Abdolmotaleb Abdollah
Volume 5, Issue 16 , June 2016, , Pages 39-67
Abstract
Iran is home to different ethnic groups. Young student representing ethnic
diversity find university a suitable place to manifest their ethnic characteristics.
Many students from different origin find university and its experiences as an
arena for presenting their attitudes. Due to the extensive range ...
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Iran is home to different ethnic groups. Young student representing ethnic
diversity find university a suitable place to manifest their ethnic characteristics.
Many students from different origin find university and its experiences as an
arena for presenting their attitudes. Due to the extensive range of issues and
ethnic distribution of students across the country, this study tries to analyze the
attention of ethnic Kurdish and Azeri students of universities in Tehran to their
regional and national identity. The results shows that these students believe in
national and religious identity along with regional and ethnic characteristics.
Although Azaries highlighted ethnic tendencies more than Kords, both reflects
the same type of tendency in other matters.
Seyed Mohammad Ali Alavi
Abstract
This article intends to use the statements of the copenhagen security school for investigate activities of pro-Israel lobbies in the United States of America that Securitized the nuclear activities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The hypothesis of this article is that the Zionist regime of Israel, had ...
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This article intends to use the statements of the copenhagen security school for investigate activities of pro-Israel lobbies in the United States of America that Securitized the nuclear activities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The hypothesis of this article is that the Zionist regime of Israel, had securitized Islamic Republic of Iran’s Nuclear Activities and Prevented Progress of Iran's nuclear Program..This article intends to use the statements of the copenhagen security school for investigate activities of pro-Israel lobbies in the United States of America that Securitized the nuclear activities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The hypothesis of this article is that the Zionist regime of Israel, had securitized Islamic Republic of Iran’s Nuclear Activities and Prevented Progress of Iran's nuclear Program.This article intends to use the statements of the copenhagen security school for investigate activities of pro-Israel lobbies in the United States of America that Securitized the nuclear activities of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
mostafa rashidi; Fathali khanmohammadpour; Bahador Zarei
Abstract
Government relations in past centuries was based more on hard power. Today, culture and soft power as an important indicator in development of relations between states plays a role. Governments are seeking to use the various tools in the new age, a new and useful contact for efficient diplomacy. Today, ...
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Government relations in past centuries was based more on hard power. Today, culture and soft power as an important indicator in development of relations between states plays a role. Governments are seeking to use the various tools in the new age, a new and useful contact for efficient diplomacy. Today, a country has a good diplomacy that, by expanding its tools of engagement with other actors, may achieve an appropriate identity with other states. One of the new aspects of diplomacy, is taking advantage of the university diplomacy, so-called "diplomacy of Higher Education", which is considered by the authors of this study. So in this article we have tried to approach based on constructivism and according to the principles of recognition and engagement and its impact on redefining the identity and interests of the actors in relation to each other, the role of higher education on political relations between Iran and Europe Union is to be addressed. The basic research questions are: what impacts can University Relations and Diplomacy have on political relations between Iran and Europe Union? This article is written in a descriptive analytical way.
afshin rostami; Ali Amiri; hamed abaci
Abstract
Geopolitical developments and events are always among the factors that create geopolitical opportunities and challenges for political actors, and political actors seek to make the most of geopolitical opportunities and eliminate or reduce challenges. The iraq war against iran was one of those events ...
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Geopolitical developments and events are always among the factors that create geopolitical opportunities and challenges for political actors, and political actors seek to make the most of geopolitical opportunities and eliminate or reduce challenges. The iraq war against iran was one of those events that, while creating geopolitical challenges for iran, also provided geopolitical opportunities for it, especially in the eastern mediterranean. As the eastern mediterranean region is considered to be iran's most important sphere of influence today, this article seeks to examine how iraq's imposed war on iran made iran's geopolitical foundations in the region meaningful and how geopolitical opportunities used it.In this article, information has been collected by library and documentary methods and analyzed descriptively-analytically. The results show that the holy defense created geopolitical opportunities for iran in the eastern mediterranean and iran was able to strengthen the foundations of expanding its strategic depth in the eastern mediterranean based on the definition of the geopolitical code of the axis of resistance by using the geopolitical foundations of the eastern mediterranean in the period of the holy defense and become its most important geostrategic region to date.
