distinctive approach where the focal point was put on “Defendingelection results”, “ Linking local and external elements to fomenting unrests” and “Defending a plan put forth by Supreme Leader” to end the post-election unrests.
Abbas ali Rahbar
Volume 3, Issue 9 , February 2015, , Pages 65-93
Abstract
Development is a course ensuring constant improvements in all realms of humanlife, both material and spiritual, humans should, in ultimate development, achievea life relying upon their abilities and human culture along with expansion of circleof positive options. Development could be discussed both historically ...
Read More
Development is a course ensuring constant improvements in all realms of humanlife, both material and spiritual, humans should, in ultimate development, achievea life relying upon their abilities and human culture along with expansion of circleof positive options. Development could be discussed both historically and in termsof developmental goals and is challenged by the Islamic thought in a compulsorycourse, but in the cultural-ideal course, development is fundamentally a uniqueprocess which not only benefits from the common denominator of the rational,fixed principles of development, but may also be applied given the social culture.Culture is a human entity and its survival depends on humans' awareness,determination and will – the humans who are the key elements in a society.Therefore, achieving well-developed conditions, which is a political andgovernmental decision, needs cultural foundations. Viewing humans, society,religion, life and time can serve as an important factor in logical analysis andinterpretation of political development on the one hand, and survivinginstitutionalization of politics on the other.Meanwhile, Shiite political culture which considers a logical link and positiveinteraction between religiosity and politics believes that using the fundamentalelements and components of rationality, freedom, and dynamic endeavors, onecould not only maintain the fundamentals and principles of Islam but also promoteits efficiency in relation to development in general and political development inparticular.
Gholam Reza Khajeh Sarvi; Ahamad Reza Bordbar
Volume 4, Issue 13 , October 2015, , Pages 65-93
susan veisi
Abstract
This article focuses on the issue of authority and its relation to the modern free subject in Iran today. The hypothesis of the paper is that the political organization of the Iranian society from the time of the arrival of modern times, with the exception of a model, is not possible with a model of ...
Read More
This article focuses on the issue of authority and its relation to the modern free subject in Iran today. The hypothesis of the paper is that the political organization of the Iranian society from the time of the arrival of modern times, with the exception of a model, is not possible with a model of the relation between the authority and the subject of the modern society. The failure of this model has been an explanatory factor of political legitimacy in modern Iran. Of course, various attempts have been made to construct this duality in such a way that it can be argued that only ideas in the political arena of Iran have played a role in establishing a relationship between the modern Iranian subject and a model of political authority. In this article, the author tries to demonstrate that the intellectual heritage deriving from Dr. Ali Shariati's thoughts, although he himself needs to be criticized, provides a preliminary plan for rethinking political authority and modern subjects in today's Iran. This article specifically explores the relation between subject and authority in Dr. Shariati's thoughts.
Hadi Aazami; Seyed Hadi Zarghani; Mohsen Soltani
Volume 5, Issue 16 , June 2016, , Pages 67-93
Abstract
Dependence of countries to each other in different field has dramatic effects
on the geopolitical weight and type of their behavior. The Nakhchivan
Autonomous Republic as part of the Azerbaijan Separated by Zangezurmargi
corridor from motherland. After the Nagorno-Karabakh War, Iran has been the
only ...
Read More
Dependence of countries to each other in different field has dramatic effects
on the geopolitical weight and type of their behavior. The Nakhchivan
Autonomous Republic as part of the Azerbaijan Separated by Zangezurmargi
corridor from motherland. After the Nagorno-Karabakh War, Iran has been the
only reachable ground way between Nakhchivan and Azerbaijan Republic. Due
to the many challenges and security issues between the two countries over the
years and regarding the abovementioned gape as the biggest strategic problems
of Nakhchivan, which caused Nakhichivan dependence to Iran, the relations
between the two countries has been changed. The methodology of this research
is descriptive-analytic and data collection is orchestrated through library
resources and questionnaire for surveying and prioritizing of various variables
in cultural and tourism fields showing increasing dependency of Nakhchivan to
Iran. Results shows that Components of the abolition of visas for citizens of
Azerbaijani and Improving health-care services, Common linguistic, religious
and cultural institutions have been the most effective and common historical
background and academic relations have been the least effective indicators of
dependency of Nakhichivan to Iran.