Political Sociology
Jalil Dara; Javad Alaei Avargani
Abstract
IntroductionDistribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the ...
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IntroductionDistribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action.Literature ReviewMehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard.Materials and MethodsThe present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory.ConclusionBoth statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.
Jalil Dara; Mostafa Karami
Volume 4, Issue 14 , December 2015, , Pages 41-69
Abstract
Revolutions are studied from different perspectives and levels, causes oftheir occurrence, consequences, affecting forces and their reflections and soon. The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 and the Egyptian revolution inJanuary 2011 as two major political and social changes, can be studied andcompared ...
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Revolutions are studied from different perspectives and levels, causes oftheir occurrence, consequences, affecting forces and their reflections and soon. The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 and the Egyptian revolution inJanuary 2011 as two major political and social changes, can be studied andcompared from different perspectives and approaches. Especially, in one ofthem that is the Iranian revolution, led to the victory of the Islamic streamand the continuation of a political system, and in the other, the Egyptianrevolution, despite initial successes of the Muslim Brotherhood, and aftertaking power for a year, eventually driven out of power by a military coupwhen public opposition expanded, and after the repression, the MuslimBrotherhood social and political activities were banned and prohibited.Now, the question is how the Islamist movement in Iran and Egypt, led to adifferent results in the revolution and its subsequent events. In response tothis question, the hypothesis is that the role of leadership can be consideredas an effective factor in the movement during and after the revolution
nour allah gheisari; Kyoumars Jahangir; fatemeh ghanaee
Abstract
This study aims to investigate the relationship between resoruce mobilization and the wining of a candidate in presedetial election according to resource mobilization theories. To do this, five hypotheses were formulated. The theoretical framework was based on different theories and models in election ...
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This study aims to investigate the relationship between resoruce mobilization and the wining of a candidate in presedetial election according to resource mobilization theories. To do this, five hypotheses were formulated. The theoretical framework was based on different theories and models in election behaviors analysis. Three viewpoints were more outstanding than others including sociological pattern, political-psychological pattern and rational selection pattern. The main hypothesis was, “There is a significant relationship between mobilizing and allocating resources by candidates and their winnigs in the elections campaign”. Data were collected from library and other documents. Resources mobilization was the independent and campain wining was the dependent variables. Pearson correlation was utilized to find the relationship between the two variables. All five variables were reported to be highly correlated. To investigate the degree of the relationship between variables, regression test was used utilizing ENTER. Regression was indicative of the high correlation between variables (R=0.791). The regression index (R=0.625) showed a high variance of the dependent variable. Sixty three percent of election victory was predicted based on the regression line. In this study, the researchers attempted to present a model to explaion “how a candidate wins the election campaign?”with the aim to shed light on some aspects of explanation problems of Irans presidential and other elections.
Abstract
Recent developments in Arabic and Middle Eastern countries, particularly Iraq and Syria have caused a sensitive and critical status in this area. U.S global hegemony continued to provoke terrorism and other terrorist outfits. Meanwhile the rise of new emergency terrorist group such as ISIS have destabilized ...