Seyed Ebrahim Sarparst Sadat
Abstract
With the victory of the Islamic Revolution and establishment of a religious
democracy in Iran, the question about compatibility of Islam and democracy has
become a fundamental issue. This article aims to answer whether it is possible to
locate origins of the theory of religious democracy in pre-Revolutionary ...
Read More
With the victory of the Islamic Revolution and establishment of a religious
democracy in Iran, the question about compatibility of Islam and democracy has
become a fundamental issue. This article aims to answer whether it is possible to
locate origins of the theory of religious democracy in pre-Revolutionary Islamic
thinkers. The hypothesis of the article is that it is possible to find a pattern for
religious democracy in the thought of the religious scholars such as Morteza
Motahhari, which served as a pioneer for theoretical debates in this field. The
article uses the current-discourse method to obtain Motahhari’s views about
democracy and its relation with religious democracy and its established form in
the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Abstract
The subject of this paper is to assess the status of political knowledge in Iran from the perspective of the scholars of this field. Due to The long history of political science in Iran and, however considering the doctrine of the evolution of the humanities and social sciences by the Iranian government, ...
Read More
The subject of this paper is to assess the status of political knowledge in Iran from the perspective of the scholars of this field. Due to The long history of political science in Iran and, however considering the doctrine of the evolution of the humanities and social sciences by the Iranian government, the critical recognition of the existing situation of this branch of knowledge is necessary. The population of this research, which has been carried out with the aim of providing a comprehensive picture of the views of existing scholars, is the articles and scientific works of the scholars of the field of political science published between 2009 and 2015. The research findings, which have been conducted using the N-vivo 10 qualitative analysis software, indicate that the scholars of this field generally assess the field weak. Along with some of the strengths mentioned above for existing knowledge, the weaknesses mentioned for political knowledge can be categorized at the three levels by the continuum of the macro-political-social system, the level of science, and the level of the scientific community.
seyedreza mousavinia
Abstract
The decision making trend in foreign policy answers how and why a decision is made. Drawing this trend requires the use of an appropriate research method to explain available information and interpret the roles. Despite the limited access to some information on the achievement (Comprehensive Joint Plan ...
Read More
The decision making trend in foreign policy answers how and why a decision is made. Drawing this trend requires the use of an appropriate research method to explain available information and interpret the roles. Despite the limited access to some information on the achievement (Comprehensive Joint Plan of action between Iran with Six World Power), how can we draw the trend of Iran's foreign policy decision-making in this historical event? (Research question and question) This paper aims to introduce the method for the initial drawing of Iran's foreign policy decision making trend by introducing the position of quantitative and qualitative combination of methodology and showing its function and its research merits (research method). The structure of eclectic method in the first phase explains the factors affecting admittance and, in the second stage, provides an understanding of the perception of senior foreign policy decision makers. (The research hypothesis) The author believes that the process of identifying the factors influencing decision making and the way in which those factors are interpreted in the cognitive system of foreign policy decision makers, is the most appropriate method for initiating research on Iran's foreign policy decision making trend. (Results)
Public policy
Hossein Ebadi; Seyed Abdullah Heidariyeh; Younos Vakil Alroaia
Abstract
Introduction In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more ...
Read More
Introduction In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more necessary to have such a favorable scenario. Based on the significance of customer retention, this approach maintains that a party can win if it secures the largest market share while minimizing customer attrition. It seems to be an essential approach given the nature of political marketing characterized by the intense competition among political parties, the unavoidable impact of social media, the uncertainty about fulfilling campaign promises, and the risky nature of political transactions (cash vs. credit imbalance) —all of which can contribute to the vulnerability of political marketing, hence a declining trend in the voter turnout. Relationship marketing, as a modern marketing technique, can help political activists to mitigate these challenges, offering effective solutions to minimize campaign costs and increase the likelihood of success in elections. Political relationship marketing has been the subject of inquiry in several studies (e.g., Afjeh’i & Khademi-Garashi, 2016; Talari & Mousavi-Shafaei, 2015). Rizan et al. (2014) delved into the impact of relationship marketing on customer loyalty.A declining trend in the number of electoral votes is one of the challenges faced by political parties in Iran. The issue appears to be rooted in their marketing strategies. In fact, political marketing strategies can potentially present a persuasively alluring image of the candidate’s integrity and virtue while covering up their flaws. Consequently, the politician who has been getting promoted is often perceived as an ideal figure. In most cases, voters may not understand the techniques used in campaigns, succumbing to the persuasive tactics employed by the candidate and thus increasing the likelihood of making a mistake in their choice and experiencing early regret. In fact, insufficient knowledge about the candidate or party contributes to such mistakes on the part of voters. Moreover, the inability to retain voters, driven by factors such as a loss of trust and unfulfilled promises, can result in costly and sometimes irreparable damages to political parties. Considering the drawbacks of short-term marketing in the political arena for those involved and the political parties’ desire for sustained power, relationship marketing seems to be a suitable approach to address the shortcomings without compromising market share, fulfill political parties’ electoral aspirations (e.g., frequent wins), and to ensure that voters get to know candidates and political parties adequately and accurately. In this line, the present research investigates the influential factors in political relationship marketing, addressing the following questions: Can relationship marketing help overcome the challenges in political elections? And what factors are influential in establishing and maintaining the relationship?Materials and MethodsThere are numerous factors behind party wins in the electoral market. However, according to the theoretical framework of this research, establishing and maintaining a robust relationship between parties and voters, leading to voter loyalty, plays a pivotal role in the electoral success of political parties. Relying on a multi-stage conceptual model, the present study aimed to investigate the connection between relationship marketing and the success of parties in the political market and electoral contests. The study is located within the intersection of political science and marketing management. As an applied research involving field work, it adopted a descriptive–survey, correlation-based approach to investigate the research questions. First, the analysis focused on the effect of relationship marketing variables (i.e., commitment, fulfillment of promises, communication, competence, and trust) on satisfaction. The second step involved examination of the effect of satisfaction on voter loyalty. Finally, the research explored the correlation between loyalty, recommendations to others, and revoting, as influential factors contributing to the success of political parties. In the data analysis, the Pearson coefficient and the correlation coefficient were used to understand the relationships between the research variables.Results and Discussion The research findings indicated a significantly direct correlation between relationship marketing principles and voter satisfaction. The results of regression analysis demonstrated that these principles can predict satisfaction. There was also a significant relationship between satisfaction and loyalty, as well as between loyalty and both revoting and recommendation to others. Finally, a significant relationship was observed between success and revoting and recommendation to others.ConclusionThe research results confirm that the success of political parties hinges on both retaining existing voters and attracting new ones. This process involves distinct stages: generating satisfaction by applying relationship marketing principles, enhancing and transforming satisfaction into loyalty and fandom through the practical implementation of the principles, adopting fan-driven marketing as a result of the loyalty cultivated, and finally giving recommendations to others. The first and second stages are executed through strategic planning and initiatives of strategists, along with the genuine and reassuring conduct of candidates and party executive agents. The third and fourth stages, on the other hand, rely on the active participation of party loyalists and supporters. Furthermore, two practical methods can be employed to attract new voters: direct and indirect recruitment. In the direct recruitment, the party itself leverages relationship marketing principles to draw in a collective of voters. In contrast, the indirect recruitment is facilitated by party loyalists and supporters—mostly represented by previous voters—and their efforts to embark on fan-driven marketing and give recommendations to other voters.