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Recent developments in Arabic and Middle Eastern countries, particularly Iraq and Syria have caused a sensitive and critical status in this area. U.S global hegemony continued to provoke terrorism and other terrorist outfits. Meanwhile the rise of new emergency terrorist group such as ISIS have destabilized the Middle East and entrenched the region as the major source of global terror. Even the more stable states, such as Turkey and Saudi Arabia, display strong terrorist tendencies and support radical groups that engage in terrorism. Therefore, several major developments in the Middle East will keep the region a wellspring of terror and a source of inspiration for radicals for the foreseeable future. According this article terrorism tries to weak the regional power of Iran since our analysis has shown that Iran is the only country in the region that fights really against the terrorism. This article by using descriptive & analytical methods which based on theoretical teachings of international relations studies will show that terrorism and terrorist groups are the serious threats for national interesting of Islamic republic of Iran, by arguing that some of the stable countries in the region in all its manifestations breed terrorism.
mojtaba shariati; Hosein Salimi
Abstract
The Middle East is changing. More actors and factors also influenced its changes, which has added to the complexity of the issues.These undetermined and vague conditions have led to different scenarios, which could figure out the future of the Islamic countries and the Middle East in general. So in this ...
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The Middle East is changing. More actors and factors also influenced its changes, which has added to the complexity of the issues.These undetermined and vague conditions have led to different scenarios, which could figure out the future of the Islamic countries and the Middle East in general. So in this article, this main question is answered, future trends of democracy in the Middle East by 2025, will have what effects on the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran?.In response to the main question, by reviewing the future study of future trends of democracy in the Middle East, a questionnaire was designed within the framework of the theory of constructivism and Delphi method, and was distributed among of experts and specialists. Then, by guiding with leadership team, the Delphi questionnaire data were analyzed. Then the results and opinions of the experts and respondents to the questions were analyzed qualitatively and four main scenarios were obtained which includes the rule of religious democracy, secularism, Salafism and the military, autocratic monarchy and ethnic governments.Finally, the most favorable scenario and the most threatening scenario for the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran were detected and solutions presented.
heidar shahriari
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to survey the historic process of democracy in Iran after Islamic revolution by benefiting from Robert Dahl’s polyarchy model and qualifying his threefold indexes as political participation, political competition and political supervision and their mixture through ...
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The purpose of this article is to survey the historic process of democracy in Iran after Islamic revolution by benefiting from Robert Dahl’s polyarchy model and qualifying his threefold indexes as political participation, political competition and political supervision and their mixture through Boolean algebra technic as to show the historic fluctuation process of democracy in Iran after revolution. By periodization the history after Islamic revolution into four periods, i.e. first period (1979-82), second period (1982-98), third period (1988-2006), fourth period (2006-2013), the collected data show that the amount of democracy indicators has fluctuated over time except the period of 1979-1982, but, the fluctuation has leaned to up, not down. In spite of affluent sources which have surveyed this topic mostly qualitatively or have surveyed some parts of this topic, this article has attempted to survey the different parts of this topic methodically and quantitatively through mixed method; this article has also received an outcome that the historic process of democracy in Iran after revolution has progressed so far, and presumably it would progress in future if its looked through a historical sociology.
Mohsen Smaeili; Hamid Ballaee
Volume 2, Issue 5 , June 2013, , Pages 43-75
Hadi Ajili; Rahim Afshariyan
Abstract
سیاستخارجی کشورها اگرچه راهبرد یکسانی را در نظام بینالملل دنبال میکند اما رویکرد دولتهای مختلف بهلحاظ روشی، کارکردی و اولویت اجرا متفاوتاند. رویکارآمدن ...