Gholam Ali Chegani Zadeh
Volume 2, Issue 7 , December 2014, , Pages 69-92
Abstract
Transition Period is a key subject in the discipline of International relations andpolitics. At the present time, there is a consensus among academic forums about thefact that the existing order is experiencing new changes. Critics have tried tounderstand these changes and their impacts on general trends. ...
Read More
Transition Period is a key subject in the discipline of International relations andpolitics. At the present time, there is a consensus among academic forums about thefact that the existing order is experiencing new changes. Critics have tried tounderstand these changes and their impacts on general trends. Along with othertransformational tendencies, the experience of the Islamic Revolution as atransformational movement advanced change in the geometry of internationalpower from the beginning. The main question of this article is that are there anyphilosophical and theoretical bases for change in the international social order inIslamic Revolution and the Iran’s contexts? As a result, the main goal of this articleis to explore the philosophical foundations of change desire in the Iranian cultureand to build a link between these foundations and new imperatives for acting in linewith changing the geometry of international power. This hypothesis assumes theexistence of rich intellectual and philosophical layers in the Islamic Republic andIran driving at active participation in the process of changing the geometry ofinternational power. In answering the question regarding existing philosophicalpotentialities in Iranian and Islamic cultures in the process of changing thegeometry of international power, this article relying upon the rational approach,explains resources contributing change in the existing geometry of internationalpower in the context of Iranian cultural life. For this reason, this article claims thatthe notion of demanding change in various orders (general and particular) lies inthe essence of the Islamic Revolution and is the product of Iranian culture andhistory. Another point is that demanding change paradoxically involves therecognition existing ethnicities. This can also be interpreted as a kind of invitation.This invitation includes both will to change and will to conform.
Gholamreza Khajehsarvy; Abbas Sohrab Zadeh
Abstract
Power as the most fundamental parameter on the politics has caught the attention of the public, socio-political forces, and the ruling bodies. The possession of power is the main objective of any political endeavor and the manner of acquiring and employing it establishes the bulk of the debates which ...
Read More
Power as the most fundamental parameter on the politics has caught the attention of the public, socio-political forces, and the ruling bodies. The possession of power is the main objective of any political endeavor and the manner of acquiring and employing it establishes the bulk of the debates which are relevant to this concept. The main criterion for testing the correct use or abuse of power is certainly the law. Whenever a ruler utilizes the power on the basis of his or her own taste and opinion, irrespective of the established codes and legal institutions, this power is called the personalized power. This text is going to designate how and through which methods the media hinder personalization of depersonalization of power.
Gholam Ali Chegani Zadeh; Mohammad Reza Sahraei
Volume 4, Issue 14 , December 2015, , Pages 71-101
Abstract
In 2001, after the international intervention in Afghanistan and theconclusion of Bon Agreement, international peacebuilding efforts wereinitiated in order to prevent reoccurrences of internal war and to createpolitical, economic and social bases for durable peace in Afghanistan.Nevertheless, 14 years ...
Read More
In 2001, after the international intervention in Afghanistan and theconclusion of Bon Agreement, international peacebuilding efforts wereinitiated in order to prevent reoccurrences of internal war and to createpolitical, economic and social bases for durable peace in Afghanistan.Nevertheless, 14 years after the conclusion of Bon Agreement, peacebuildingprocess faces many challenges. In this regard, in this research thesequestions have been answered: what are the challenges for peacebuildingefforts in Afghanistan and how these challenges could be overcome? Inorder to answer these question, the findings of the research show that flawswithin the Bon Agreement has a major role in failure of peacebuildingefforts and in order to advance the peacebuilding process it is necessary thatinternational objectives and approaches be redefined. In this matter, thechallenges facing peacebuilding process in Afghanistan have beenelaborated and explained. Meanwhile, new solutions which are necessary toovercome the challenges have been proposed
لابال البب; Farshad Roomi; ehsan kazemi
Abstract
Purpose of the present study is to provide a theoretical framework for understanding foreign policy of countries (the case of Iran). The method by which the authors seek to understand and shape the foreign policy of countries is a "phenomenological method". Question of this Research is that based on ...
Read More
Purpose of the present study is to provide a theoretical framework for understanding foreign policy of countries (the case of Iran). The method by which the authors seek to understand and shape the foreign policy of countries is a "phenomenological method". Question of this Research is that based on the phenomenological approach how can the logic of foreign policy of governments be understood and how is it formed? Hypothesis of the research is that based on the idea that "phenomenology with the suspension and epoche of dominant narratives and Imbued with the "intentionality" of foreign policy, it can help us understand our foreign policy, in other words, the phenomenology passes through scientific concepts developed to understand political phenomena and faces with "reality" and " Being " itself. The result is that the phenomenological method, in addition to the benefits of other common approaches and methodologies, to the understanding of foreign policy can offer different analytical concepts such as "transcendental ego", "Green World" and "Intersubjectivity". Along with these concepts, phenomenology is not unaware of the important element of "power" and its role in determining how foreign policy is shaped by the government.
rohollah eslami; reza sarhadi; mehdi feizi
Abstract
Border Rivers, as one of the most important natural terrain, are always the source of many differences in relations between states. The Hirmand River is the main artery of the Hamoon Lake, the borderline between Iran and Afghanistan, which has caused many border controversies between the two countries ...
Read More
Border Rivers, as one of the most important natural terrain, are always the source of many differences in relations between states. The Hirmand River is the main artery of the Hamoon Lake, the borderline between Iran and Afghanistan, which has caused many border controversies between the two countries to this day. Failure of Afghanistan's to adhere to 1973 agreement to provide the water right of the Hirmand River, and hence the land of Hamoon, as a lake that Sistan's life is dependent on, has exacerbated the increasing challenges in the Sistan region. There has been a lot of negotiation between Iran and Afghanistan. Authors intend to answer the question of what are the strategies of diplomacy for providing the water right to the Hirmand River between Iran and Afghanistan. In the framework of game theory, in the first stage, the Hirmand Water Crisis should be considered as an important priority in the field of Iranian policy. Then, in the process of negotiations between Iran and Afghanistan based on diplomacy, the rationality of actors, Afghanistan’s access to the Chabahar port and the provision of the Hirmand water right as the point of equilibrium and the best option for both countries.
Yaasoub Asghari Niari
Abstract
Political violence is one of the social deficiencies which causes disorder and have been politician’s core of concentration. The present study examines the structural factors affecting the political orientation of violent behaviors among citizens of Zahedan. The ethnic-tribal issues have paved ...
Read More
Political violence is one of the social deficiencies which causes disorder and have been politician’s core of concentration. The present study examines the structural factors affecting the political orientation of violent behaviors among citizens of Zahedan. The ethnic-tribal issues have paved the way for insecurity and instability in the region. The cultural, ethnic, and religious similarity of the region to Afghanistan and Pakistan, as two troubled countries, has led to increased violence. The methodology used in this study is a survey method and data collected through questionnaires. The research population consisted of all the citizens of the city of Zahedan, a sample size of 384 were selected by cluster sampling. The results showed that there is a significant correlation between the sense of structural constraints and violent behaviors among citizens. Moreover, the sociological factors such as relative deprivation, tribalism, drug trafficking, foreign inhabitants, and foreign involvement in strengthening terrorist groups caused increased violence in this region.
abbasali rahbar; sajad omidpour; mohammadvahab nazarian
Abstract
With start the coercive war, specially cities war, the everyday life of Iranian people arrived to a new level of perpetual stress. Since political system was responsible to run the problem of the war so it had arrived into the everyday life. This situation and how its effects and emerge its meaning on ...