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سیاستخارجی کشورها اگرچه راهبرد یکسانی را در نظام بینالملل دنبال میکند اما رویکرد دولتهای مختلف بهلحاظ روشی، کارکردی و اولویت اجرا متفاوتاند. رویکارآمدن دولتیازدهم در ایران نیز از این قاعده مستثنی نیست. رویکرد اعتدالی بیش از همه در شعار این دولت برجسته است. این گفتمان اگرچه بر مبنای سه اصل «عزت»، «حکمت» و «مصلحت» بنیانشده اما سعی در بازسازی چهره جدیدی از ایران در عرصه بینالملل از یک «تهدید بالقوه» به یک «مطلوب اثرگذار» دارد. تحقیق حاضر در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که «دالمرکزی در گفتماناعتدالی سیاستخارجی دولتیازدهم ج.ا.ا. کدام است؟» و در آزمون پاسخهای مختلف، این فرضیه شکل میگیرد که «تعاملمؤثر و سازنده»، دال مرکزی این گفتمان میباشد. ازآنجاکه رویهها و رفتاراجتماعی در زندگی سیاسی در سنت انتقادی تحلیلگفتمان حائز اهمیت است و نظامهای معنایی و ساختارهای هنجاری زمینهساز کنش و برآیند ویژهای در آن میشوند، سیاستخارجیاعتدالی در بحثحاضر نیز از این منظر واکاوی میشود. باتوجه به تغییر در نگاه دولتیازدهم به نقش بازیگران بینالمللی بهویژه کشورهای غربی، بدیهیاست که ادامه کنشگفتاری موصوف با رویکرد مثبت به تعاملسازنده، بازسازی چهره ایران و شکست اجماع ضدایرانی و ساختگی غرب علیه این کشور در عرصهجهانی را بهدنبال دارد.
Maryam Karbasforoshha; hamid khodad hosseini; mohammad aghaei
Abstract
In recent years a lot of parties and candidates competing in this arena have turned to using marketing techniques. That is why such terms as personal marketing, political marketing and campaigns marketing are used in the meantime. This study aims to explore the effect of political marketing mix on voter’s ...
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In recent years a lot of parties and candidates competing in this arena have turned to using marketing techniques. That is why such terms as personal marketing, political marketing and campaigns marketing are used in the meantime. This study aims to explore the effect of political marketing mix on voter’s intention based on demographic characteristic in 10th parliament election in Tehran. According to unlimited number of statistical population, a sample consisting of 385 voters of 10th parliament election were selected and investigated by using unlimited statistical population formula. Method of the research is based on descriptive surveyresearch and is an applied study. The conceptual model is conducted based on Political marketing mix which consists of political product, political promotion, political place, and political price and demographic factors including gender, occupation, income, education and age. The results of the research showed that each aspect of promotions, product, price and location of the political marketing mix has a significant effect on voters' intentions. Also, demographic factors that were considered as a moderator variable showed that age and gender had no significant effect, while education, occupation and income had a significant effect.
Abstract
Despite decades of expansion in international academic fields, the concept of social capital is still an under-researched area in Iranian domestic fields. This term has become a controversial and multidimensional concept, as each branch in the humanities has adopted and applied their own definition of ...
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Despite decades of expansion in international academic fields, the concept of social capital is still an under-researched area in Iranian domestic fields. This term has become a controversial and multidimensional concept, as each branch in the humanities has adopted and applied their own definition of the term, social capital. Giving a functional explanation of the term, this research aims at evaluating the quantitative and qualitative situation of youth’s political socialization process. The focus of this research is on the relationship between the concepts of ‘social capital,’ ‘socialization’ and ‘political affair.’ For the case study, this research focuses on university as a government institution in charge of political socialization in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Specifically, the research tries to explore the effects of social capital on political socialization process of undergraduate students in public universities in the city of Tehran. The hypothesis of this research is that the higher the level of social capital in public universities in Tehran, the more successful the universities are in realizing the political socialization function of their undergraduate students. Eventually, this study will investigate effective contexts in the process of political socialization to highlight the political functions of social capital.
Abstract
One of the main debates in the field of humanistic epistemology is the agent-structure debate, which is naturally the same in the theoretical field of international relations. In this field of study, based on the approaches toward agent or structure, views are divided into three types; structuralism, ...