Read More
With start the coercive war, specially cities war, the everyday life of Iranian people arrived to a new level of perpetual stress. Since political system was responsible to run the problem of the war so it had arrived into the everyday life. This situation and how its effects and emerge its meaning on the lived experience of the member of the society of Iran is the central problem of this investigation. The cites war was bed of many social and political problems because it involved none-military people with the war. In order to understand this cause, and with due attention to temporal and locality distance, phenomenological attitude can be useful. Thus, we generally concentrate on that lived experience of people from the phenomenon of cities war become clear. At this frame, it is our cause that how cities war caused to appear everyday life as a political situation in Iranian lived experience. Our main answer is that war had caused that social organism of life, everyday life, cities war and politic transcend from usual borders and provide bed and condition of mobilization political to mix them with each other for political system.
Afsaneh Khosnamvang
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to analyze the relations between Iran and Iraq after the fall of Saddam. the main question is: Despite the wide-ranging and historic differences between Iran and Iraq, What contributed to the improvement and expansion of bilateral relations between 2013 and 2017?The research ...
Read More
The purpose of this article is to analyze the relations between Iran and Iraq after the fall of Saddam. the main question is: Despite the wide-ranging and historic differences between Iran and Iraq, What contributed to the improvement and expansion of bilateral relations between 2013 and 2017?The research hypothesis has been formulated using the "soft border" conceptual framework: "The expansion of ties between the people of Iran and Iraq over the period from 2003 to 2017, which results from a common religious identity, has increased the ties between the two countries and the development of a "soft border" between them. "The findings of the paper indicate thatwith the fall of Saddam and the rise of Shiites in Iraq, and the centralization of Marjaeit, the religious ties between the Shiites of Iran and Iraq have expanded; The findings of this paper are gathered from library and field resources and analyzed through descriptive-analytic methods.
alireza samiee; jaafar noruzinejad; shahrooz soltan ahmadi
Abstract
The following article seeks to answer the main question: What security approach has the moderate government of Hassan Rouhani put in its agenda during the first term of its presidency (2013-2016)? And more clearly; what are the dimensions, components, and reference, purpose and security strategies in ...
Read More
The following article seeks to answer the main question: What security approach has the moderate government of Hassan Rouhani put in its agenda during the first term of its presidency (2013-2016)? And more clearly; what are the dimensions, components, and reference, purpose and security strategies in this security approach? The research hypothesis is that the security approach of Hassan Rouhani's government, influenced by the requirements of social fields, had a McNamara approach; In a way, the link between security and development, and especially economic, social and political development, has been a priority. The findings show that the Eleventh Government considers national power to be the result of a broader definition of security and considers it a strategic mistake to limit this concept to military power and the use of harsh tools. It has maximized the issue of security and has tried to improve the national security situation by relying on development policies in the fields of economy, society and politics. Qualitative research method of causal explanation and conceptual and theoretical tools for subject analysis, using the security theory of Barry Buzan and Weaver is one of the leading experts of the Copenhagen school. The method of data collection is also library and also the use of scientific resources of cyberspace.
International Relations
Mahin Nazari; Shafiee Shafiee; Nafiseh Vaez
Abstract
Introduction In the post-Cold War era, the international system continues to undergo a state of transition. In the emerging geopolitical landscape, the West Asia, and specifically the Persian Gulf region, occupies a unique role in the policy of major powers (e.g., the USA and China), thanks to its special ...
Read More
Introduction In the post-Cold War era, the international system continues to undergo a state of transition. In the emerging geopolitical landscape, the West Asia, and specifically the Persian Gulf region, occupies a unique role in the policy of major powers (e.g., the USA and China), thanks to its special geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic significance, alongside its stable oil and gas reserves. China, as a growing East Asian country, has increasingly directed its focus towards strategic regions, such as the Persian Gulf, in recent decades. This shift is driven by China’s growing need to maximize its increasing power. China’s critical need for fossil resources has been a primary driver compelling the Chinese political elite to consider the Persian Gulf as a pivotal region in their foreign policy. To be more specific, since the late 1980s, China has been reliant on oil imports to sustain its economic growth and move up the global power hierarchy. This fundamental issue has, in turn, prompted Beijing to adopt a pragmatic and non-ideological perspective to consider closer collaboration with major energy actors such as the Islamic Republic of Iran (in opposition to Washington) and Saudi Arabia (in alignment with Washington). Relying on a descriptive–analytical approach, the present study endeavored to address the questions of what role China assumes in the economic and political future of the Persian Gulf region, and how it can impact Iran’s national interests.Literature Review In “China–Iran Relations Through the Prism of Sanctions,” Scita (2022) explains how China has dealt with the sanctions imposed on Iran. Scita not only delves into Beijing’s response and approach to the imposed sanctions, but also assesses the extent to which China complies with the these sanctions. The author notably argues that China–Iran relations are influenced by their relations with the US as well as their status in the international arena. In their article titled “Iran, China and the Persian Gulf: An Unfolding Engagement,” Shariatinia and Kermani (2022) address the question of how Iran views China’s growing involvement in the Persian Gulf region, particularly in light of China’s strong ties with Iran’s primary regional competitors.Materials and MethodsNeoclassical realists posit that a country’s ambitions are primarily shaped by the capabilities of its government in the realm of foreign policy, as well as by its position in the international system. They contend that a government’s relative capability in mobilizing domestic resources forms the basis for formulating a balanced strategy in the international scene. In this light, it can be observed that conditions are indeed conducive to China’s economic growth and realization of its potential, owing to the recent significant changes in China’s foreign and domestic policies and the ensuing normalization of relations between this growing Asian country and the capitalist West. China’s vast geographic expanse, a population numbering in billions, the young and large workforce, and efficient management, have enabled China to achieve rapid and substantial economic growth. For over four decades, China has consistently maintained remarkable economic growth, averaging around 8%. However, to sustain the economic growth, China needs access to foreign markets, cheap and abundant raw materials, and notably, energy resources. Focusing on a country’s domestic capacitates and the structure of the international system (i.e., possibilities and limitations), the theory of neoclassical realism can explain the overt and covert competition between Washington and Beijing in the Persian Gulf.Results and Discussion The analysis revealed two scenarios about China’s presence in the Persian Gulf and its impact on Iran. The first scenario pertains to the maintenance of the status quo. In this case, the USA would continue its presence in the Persian Gulf region. If the Arab nations in the Persian Gulf trust the American presence and the alliance commitments, and the US exerts more pressure on its regional partners, it is conceivable that strategic industrial cooperation with China may be halted somehow without further progress. The second scenario revolves around the decline of the US presence in West Asia, including the Persian Gulf region. This essentially signifies the dominance of the Great Power Competition doctrine and the strategic prioritization of the Indo–Pacific region, specifically China, in American foreign policy.ConclusionWhat is particularly noteworthy here is the fact that the nature of the strategic relations between China and the countries in the Persian Gulf has not only placed the US in a strategic quandary in the region but has also significantly influenced Tehran–Beijing relations. Not solely relying on Iran to achieve all its regional objectives, China has tried to diversify and deepen its relations with the Arab countries in the region in order to diversify its energy supply sources. However, this approach does not imply ignoring Iran. China, given its strategic stance, has consistently aimed to maintain the most positive relations possible with Tehran, albeit at a more limited level. The findings point to the conclusion that China’s approach to the Persian Gulf region should not be viewed solely in terms of the energy economy and cooperation in the energy sector. It is also essential to analyze its implications within the context of regional security and solidarity. In fact, the Persian Gulf is recognized both as a focal point for global energy production and distribution, and one of the most unstable parts of the world.
Ali Ashraf Nazari; Aboozar Behzadi
Volume 2, Issue 5 , June 2013, , Pages 75-99
Abstract
Asymmetric conflicts can be described as changes in the passage of timewhich are way different with traditional wars. this paper reviews the natureand extent of asymmetric conflicts such as political violence. The keyquestion is:to what extent political violence can be seen in the context ofasymmetric ...