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One of the main debates in the field of humanistic epistemology is the agent-structure debate, which is naturally the same in the theoretical field of international relations. In this field of study, based on the approaches toward agent or structure, views are divided into three types; structuralism, agent centered and hybrid. Now if we want to theorize a local theory on the basis of Islamic view, naturally it's needed to specify Islam's approach toward this debate. The purpose of the author of this article is the view of the creators of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, especially Imam Khomeini, on this issue, and secondly, to explain this type of view in the field of theory making on international relations. In this regard, the works and views of the main researchers in this field are reviewed and criticized and it is explained that despite the main view of these works that have seen the Islamic view as hybrid, in the view of Imam Khomeini and the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, while considering and accepting the existence of Structural constraints, agent-centricity, and human will are paramount.
Ali Imani
Abstract
The purpose of the present study is to explain the silent threatening points in national macro policy in Iran and how these threatening issues are included in the policy calendar of policy makers. Iran's policy system seems to be influenced by normative, democratic approaches, scientific achievements ...
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The purpose of the present study is to explain the silent threatening points in national macro policy in Iran and how these threatening issues are included in the policy calendar of policy makers. Iran's policy system seems to be influenced by normative, democratic approaches, scientific achievements and stakeholder interests in the "political calendar" section. Destructive threats are introduced into the system, which may be supported by the system itself with civil society, and the main focus of the research is to explain how these dormant cancers are activated and to propose a policy to address them. Theoretical Framework The present research is the theory of functional systems. Using a causal explanation research method, the researcher explains how social threats can be activated by unnecessary policy interventions. The researcher uses the library method and documents to explain how threatening social issues are entered into the policy calendar of policy makers and causal relations of policy interventions and activation of potential threats in Iran. The problem-solving strategy is “problem pathology” and "the legal administrative" view to problem to provide a solution. An important solution to the problem is also institutional refinement.
Political Sociology
Mohsen Mohammadi Khanghahi; Abbas Keshavarz Shokri; Gafari Zahed
Abstract
IntroductionSocial dissatisfaction in Iran, particularly over the past decade, has been widespread and profound, as confirmed by national surveys. A review of the last four decades reveals the emergence of social discontent and political unrest in various manifestations and at different times. In certain ...
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IntroductionSocial dissatisfaction in Iran, particularly over the past decade, has been widespread and profound, as confirmed by national surveys. A review of the last four decades reveals the emergence of social discontent and political unrest in various manifestations and at different times. In certain instances, such as in 2009, the protests have posed a threat to the survival and stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Indeed, an analysis of the frequency and duration of social protests demonstrates the growth and prevalence of social dissatisfaction within Iranian society.Social dissatisfaction can manifest itself through apathy and non-participation, as seen in the decline in political participation during the Islamic Council and presidential elections in in the recent decade, particularly in 2019 and 2021. A review of relevant research shows a lack of deep insight and comprehensive understanding of social dissatisfaction as a multi-faceted issue in Iran, which can be a major obstacle to insightful policymaking for successful and cost-effective management of social dissatisfaction.The present research aimed to analyze and elucidate the underlying factors that contribute to social dissatisfaction, and subsequently develop strategies for effectively managing and mitigating the issue within Iranian society. The objective can ultimately enhance the efficiency of the decision-making process and policymaking in order to effectively address social dissatisfaction and protests. Accordingly, the main research questions are: What are the causal factors underlying social dissatisfaction in the Islamic Republic of Iran? and what are the potential solutions to solve the issue?Materials and MethodsThe present research employed a mixed methods research design. The documentary analysis method was utilized to examine and analyze various perspectives and approaches, as well as to investigate the evolution of the phenomenon of social dissatisfaction in Iranian society. Moreover, the method of causal layered analysis (CLA) was used to analyze and explain the underlying causes that contribute to social dissatisfaction in Iran.This method incorporates the examination of four distinct layers: the litany, social/systemic causes, discourse/worldview, and myth/metaphor. The litany layer represents the surface level, encompassing the most evident and objective aspects of the future. The social/systemic layer involves exploring the technological, social, economic, historical, political, and environmental causes associated with the subject matter. The discourse layer encompasses efforts to comprehend linguistic, cultural, and social structures that shape and pertain to the future. Lastly, the myth/metaphor layer delves into the investigation and exploration of schemas, mental images, and underlying narratives.The researchers collected the data by administering an open semi-structured questionnaire to a total of 10 experts. The collected data was subjected to review by 5 additional experts, who were asked to confirm the identified causes and related factors with the ultimate aim of ensuring the validity and reliability of the data. Based on the degree of consensus and frequency, the identified causes were categorized into three levels: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. Furthermore, the researchers developed scenarios of social dissatisfaction by sharing the collected data with 5 experts, who were requested to envision future dissatisfaction scenarios in the 2031 horizon across three categories: desirable, possible, and probable. Results and DiscussionAfter conducting a review of relevant literature and collecting insights from 10 experts, the present study examined and analyzed the causes and factors contributing to social dissatisfaction the Islamic Republic in three layers: systemic, discursive, and metaphorical. At the systemic level, various factors were identified and discussed, including the prevalence of poverty, increasing discrimination, widening class gap and increasing Gini coefficient, evolving societal lifestyles, widespread feelings of deprivation, unjust distribution of national resources, and unsustainable development, etc.In the discursive layer, various causes and factors were identified and analyzed, including the historical mistrust towards the political sphere, the duality of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Shia culture and thought, the modern thought and worldview, the discourse of transformation, the discourse of Western development, and the alienation of political governance, etc. Moving to the metaphorical/mythical layer, factors such as the portrayal of the government as a bandit in Iranian culture, the usurpation of power by the state, the metaphor of the Alavi government, and historical transformation-seeking were recognized and discussed as influential elements in the development of social dissatisfaction.Moreover, in accordance with expert opinions, three scenarios (desirable, possible, and probable) were formulated and constructed regarding the future of social dissatisfaction in Iran. In the desirable scenario, effective reformist measures and the realization of the right to protest would lead to a reduction in social dissatisfaction, putting protests within a legally recognized framework. In the possible scenario, considering the continuation and exacerbation of underlying causes of dissatisfaction, we would witness the accumulation of social dissatisfaction and the emergence of intermittent episodes of violent social protests. Finally, according to the probable scenario, civil disobedience would arise as a result of the prevailing security-focused approach and the rising costs of engaging in protests.ConclusionSocial dissatisfaction remains a significant issue in Iran, posing considerable challenges to political stability and national security. Effective policymaking and management concerning social dissatisfaction initially requires a comprehensive and accurate understanding of this complex issue. In this line, the present study used the CLA method as an effective approach to examine different causal layers and drivers and their impact on social dissatisfaction. The results indicated that the Islamic Republic of Iran aims to move towards its desired scenario, which involves reducing dissatisfaction and implementing a persuasive and systematic approach to managing social protests. However, given the current circumstances, attaining this scenario proves to be challenging. Instead, the possible scenario entails the continued accumulation of dissatisfaction and ongoing social protests, which will pose a significant challenge to the political stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Protests will be characterized by increased violence, potentially leading the political system to adopt a hard approach in suppressing and managing social unrest. This, in turn, may exacerbate radicalism and further fuel social dissatisfaction. The probable scenario, characterized by intermittent and costly protests as well as civil disobedience, presents an alternative outlook for the future of social dissatisfaction. In this scenario, social dissatisfaction manifests itself through intermittent protests that occur at various intervals and in response to specific events. As social dissatisfaction continues to evolve and persist, some citizens may resort to civil disobedience and divergence from official values and norms.
Mohammad Jamshidi
Volume 4, Issue 15 , March 2016, , Pages 69-94
Abstract
The United States’ official documents, Contrary to media coverage, clearly states that Islamic Republic of Iran is a rational actor. This rationality is considered to be a window for influencing Tehran. This strategic perception coupled with the condition of uncertainty in post Islamic Awakening ...