Read More
Asymmetric conflicts can be described as changes in the passage of timewhich are way different with traditional wars. this paper reviews the natureand extent of asymmetric conflicts such as political violence. The keyquestion is:to what extent political violence can be seen in the context ofasymmetric conflicts, and what mechanisms are needed to address theseconflicts? Far from a reductionist attitude,a set of solutions proposed inorder to reduce these conflicts
Amir masoud Shahram niya; Jamil Milani; Javad Karami rad
Abstract
Political participation is one of the most complex problems of modern society, yet popular participation Hvz•hHay era. In this study, the tenth presidential election in Iran as one of the most important aspects of political participation or better NHa in the country, according to the electoral ...
Read More
Political participation is one of the most complex problems of modern society, yet popular participation Hvz•hHay era. In this study, the tenth presidential election in Iran as one of the most important aspects of political participation or better NHa in the country, according to the electoral behavior of these approaches lie in the areas studied. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the impact of economic policies and the victory of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in televised debates. The other hypothesis of the present study, the relationship between television debates and voters tend to Mr Ahmadi-Nejad points. This is the Joulgah part of the province's the presidential election. This paper presents a theoretical framework and political economy theory is the dominant ideology. Results of this study suggest that the economic policies AhmdyNzhad and television debates on the one hand and on the other hand There is a victory. BhGvnhAy the data are the data also confirmed this. The results show that the impact of televised debates attracted a lot of votes to be elected president. Results of this study suggest that the economic policies AhmdyNzhad and television debates on the one hand and on the other hand There is a victory.
Salar Moradi; Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
This paper aims to measure the level of political trust and identify important variables and factors effect it in Kurdistan. The hypothesis was that: degree of political confidence in this province generally is lower than average and this situation is influenced by the political background and status ...
Read More
This paper aims to measure the level of political trust and identify important variables and factors effect it in Kurdistan. The hypothesis was that: degree of political confidence in this province generally is lower than average and this situation is influenced by the political background and status Security of province, ethnic policies of the state, performance of central and local institutions and officials, position and opportunities for social and political participation of citizens and regional and international factors. This hypothesis was tested by using the survey. Statistical population included 490 persons of 15 to 64 years old is the province.
The findings of the paper show that, first, the average political trust in the province is higher than the average. Secondly, the variable "satisfaction with the performance of government policies"(0/76) has been greatest effect on degree of the people political trust in the province and then there have been 'membership in associations and civil society organizations"(0/59), "socioeconomic status"(0/36), "regional and international factors"(-0.28), "Media and mass communication"(0/28), "religion(0/18), "inter-ethnic trust"(0/11) and "ethnic identity" (0/10) variables.
According to the findings of the article, it is necessary for the central government and local and regional authorities to further increase security policies and practices, employment opportunities, prosperity and participation opportunities in the province.
jafar naghdi Eshratabad; Reza Garshasbi; Hadi Sadeghi Aval
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to examine the change in Turkish strategy against ISIS from "support" to "battling". In order to understand is used the approach of the "structure of the international system," which is a synthesis of "regional hegemonic structure" and "trans-regional repulse structure" to ...
Read More
The purpose of this paper is to examine the change in Turkish strategy against ISIS from "support" to "battling". In order to understand is used the approach of the "structure of the international system," which is a synthesis of "regional hegemonic structure" and "trans-regional repulse structure" to indicate why Turkey is carried out to the "big change".
For this purpose, is used descriptive-analytical method and relied on documentary sources through library research. The findings show because of the limitations of the regional structure due to superiority of Kurds, the axis of resistance and Russia as the dominant forces on the one hand and Trans-regional systemic pressures due to discredit front of the US, EU and international institutions / world public opinion, on the other hand, turkey was forced to strategic turn in its policy against ISIS. So, this kind of revisionism comes from a tradition based on realistic in order to restore power and national security not from the revolutionary tradition based on real determination to fight terrorism.