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The United States’ official documents, Contrary to media coverage, clearly states that Islamic Republic of Iran is a rational actor. This rationality is considered to be a window for influencing Tehran. This strategic perception coupled with the condition of uncertainty in post Islamic Awakening middle east have been shaping US’ means of foreign policy, including sanction, towards Iran. Following the Iran’s presidential election and Geneva Nuclear Agreement (JPOA) in 2013 Washington has reevaluated the efficacy of its policy and tools. This paper, focusing on official discourse of US administration, is to answer “what’s been the US assessment of Iran following JPOA and how this assessment affects US- Iran strategic competition in the region”. This paper concludes that US assessment of JPOA as a setback for Iran leads to a situation wherein “prevention” from the “paths” of realization of Iran’s unconventional options while intensification of conventional and asymmetric confrontation turns to be a plausible policy. Finally this paper offers the pillars of Iran’s needed strategy to overcome this situation
Mohammad Jafar Javadi Arjmand; Hadi Akhondi
Volume 1, Issue 3 , December 2013, , Pages 45-74
Ghadir Bhmani Taraz; Abolfazl Delavari
Volume 3, Issue 10 , February 2015, , Pages 53-78
Abstract
Abstract Lots of theorists and researchers, especially in the last few decades, have emphasized on the relationship between the democratic political system and new middle class size from one hand, and degree of Democratic values and Orientation among the members of this class. Also it is widely believed ...
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Abstract Lots of theorists and researchers, especially in the last few decades, have emphasized on the relationship between the democratic political system and new middle class size from one hand, and degree of Democratic values and Orientation among the members of this class. Also it is widely believed that tendency to democratic culture among new middle class exists at a high level. The question is whether such a situation is also visible in today's Iran society? In this study, the sense of tendency to democratic culture among university professors and secondary school teachers in Hamedan has been investigated. In this research, the rate of the tendency of these two social groups to democratic values has been measured by selecting a sample and using testing factors and a local standard questionnaire. The results show that tendency to normative dimensions of democracy between these two social groups, in total, is slightly more than the average (about 60 %) and tendency to behavioral dimensions of democracy is much less than the average (about 22 %). Hence, only about 39 percent of these two social groups have tendency to the sum of democratic values (both normative and behavioral). Thus, the article concluded that with regard to the social and political situation of these two social groups, tendency to democratic culture among Iranian new middle class, is likely to be, less than expected.
Javad Mamaghani
Volume 3, Issue 11 , April 2015, , Pages 57-85
Abstract
Egyptian revolution in January 2011 was a transition period of the Islamic awakening in the Egypt and therefore it is essential to understand these events. This article seeks to provide a theoretical approach about developments in Egypt and in this matter the theory of ontological security of Anthony ...
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Egyptian revolution in January 2011 was a transition period of the Islamic awakening in the Egypt and therefore it is essential to understand these events. This article seeks to provide a theoretical approach about developments in Egypt and in this matter the theory of ontological security of Anthony Giddens is applied to consider in the formation process of the protests in Egypt. The main hypothesis of this paper is that the Egyptian people as the brightest people in the Arab world faced with contradictory Islamic identity during Mubarak regime. Therefore they try regaining their lost identity. Hence, humility as a Feeling in the Egyptians provided a sense of non self-respect as it is mentioned; and led them to overthrow of the Mubarak regime in Egypt in January 2011. However, due to the lack of democracy in Egypt for many years, military actors took the power about three years after the revolution.
Khalilallahe Sardarnia
Volume 2, Issue 4 , April 2013, , Pages 57-76
Abstract
Globalization is a phenomenon that can be viewed from two different angles or be regarded as a natural and objective processes. New changes and discoveries is related to the field of economic and information and communications technologies. Or in the opposite direction, it regards as projects- that is ...
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Globalization is a phenomenon that can be viewed from two different angles or be regarded as a natural and objective processes. New changes and discoveries is related to the field of economic and information and communications technologies. Or in the opposite direction, it regards as projects- that is called As "globalization rather than be global"for Expansion of dominance and economy needs of neoliberal capitalist in west.In recent decades, Islamist parties deal with all internal and external constraints to the process of globalization and its projects . In this article, the author seeks to address two important objectives: The rise of political Islam in the base ofresistance to the dominated system and globalization are verified and updated .Through this way, Defensive attitude in Islamic world and its falsehood is revealed and determined. Islam is not violent. So, Strategies for the formation of the movement is offered in the Middle East and North Africa to promote the identity of Islamic world from the resistive level to Democratic government and to reject dominated system in trans-region
Seyyed Mohammad Tabataba'i; Ehsan Movahedian
Abstract
The subject of this article is “The Influence U.S Cyber Diplomacy on the Viewpoints of Cyberspace Iranian Users (Case Study: Radio Farda Website)”.The U.S government has tried to enforce various cultural, social and educational programs to convince people about its foreign policy goals, and ...
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The subject of this article is “The Influence U.S Cyber Diplomacy on the Viewpoints of Cyberspace Iranian Users (Case Study: Radio Farda Website)”.The U.S government has tried to enforce various cultural, social and educational programs to convince people about its foreign policy goals, and it is known as public diplomacy. Considering Iran’s high stance in U.S foreign policy, its Department of State launched various cyber diplomacy projects including Radio Farda website to influence Iranians. The key question of this article is: What is the Influence of Radio Farda website, on Viewpoints of the Iranian Users of Cyberspace? For this purpose, qualitative content of Radio Farda website have been analyzed and questionnaires has been used. The hypothesis is that, by comparison to the Iranian Internet users who do not visited Radio Farda website, the Radio Farda website users are more influenced by cyber diplomacy content and messages and this leads to negative attitude towards the Iranian society.
Ebrahim Abbasi; Soghra Talebi
Abstract
In principle, countries seeking security in their areas of strategic and fundamental objective is to achieve the highest level of security in these areas. Each political security in your geographical area in order to assess national security and thus are taking appropriate security model that is appropriate ...
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In principle, countries seeking security in their areas of strategic and fundamental objective is to achieve the highest level of security in these areas. Each political security in your geographical area in order to assess national security and thus are taking appropriate security model that is appropriate to the objectives and national interests picks step, in this context, the main question is article Due to new developments in the region, Iran is using what type of security model to ensure national security in the strategic Strait of Hormuz tries? Research hypothesis is that changes in the security environment of the Persian Gulf, and increase empowerment extends the power of intervening in Iran, it seems the country to the changes in the security model of the past and adopt new security model has moved, the findings of this article is that changes in the security environment in the Persian Gulf and the developments in Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the presence of confounding, Iran's defensive strategy of deterrence with features such as, increasing its military power in the region in order to cope with power taken outside the region.
mojtaba norouzi
Abstract
By examining different schools of political development, we can say that one-dimensional and totally materialist attitude to man based on the principle of humanism is one of the most important ones.In this sense, political development, religion, and moral propositions are eliminated as a barrier to political ...
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By examining different schools of political development, we can say that one-dimensional and totally materialist attitude to man based on the principle of humanism is one of the most important ones.In this sense, political development, religion, and moral propositions are eliminated as a barrier to political development, and this become a very material and universal meaning. But in Islamic thought, the ultimate goal of political progress is the achievement of mankind for the ultimate perfection and perfection of the Islamic caliphate of Allah. Meanwhile, in addition to arranging the world of their worlds as best they can, they embark on the path to excellence and achieve divine glory. The achievement of this important goal is the foundation of the human basis of political progress on Islamic teachings. In this paper, four of the foundations of the anthropology of political progress in Islam (empathy, authority, immortality, and human dignity) and their impact on political relations are analyzed.
